Harsha Kakar
Change is the only constant in life. Those in government service have experienced transfers at frequent intervals, witnessing changes at the helm almost annually and hence are more adaptable. The move of the defence minister to Goa is also such a move, but has been viewed by many in the strategic realm as a setback to the system. However, if national security is ensured and the Indian military secures the nation’s borders, the MoD remains a low priority for any Government. Throughout the tenure of the UPA regime, never once did the Prime Minister question the ministry on low spending of the defence capital budget, nor did he enquire on major shortfalls facing the military. The present governments views may vary, however, not by much.
Defence has never been given its due share of the national budget, unless India faced an external aggression. Low defence percentagesin the past few years as compared to post any national crises, whether war, Kargil or Operation Parakrambear witness. Procurements for modernization have also never progressed at the desired pace. This despite the Standing Committee of Defence’s regular criticism and observations by the CAG. It enforces the adage that ‘God and soldiers are only remembered in times of trouble’.
A full time defence minister is ideal, as he acts as a link between the military and the government. In the Indian democratic model, service chiefs are kept away from national security and decision making, the domain of which remains with the polity assisted by the NSA. Further, any individual nominated as defence minister takes time to grasp intricacies concerning the military, as none have had any previous exposure nor military service. Therefore, any change implies a slight time lag in decision making as the new incumbent settles in. Conversely, it could imply an inflow of fresh ideas.
Even when the present government took charge, the finance minister doubled as the defence minister, till the PM pulled in Parrikar for the post. Despite this, military spending never got a boost, but in fact a reduction. A lot of water has flowed under the bridge since Parrikar assumed the appointment, over two and a half years ago. On his move,in progress major projects include Strategic Partnership, Fighting Infantry Combat Vehicle (FICV), new defence procurement policy with an emphasis on make in India, reorganization of higher defence management and financial and status issues facing the military, including the pay commission, Non-Functional Upgradation (NFU) and OROP.
Further, politics is more important than policy in India. To ensure that NDA grabs power in Goa, beating the Congress by a whisker, Parrikar was moved post haste, without consideration to his appointment. He has left his mark in the ministry by speeding acquisition, amending rules of defence procurement and understanding military sentiments and problems and attempting to resolve them. In many ways, he has been approachable and amenable. His record has been far more impressive than his predecessor from the UPA, who just bided his time.
However, some major events during his tenure have been credited to others. The invisible hand of AjitDoval has been oft quoted as being behind recent decisions including the appointment of the new army chief and the conduct of surgical strikes both in Myanmar and POK. Even the present Kashmir policy, being implemented by security forces has been credited to him. While Parrikar had instructed service chiefs to implement the seventh pay commission as released by the government, despite its inadequacies,while projecting the anomalies separately, it was the Prime Minister who gave specific directions for the pay commission to be referred to an anomalies committee. Parrikar’s desire to implement OROP in full, was stalemated by the finance minister.
Any politician appointed as defence minister feels more comfortable interacting with the bureaucracy rather than military personnel. The MoS defence, Subhash Bamre remains, albeit with his own specific responsibilities. The bureaucracy in the MoD would continue as hither-to-fore and the defence secretary most likely get an extension. Daily functioning remains under respective service chiefs. Various panels and bodies created for improvement in the system would progress as tasked. Hence, internally there would be no impact.
Current issues under progress may also not be affected. The Strategic Partnership and FICV would require the concurrence of the finance ministry, which could witness a faster decision as the finance minister wears both hats. The ‘Make in India’ projects would remain the domain of the Prime Minister. Higher defence management including creation of the post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) or a permanent Chairman Chiefs of Staff Committee (COSC) would flow only on the directions of the PMO.
Issues concerning the seventh pay are presently with an anomalies commission under the Department of Personnel and Training (DOPT), which functions directly under the PMO. Hence once again the decision would flow from the PMO. The Reddy committee report on OROP has been submitted to the finance ministry, the final decision thus remains with the finance minister. The procurement panel would continue processing cases as hither-to-fore, with a marginal delay in obtaining approvals.
However,everything may not remain hunky dory for the ministry. There could be increased confrontation between service headquarters and the ministry especially when Arun Jaitley unable to spare time as a permanent incumbent could do, would prefer dealing with the bureaucracy rather than service chiefs. This could also increase the gap between the military and the government. The service chiefs during the period of transition would need to continue pushing for modernization and procurements.
In time a new defence minister would be appointed, briefed and exposed to military functioning and the MoD. He would settle in and the routine would once again become normal, till another political crisisor cabinet reshuffle comes about, necessitating yet another change. Since change is the only constant in life, there is no requirement to raise any hue and cry over Parrikar’s move, but accept it as part of the system. He has done his share, now let the next appointee do his.
(The author is a retired Major General of the Indian Army).
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