Anil Anand
Has the lack of experience and dearth of talent pool started reflecting on BJP performance both at the Centre and the states ruled by the party? It is not difficult to find an answer to this question around which hinges the saffron party’s electoral future. Definitely the genesis of this query lies in what BJP vice-president, RSS ideologue and Rajya Sabha MP Vinay Sahasrabuddhe had stated only to retract later, ostensibly under pressure.
A man of letters and known for plain speaking Shasrabuddhe had stated facts when he said that “as compared to Congress, the BJP has a very limited talent pool and less exposure.” He made these remarks in the context of delay in much speculated second cabinet expansion by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The expansion ultimately did take place on July 4, 2016, almost seven months after Sahasrabuddhe’s telling remark.
He, however, later clarified, saying he was “misquoted” as he had spoken about BJP’s “limited exposure” and not talent compared to Congress. Notwithstanding this clarification, he had stated the obvious. The vindication of his statement is gradually becoming visible if one takes into account the performance of some of the cabinet ministers in Modi Government and majority of the BJP chief ministers.
The vindication also lies in the fact that Modi might like to replace some of his cabinet colleagues and also chief ministers. But the million dollar question is where the replacements are. His predicament on finding replacements is on two counts. Firstly, of course, the Shasrabuddhe theory and secondly Modi’s penchant for new and untried faces. Preferring rookies of a particular variety with zero experience over those tried and tested ones has its base in the sense of political insecurity that flows from the theory that stronger the leader, stronger the sense of insecurity.
Getting back to Shasraabuddhe’s observation, he was referring to media reports about Modi’s delayed plans to “weed out under-performers and improve his Government’s image. But that he cannot find the right replacements.”
It is a different matter that underperformers at the Centre have an escape route and a strong protection in the shape of brand Modi. There are performing and non-performing Ministers but they are all diminished under his towering shadow in addition to poor performances not catching media imagination. So in public eye the Modi Government continues to perform but on ground the crunch is felt due to non-performance factor which he himself continues to express in one or the other way.
The performance or non-performance factor multiplies when the Centre’s performance is juxtaposed with those of the State Governments of same political colour, in this case the BJP.
These questions have become relevant as Modi Government is showcasing its achievements on completing three years in office. And, also majority of the state governments (of BJP) already through their honeymoon period and facing serious crisis in terms of delivery and good governance. An exception, though negatively, in this connection is the Yogi Aditya Nath dispensation in UP which has started floundering, at least on the law and order issue, sooner than expected.
The pressure of non-performing chief ministers/state governments can have serious impact for Modi to once again sell is development model in 2019 Lok Sabha elections. The BJP president Amit Shah, a tireless strategist and planner, has already embarked on a ‘Bharat Yatra’ to prepare ground for the elections focused on organisational issues but the non-performance both of the Centre and states variety would remain to be a different challenge unless effectively checked by then.
The farmers’ stir in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, which threatens to engulf other states as well, is on account of un-kept promises made to farmers by Modi during his high profile 2014-Lok Sabha campaign. It became more serious due to mishandling by clueless and inexperienced state governments headed by political and administratively green horns.
In terms of performance Madhya Pradesh where Shivraj Singh Chauhan has been in power since 2005 and Chattisgarh where Raman Singh has been leading the dispensation since 2003 were portrayed as the role models of good governance. The mishandling of farmers agitation in MP, preceded by some other instances, has taken the sheen off from this model although after considerable time. It has assumed more seriousness for the BJP as Assembly elections to Madhya Pradesh, Chattisgarh and Rajasthan Assemblies would be due next year in the run up to Lok Sabha elections. Before that Modi’s home state Gujarat will elect new Assembly later this year.
Shivraj Singh Chauhan and Raman Singh apart, the good governance doctrine of Modi would be under serious scrutiny due to the non-performance of BJP dispensations in Haryana, Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Jammu and Kashmir and Gujarat itself under a new CM.
Manohar Lal Khattar government in Haryana, Devendra Fadnavis dispensation in Maharashtra and that of Raghubar Das in Jharkhand have been in power since October 2014. All these Governments and chief ministers are beset with problems due to their under or no-performance. A big question mark has been raised on PDP-BJP alliance government’s performance in J&K. The inaptitude of the Deputy Chief Minister Nirmal Singh (BJP) and his party ministers has a lot to explain on the government’s non-deliverance on development front leaving aside ground situation in Kashmir.
The question now arises, will the towering Modi phenomenon be able to cover up all failures of his cabinet colleagues as well as the chief ministers. He certainly has the tenacity and advantage of a strong personality and effective communicator. But it would be a daunting challenge to fill in the blanks that Shasrabuddhe had pointed out and ultimately convince the people on facts.
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