Spruced up Communal Violence Bill

B L Saraf
Succumbing to the electoral compulsions, the  Congress lead  UPA   2 Government has decided to introduce the Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence Bill in the winter session of the Parliament.  The  Bill   has been brought   on the table of the MHA   and the details   are  being sorted out. Muzaffar Nagar violence is  the  pretext.  The Bill seeks to impose the duty, both on the State and the Central Governments, to exercise powers to prevent targeted violence,  including mass violence against SCs  STs and linguistic and religious minorities. The Bill, among other things, proposes to set up the National Authority for Communal Harmony, Justice and Reparation.
The Communal Violence Bill is   brain child of the Sonia Gandhi lead NAC.  The Government   had     introduced  the Bill  in the Parliament,  in  2005, but it was later on withdrawn on the insistence of Sonia Gandhi, because she wanted more stringent  clauses incorporated  in it.   NAC,  too,  found it inadequate in many respects and, therefore, came up with its own   draft Prevention of Communal    and  Targeted Violence (Access to justice and Reparation) BILL, 2011.  The Bill   came in for strong    criticism from various quarters,  so  the move  got shelved then. The knowledgeable quarters, after examining the 2011 draft Bill,  felt that  its provisions would broaden the hiatus rather than addressing the communal problem, and the dispensation of justice envisaged in the Bill will, essentially, be preferential in character   which will go against the rule of law.
The disastrous  consequences  of  the Bill    should it  become a  law   were,  then,   discussed  thread bare  in the    columns  of the newspaper. Since the dreadful  move has resurfaced   the   debate, which has  restarted,    must   go far  and wide. A bare  look at the provisions of the  new Bill  would show that  nothing much has changed so far as  the  Draconian  impact of the proposed law is concerned. The  Bill  for the first time attempts to  give   crime a communal  name and change the ingredients  and severity   of an offence  depending upon  religious faith of the victim. The Bill makes only that communal violence an offence for  special treatment  where it is directed against a person belonging to the religion of minority community. In support of this  provision it is being argued by the framers of the Bill that  whenever majority community is attacked the state acts with great urgency and becomes lethargic and looks other way when the victim belongs to a minority community.  May be so! But it is highly preposterous  to suggest  separate laws and procedures for two different sections of the same society  when all may be guilty of the same offence. Communal violence  is not and can’t be alwaysa  one way traffic.  Roles may reverse.  After all we have seen in the case of Radhabai Chawl in Mumbai and Sabarmati express coach burning  themembers of the majority community were at the receiving end. Though the aftermath of  Godhra  has  been a nightmare for the minority community. The perpetrators of the crime, in both case, must be dealt with an iron hand. But law and the procedure to bring the guilty to the book must be identical. If the Bill, in its present shape,   is made the law then the accused in    Godhra communal case will be tried under   a  procedure far more lenient  than those who  stand trial  for what happened in the aftermath, because  they belong to the majority community. Meaning thereby that for the trial of cases of identical nature two different sets  of laws will apply . Well  ,  one can’t be sure whether  this   classification will stand the scrutiny at the highest judicial level;  but    surely, it is  a  recipe   for  further aggravation   of  the communal atmosphere in the country  and acceleration  of     sectarian  polarization.  It  is wrong  on the part  of any Government   to  presume  that   rogue  elements  live in   only one community .   State  must always be impartial in dealing with its subjects.
Another aspect of the Bill  that must be noticed is its  concept of National Authority. The National Authority provided for will receive complaints and is authorised to  act accordingly.  So it  is made almost a super state,  with officers sending same report to  it  that they have to send to the  Ministry Of  Home Affairs. This  move will  seriously  impinge  upon the   authority of the State Governments  and, therefore,   constitutes  an assault  on the federal   character  of the country.  People are beginning to ask questions     Why this haste?  Has it anything to do with  coming  Parliamentary  elections   where  many inconvenient   questions will be asked to the  incumbent Government at the Centre.   Given the  attitude of not only of the  main  opposition party  in the Parliament   and of even so called “secular parties”, there are least chances  that the Bill  will go through.  But the incumbent Government will hardly get perturbed.  Due to the constraints of space, the other  inconsistencies  and  the flaws in the Bill could not be discussed  here.
Communal scourge has, indeed,  proved disastrous for the country. It has to curbed. But how?   The proposed   Bill is no answer. We  have to find one.  Rajya  Sabha member Justice                     (retd) Rama Jois   has  proposed one solution, through his    private   members  Bill  in the Rajya Shaba . He says the G O I should constitute, by law, a National Reconciliation Adalat to bring about amicable settlement of the disputes between  the Hindus and Muslims of the country, to have a communal riot free India.
According to him the pendency of some issues between the communities  is  like   a festering sore which  occasionally erupts  in a flare up.  One cannot be sure how effective the remedy would be   but  the proposal needs to be   debated up on.
We have a Government source telling the media people  about the fate of the Bill, ”  Even if it fails  it will show case our commitment towards  secular politics  and position on communal violence. “Keep on  posturing ; who bothers for the  real  action    and   the principle.
(The author is former   Pr,                           District& Sessions Judge )

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