Dr S Saraswathi
The recent secret meeting between Congress President Sonia Gandhi and Shahi Imam of Jama Masjid Syed Bhukari is not just another case of violation of the model code of conduct. Rather, it needs to be viewed in the larger context of the under currents in India’s changing political system.
The meeting is clearly part of pressure group politics preceding General Elections in which political parties and not the pressure groups take initiative as well as the principal role. Even though, the party spokesperson would want to deny that it was not related to elections, in the public perception, it carries some political weight. Its suspected link with elections cannot be dismissed outright as a fanciful idea in the context of Imam’s appeal to Muslims immediately after this meeting to support the Congress in the election.
The Imam has, however, guarded his statement as an appeal only on the plea that the “Congress has done a lot for Muslims” and not an order (fatwa) that carries religious significance. The impact of the appeal addressed to a religious group (which in politics is an interest group) cannot be estimated even roughly. For, Indian Muslims do not constitute a united vote bank in the country despite the efforts of political parties openly indulging in the game of polarization of votes on lines of religion.
The media is flooded with reports about vote canvassing activities of not only political parties, but also of several organized groups and unorganized forces in this pre-election period. Civic engagement in politics is increasing day-by-day. The avenues for participation of the common people in the democratic processes are many and varied. Election is the greatest event that draws total involvement of the public sector, the private sector, the media, and the voluntary sector.
India is going to elect its 16th Lok Sabha shortly with fairly good experience in democratic politics and popular elections based on universal adult suffrage. All the political parties in the field are surrounded and supported by numerous small groups/parties which can be considered as “parties of pressure”. Some civil society organizations – once labeled as “non-party political formations” – are lured into politics to provide an “alternative’ polity and “clean politics’. Many that remain non-political have their political patrons.
The emergence of the Aam Admi Party – a by-product of the movement “India Against Corruption” – and the decision of some well-known and award-winning social activists to enter into electoral politics mark an important phase in the evolution of pressure group politics.
Political participation of people is no longer confined to voting at periodical elections. People form interest groups for various purposes and these groups have to interact directly and indirectly with political forces for their survival and growth.
Textbooks teach us that when an interest group applies political pressure, it becomes a pressure group. Such pressure groups do not contest elections directly and do not seek power in their own name. But, they can influence political parties and Government and even bureaucracy by means of organizational strength, unity of interest of members, and in some cases manpower and/or financial strength. Some interest groups can mobilize votes and influence voting pattern in local areas and in their sphere of influence.
Pressure groups in India are somewhat different from this theoretical pattern. Currently, they manifest many features tied up with Indian party politics, Constitution, and elections. Federal polity and coalition Governments have a bearing on pressure group politics.
A number of interest groups in India are openly allied with particular parties. In fact, all major national and State-level parties have their own trade unions and student/youth wings. Many of them, as for example, the Indian National Trade Union Congress and the All India Student Federation date back to pre-Independence era.
Indian politics has revolved around caste and cannot be discussed without reference to its omnipresence. It cannot be denied that certain individual castes and some combinations of castes have been exercising tremendous political influence and are still in a position to mobilize votes despite internal dissensions. Some are even dubbed as “vote banks” though in fractured form and some as “caste outfits” of particular parties owing to the image they have created. Political parties vie with one another to curry the favour of such caste groups to increase their vote share. This leads to break-up of parties as well as castes.
Interest group politics in India patronizes the political patronage system as part of political party system. Thus, the three have become inseparables to a great extent. Deviant interest groups, if any, are bound to face survival difficulty in the present state of all-pervasive politics in the country.
It is interesting indeed to learn that the patronage system was well-established in the US by the beginning of the 19th century. Non-elective public offices were filled up under this system and there was even an understanding that the officials would donate part of their salaries to meet subsequent election expenditure. The Civil Service Reform Act of 1883 put an end to this pernicious system in the US.
Patron-client structures are common in several new democracies including India. With the exception of a few ideologically rooted parties, all political parties in India are but amalgamation of interests seeking political patronage. This feature has led to development of patron-client relationship between political power and interest groups.
This relationship is openly displayed from the lowest rung of panchayats to the highest level of Parliament. It cultivates a network of relationships in various dimensions and becomes an integral part of institutions, systems, agencies, processes, and last but not least — politics.
Patronage system is perhaps the strongest pillar of Indian democracy. Under this, a person’s or a group’s loyalty, support and help, and friendship can be acquired (to avoid defamatory term “purchased”) in return for official/political favour. There is an element of unearned favour in the exchange (which may not be illegal, but may be out of turn or disproportionate) that is deemed as patron-client partnership.
This linkage has even penetrated into the bureaucracy as some of the recent scams reported through media have exposed. The efficacy of patronage system in many areas in getting results – as management technique, labour relations, commercial enterprises, etc. – has been acknowledged to be superior to rule by force, by strict discipline, or by application of punishment system. Patronage system is part of pressure group politics. It is suited to politicization of social cleavages which is the dominant character of Indian politics.
The era of alliances and coalition Governments at the Centre has enhanced the importance of State and regional parties. Regional and even local issues are taken up in Parliamentary elections raising the political significance of concerned interest groups.
In this atmosphere, even State Governments become interest/pressure groups at times in their relations to national parties in the election fray. “Package politics”, that is, conferment of special status and grant of exclusive welfare schemes and/or extra funds, is an outcome of the politics of appeasement adopted by ruling coalition Governments at the Centre to acquire and retain the support of strong State/regional party.
Indeed, the India version of pressure group politics and patronage system are in full display in 2014 election. (INFA)
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