Prof. A.N. Sadhu
Return of displaced persons has been talked of since the very exodus that took place 25 years ago. The entire community of KPs was forced out of their homes and hearth for no fault of theirs or perhaps, for the only fault thatthey are Indians to the core of their heart and shall remain as such for ever. All that has been witnessed during the period that has gone by, tells a story of apathy, indifference and casual approach of the state and the Central Governments towards their return and rehabilitation. Flavoury statements that KPs are an integral part of the Valley’s composite culture are made unhesitatingly by the political leaders of all hues which more than amusing these leaders, have become an earsore to the listeners . With each passing day, the problem is becoming more complex and new dimensions are getting added to it. As of now, the following aspects warrant a thorough discussion to understand the complexities of the problem.
The Generational Gap. It should refer to generational gap in the usual sense of the term, on the one hand, and on the other, to the distancing of the two communities from each other. In the former sense, it refers to changes in thinking, attitudes and approaches to the contemporary issues. The young and the old do not think alike and it makes it difficult to bridge the gap , on this score. The old thinking gives way to new ideas , which may be far too different, both in the content as also in the intensity. On the other hand the children who were of the age of 10 years or less,at the time of exodus, have now reached the age of upto thirty-five years. The present demographic structure of the country reveals that the country’s population comprises of sixty percent youth. Obviously by that reckoning sixty to seventy percent population of the valley do not know anything about the Kashmiri Hindus, much less of the Composite culture in which the two communities lived prior to the exodus. This applies equally on the other side as well. Is there any viable mechanism to narrow down this distance and make the youth of the two communities to understand each other and feel sensitised about its importance to revive the ethos of composite culture. If another 10 to 15 years passed like this it will almost amount to non existence of composite culture and the pluralistic order, except in historical perspective. It does not make any sense for return of natives who have turned strangers over time. It has been observed in some interactive programs that youth hardly endorses or appreciates the existence of “Kashmiriat” and its so called rich ethos. In many such programs it was also seen that youth in Kashmir stands against India in a more forceful manner and in very clear terms blames it for everything that has gone wrong in the Valley forceful expression of anti-India sentiment does in some way, either overtly or covertly convey the animosity against Kashmiri Pandits who always stand by India and nurture the nationalist and patriotic feelings. In the back drop of this youth sentiment what will be the response of the society, as a whole, to the return of displaced persons is not very clear. In fact there has been no civil society initiative in the Valley nor even a clear expression, one way or the other, towards the return of Kashmiri Hindus popularly known as kp’s.The individual expressions on different occasions maybe situational or purely personal feelings without any community backup .
Casual approach of the Central Government.
The Central Government since 1990 did not pay the required attention to the displacement of hindus from Kashmir nor did they visualise its adverse fallout for the country as a whole. As late as 2008, the Prime Minister of India announced a package for the displaced population, a strong component of which was the provision of 6000 jobs to the youth besides a few other things which did not spell out, in very clear terms, the Central Government’s policy towards the resettlement of Kashmiri hindus back in the valley. Even in its given form there was hardly any effective follow-up and monitoring of the program, as a result of which only 1452 youth have so far been provided employment. This itself shows how casual the central government has been. Ameliorating the conditions of the displaced families has also received more lip sympathy than any concerted attention so that there could be some visible results on the ground. No serious attention was given either to the implementation or to its monitoring by the State Government, which certainly raises quite a few doubts.
At crucial stages of history a country needs the statesmen with far sightedness and a clear futuristic vision as also the capability of giving right direction to the nation. The leadership should not loose the sight of contemporary geo-political realities and its imminent fallout on the country . The fundamentals of our constitution are clearly violated if even a part of the country witnesses the ethnic cleansing and more so when that part is situated in the proximity of a hostile neighbouring country. The beauty of secularism lies not in the theoretical concept but in its existence on ground. Kashmir is fast losing its sheen of secular character and turning to a uni- religious entity. In such a situation, the only alternative left for the return of Kashmiri pandits is that a separate arrangement is created, fully protected against anti-national and separatist elements with a guaranteed free flow of Indian Constitution. It may not be a demand but an absolute necessity resulting from the utter failure of the state and central leadership of handling the post-90 situation in a manner in which it should have been. Placed as we are vis-à-vis our hostile neighbourhood, the enemy country will never allow the peace to prevail in the Valley and it will be unwise to tie the return of kp’s with that ideal situation. What is required for the central and the State Governments is to take a bold decision and prepare an acceptable formulation with sufficient constitutional safeguards and facilitate the return of aborigines without losing more time. In the absence of any such bold initiative, the process will get delayed and any such delay will harm the state and the country more than the community of Kashmiri Pandits who have withstood the unprecedented suffering for the last 25 years, in particular. The present dispensation at the centre, seems to be realising the dimensions of the problem but it will be seen how skilfully and honestly it handles the issue to the satisfaction of the stakeholders. The community cannot be dictated the terms and in fact the return , as and when it materialises, will have to be on the terms and conditions set by the community itself because it has been made very clear that Kashmiri Pandits will not return to the valley only to face another exodus.
Security concerns.
The security concerns do not relate to life, property and honour alone, there are no visible safeguards for economic, socio-cultural and political participation. There were several thousand jobs occupied by Kashmiri Pandits at the time of exodus and almost all of them have retired. The jobs thus vacated have not gone to KPs with the result that there hardly is a KP employee in the State services except some 1400 newly appointed boys and girls under the PM’s package. The industry in the state virtually does not exist and as such the job market is highly restrictive, more so for KPs, who stand only on merit and do not enjoy any reservations.
Hardly any political space has been given to the community. KPs have played a significant role in the politics of the state , in the past, and have held the positions of MLA’s, MLC’s and MP’s. This time there is hardly any political participation of KPs at any level from village committees up to the Ministerial level. The community stands politically marginalised even when at present, the outcome of about a dozen of electoral constituencies get impacted by its vote share. Obviously, the community will not return to the valley at such a weak political and economic status.
Constitutional guarantees
The return of Kashmiri Pandits to the Valley is unthinkable without adequate constitutional guarantees. The community will not be prepared to face another forced exodus and shall,therefore, not repeat the earlier mistakes of returning to the Valley without foolproof securities on all fronts. No body can hold Kashmiri Pandits wrong in asking for their due share in the economy, polity and society of the valley. The aborigins have a vested claim on its economy and polity. In the emerging political scenario, the community should reasonably hope for a better deal.
The role of the community. Kashmiri Pandits have a role to play. All shades of opinion need to get reconciled to let a convergence of ideas take place in order to synthesise a common strategy that the community will pursue with commitment and determination. There is no point in criticising each other. Every one has only one objective to promote the welfare of the community. The leaders and social activists should sit across the table to arrive at a symbiotic arrangement and forge ahead to safeguard the future of the community. The time is running out; let it not become too late to awaken to the harsh realities of survival and growth. The identity crisis is the worst crisis of mankind and we have to protect and preserve our identity forcefully and it is possible only when we harmonise our differences and move forward together.
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