Lt Gen Bhopinder Singh (Retd)
Besides a subliminal political context of a specific religiousity involved in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, there is an equally oversimplistic concern of derailing ‘friendship’ with Israel, should India take a stand that even sounds remotely, neutral. In the midst of such unwarranted and polarising emotions, the ability to disagree with an organisation like Hamas while wholeheartedly empathizing and expressing solidarity for the Palestinian cause – just as, standing against any form of antisemitism, and yet criticising the recent disproportionality from Israel, is surrendered at the altar of puerile binaries. The Government too is seemingly caught between India’s historically posited position (espoused by none less than Mahatma Gandhi) and the throes from the indoctrinated echo-chambers, who have auto-instinctively taken a clear ‘side’. This has led to mealy-mouthed diplomatese that can be read either-ways, indicating a conundrum of expression.
Another collateral concern imagined is the ostensible ‘steadfastness’ of the Indo-Israeli ‘friendship’ that necessitates a pro-Israeli stand, at all times. This romantic notion of sovereign ‘friendship’ has got heightened with the recent backdrop of the Chinese belligerence, that warrants reassurances from supposedly like-minded countries like Israel. But do countries operate so superficially? This complex question is even more pertinent when addressed to unconventional, asymmetric and realpolitik-driven countries like Israel or China. Not for such powers is the overarching tug of emotional, ethical or moral homilies, relevant. Nothing that is officially postured or stated, needs to stand the test of time – herein, secret talks, cold strategic calculations and surreptitious ‘deals’, away from the glare of the prying lens, is the norm. Last year, the Israeli media reported of the clandestine meeting between the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, at Neom in the Saudi deserts – such parallel tact’s and maneouvers, run seamlessly along with the officially struck poses of irreconcilability, that is optically reserved for public and political consumption. Similarly, despite the US hosting the most pro-Israel foreign policy in the world, Netanyahu lambasted the Obama administration in the US Congress in 2015, or as Netanyahu hopped across to Russia in 2018 as the ‘guest of honour’ to celebrate Soviet Union’s victory over Nazi Germany, even as the Western World was still in an angry shock with Russia’s annexation of Crimea – this is symptomatic of Israel walking its own path based on its topical interest, and not any sentimentality of ‘friendship’.
The Israeli-Chinese realm too, is given to its own necessities and rationales that have glaringly defied simplistic enemy-of-the-ally-hence-also-a-enemy logic. Despite the bitter US-China ‘trade-wars’, the Chinese imprint on the Israeli economy has only increased dramatically. China has become the largest import source accounting for a staggering 16.6% in 2020, whereas the US’s share was 13.5% and that of India, only 2.41%. The ‘secret’ relationship between China and Israel predates the official establishment of diplomatic relationship in 1992 (same year as India). Both countries supplied weapons to the Afghan mujahideen in the 80’s and a mini-scandal broke out when reportedly retrofitted Israeli captured tanks from the Six-day War were part of the 1984 Chinese National Day, march! The behind the scenes cooperation between the Chinese and the Israelis had led to the Israeli Defence Minister, Moshe Arens, to secretly visit and strengthen military relations, as early as 1991, before official ties. From extending technological inputs on upgrading Chinese tanks and planes to sharing sensitive technology on UAVs, lasers, missiles, communication satellites, etc., all was par for course, to further Israel’s relationship with a growing China. The sanction-imposed Chinese regime found a willing, reliable and accommodative partner in the Israelis, who were open to backdoor dealings for the tech-starved Chinese. The report on the United States China Economic and Security Review Commission noted tellingly, ‘Israel ranks second only to Russia as a weapons system provider to China and as a conduit for sophisticated cutting-edge military technology’. Following the expose of the Israeli-Chinese warmth, the US had to intervene strongly to deny Israel from selling the Phalcon AWACS (Airborne early-warning radar system) to the Chinese – especially as the US Congressional Research Service had confirmed that Israel had been, ‘the largest cumulative recipient of US foreign assistance since World War 2’! All this while, the Israelis remained equally forthcoming with the Indians in sharing and transferring military technology, besides collaborating economically and diplomatically. Israel has consistently put its own ‘economic’ interest above all other moral, diplomatic or even the ostensible ‘friendship’ considerations.
That India and Israel share a concern on ‘terrorism’, which circumstantially pits India’s bete noire i.e. Pakistan (known Israel-baiter owning to its genealogical and political compulsions of having to brazenly ‘anti-Zionist’), barely masks the applicability of the same logic to China, which too has its own religio-based-insurgency in Xinjiang province. The joint Israeli-India plans in the 80’s of a sudden strike on the Pakistani Nuclear Plant in Kahuta notwithstanding, the dynamics and hooks of the Israeli foreign policy are never stuck to the memories of the past – Israel is the high temple of realpolitik, and if a ‘deal’ is good, it can have a selective memory. During the recent Indo-Chinese face-off, many professed allies of India had remained conspicuously silent, Israel was one of them. Perhaps the economic stakes of upsetting the Chinese, were prohibitive in Israeli calculations.
That said, India is the largest buyer of Israeli military hardware – aided immeasurably by India’s growing appetite for advanced weaponry, technology and the fact that it would presumably face no pressure from the US to source the same, unlike for the Chinese. For the Israelis, it simply makes good business sense and does not threaten its security interest, in any way. The Chinese too understand the ‘transactional’ reality, and therefore have no qualms in calling out the US veto in supporting Israel, over the recent violence – crucially, Beijing realizes that its stand will not come in the way of Israeli-Chinese relationship, substantially. Whereas, India remains wary of upsetting Israel and therefore forfeits its own principled voice, consequentially.
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