Prof. Suresh Chander
Omar Abdullah was thought to be a man of logic with modern outlook notwithstanding his political views he is entitled to have. There appears to be something in the valley echo system that gives its residents dual personality. They seamlessly shift from one to another. It started with Sheikh Abdullah who used to speak in different languages in Srinagar, Delhi and Ranbir Singh Pura Jammu. The case of Omar is even curious. He transported himself to the 40s by raising the bogey of script.
He is reported to have said, “You (Centre) are trying to change the script in which Kashmiri is written. These are changes you are forcing on us and then saying ‘you are integrated’. Integration doesn’t come from a piece of paper. It comes from emotions. I have to feel integrated. If you change the script in which I am writing, you change the language in which an officer on the ground is addressing me, and then you turn around and tell me: ‘I am integrated.’ Omar has raised two points: 1. script in which Kashmiri is written and 2. a wider issue of ‘integration’ that he rightly observes comes from emotions.’
Integration and Emotions
The valley leadership has double standards one for themselves and other for the rest of the population. When Omar talks of emotions and integration, did he for a moment think of emotions of people of Jammu and Ladakh. The answer is a big NO. Devolution of power and autonomy are wonderful concepts in an evolved society. But valley leadership had its own interpretation. They wanted autonomy to loot and plunder the resources of the state for their own self. The freedom for themselves was meant to suppress the feelings and emotions of others and silence the voices of dissent. The Kashmir problem would not have been there if the concept of autonomous status was implemented in every nook and corner of the state. It would not have given the chance to Pakistan to convert the dissent in the valley to a communal colour. The signatories to ‘Gupkar Declaration’ are the ones who are responsible for Omar’s woes and not the powers at Delhi. It is time that Omar faces the reality and thinks without the spectacle of a Kashmiri leader.
Unfortunately, the co called liberal media in India also gives oxygen to Omar’s thinking and seldom gives space to the feelings and emotions of exploited people of Jammu and Laddakh at the hands of likes of signatories to the ‘Gupkar Declaration’. The liberal media in India too is equally responsible for the happenings in the state and for sufferings of people of Jammu and Ladakh.
Script
The issue of script raised by Omar is perhaps meant to arouse the base instincts of an average Kashmiri. The official language of the state has been Urdu and not Kashmiri. It was Maharaja Pratap Singh who replaced Persian with Urdu as the official language in 1898. The move was not opposed as it did not affect the job prospects of Muslims who were conversant with Urdu too. The Hindus in government service had also no difficulty to switch from Persian to Urdu. Persian at that time was the official language in most parts of India. Persian was the official language of the Mughal Empire. The official language of Punjab under Maharaja Ranjit Singh was also Persian. Under direction of Maharaja Ranjit Singh Fakir Nuruddin prepared a Quaida (booklet) titled Noor (light) for learning basics of all key languages including Gurmukhi, Shahmukhi, Urdu and Persian. The Maharaja through an innovative technique educated the people of Punjab. In the times when printing press and reprographic techniques did not exist, the maharaja could educate more than 70% of the population of Punjab including women who outnumbered men in percentage.
After 1857, the Britishers searched every house to destroy all the copies of the Quaida to destroy the educational system evolved by Maharaja Ranjit Singh. According to Leitner before 1857 the Punjab had an estimated computation as he called it, 330,000 pupils learning “all the sciences in Arabic and Sanskrit schools and colleges, as well as Oriental literature, Oriental law, Logic, Philosophy and Medicine were taught to the highest standard”. Leitner claimed that after the events of 1857 the Punjab, by 1880, had, again a computed estimation, just 190,000 pupils. He says an entire tradition, far superior to what Europe had to offer, was destroyed. Presently, this Quaida is not available.
A similar Quaida will save billions of rupees to educate the vast population of India.
In those times, language and script had no religion, Mr. Omar. They were tools of learning and for self enrichment.
The script controversy in the state started while deciding the medium of instruction. The issue was about the introduction of the Devanagrl script in addition to the Persian script already in vogue.
A common language, i.e., simple Urdu was suggested written in two scripts, namely, the Perslan as well as the Devanagari script. The textbooks should be written in the same language, simple Urdu, and published in both the scripts.
A purely academic issue was politicised and in turn became communal thanks to the then leadership of the National Conference.
The script orders of 2l October 1940, were condemned by NC leaders namely, General Secretary Maulana Mohammad Saeed, Mirza Mohammad Afzal Beg, Mian Ahmad Yar, Bakhshi Ghulam Mohammad and Khawaja Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq. Non NC leaders, Chaudhrl Ghulam Abbas Khan, Mir Waiz Mohammad Yusuf Shah, Mr. A.R. Saghar, Qureshi Mohammad Yusuf and Chaudhri Hameedullah Khan, also issued statements condemning the script order.
The National Conference Working Committee on 28 November 1940, condemned the move as “iIl-conceived, mischievous and definitely anti-national”. Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz suggested that the Government might be asked to make the knowledge of both the scripts compulsory for all students whether Muslims or non-Muslims. The Working Committee rejected the suggestion. All non-Muslim members led by Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz opposed the official resolution which was adopted by a majority vote.
The communal mindset had been the hallmark of the National Conference and its offshoots.
The situation was summed up by the Tribune Lahore, in its comments on 29 November:
“We are not at all surprised that the script controversy has caused a rift in the ranks of the Kashmir National Conference. The attitude that the Conference or rather its Muslim members, who happen to be in an overwhelming majority in it, has taken up this matter, is not only inconsistent with its professions of nationalism but has created feelings in the minds of non-Musllms that they cannot expect justice from the Conference Party in the matter of safeguarding their linguistic and cultural interests …”
The ‘Gupkar Declaration’ is nothing but a rehash of its 28 November 1940 resolution.
(The author is former Head of Computer Engineering Department in G B Pant University of Agriculture & Technology)
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