In Pakistan, power has often shifted through dramatic military takeovers. But what is happening now is something different quieter, smoother, and in some ways far more permanent. Over the past week, Pakistan’s Parliament rushed through the 27th Constitutional Amendment, and with President Asif Ali Zardari’s approval, the amendment has fundamentally altered the country’s power structure. Many analysts are calling it a “silent constitutional coup,” because unlike tanks rolling into Islamabad, this one has been carried out in the name of legality and consensus.
At the centre of this shift is Army Chief General Asim Munir. He is set to retire on November 28, but the amendment ensures he won’t really be stepping down. Instead, it creates a brand-new role: Chief of Defence Forces (CDF). Munir is expected to transition straight into this position, where he will hold operational command over all three services the Army, Navy, and Air Force, as well as control over Pakistan’s nuclear command. Essentially, the most powerful man in Pakistan is being given even more formal power, but this time under constitutional cover.
The amendment also abolishes the office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee and transfers those responsibilities to the new CDF. While Pakistan is presenting this as a structural reform similar to India’s Chief of Defence Staff system, the comparison does not hold. India’s CDS does not have direct operational command and functions firmly under civilian authority. Pakistan’s version, however, hands sweeping military and strategic control to a single uniformed figure with very limited oversight.
What makes this shift even more striking is the lifetime immunity granted to five-star officers. This means General Munir once he becomes CDF cannot be tried or prosecuted for any action taken in office, now or in the future. Alongside this, Pakistan is setting up a new Federal Constitutional Court, which will take over the Supreme Court’s role in constitutional matters. With judges likely appointed through an executive heavily influenced by the military, this development raises serious questions about the future of judicial independence.
What truly stands out is the political consensus behind the change. Both the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) and the Pakistan People’s Party approved the amendment, effectively removing any possibility of political pushback. This is unlike previous eras Zia-ul-Haq in the 1980s or Pervez Musharraf in 1999, where military rulers had to overthrow elected governments. This time, Pakistan’s elected leadership has willingly signed away significant civilian space.
For India, these developments are not just an internal reshuffle in a neighbouring country. They reshape the entire security landscape. With the military now formally entrenched at the top of Pakistan’s constitutional structure, India’s western front becomes more unpredictable. The Pakistan Army has always controlled the country’s India policy, especially on Kashmir, terrorism, and nuclear posture. But now this control becomes constitutionally reinforced and highly personalised.
A single individual holding command of nuclear assets and strategic decision-making creates the risk of sharper escalation during crises. Pakistan has previously hinted at using tactical nuclear weapons when facing Indian conventional pressure. With the military further empowered, such statements may carry even more credibility.
Domestically, Pakistan might also see increased reliance on anti-India rhetoric. Historically, the military has often used this narrative to strengthen its legitimacy during periods of political instability or economic crisis. With the amendment granting almost unchecked authority to the military leadership, this pattern could intensify.
There are implications beyond South Asia as well. Pakistan’s growing outreach to major powers, including the United States and Gulf countries, gives it leverage to offer strategic assets like Gwadar or Pasni to foreign militaries. If either Western powers or China gain deeper operational access to Pakistan’s coastline, the balance of power in the Indian Ocean could shift in ways unfavourable to India.
In short, Pakistan’s silent constitutional coup marks a major shift in its internal structure and its regional posture. It formalizes the military’s dominance in a way that is unlikely to be reversed for years, if not decades. For India, this means recalibrating expectations, preparing for a more militarized neighbour, and recognizing that Islamabad’s democratic façade has just grown thinner than ever.
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