Jan Beke
Last week the eyes of the world rested upon India, with Narendra Modi’s inauguration ushering in a new era of Indian politics. A single question burned on every diplomat’s lips: how will Modi’s ascend as Prime Minister impact international relations?
The world seemed strictly unipolar in the 1990’s; the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the subsequent demise of the USSR resulted in a global diplomatic scene dominated by the United States. India’s foreign policy – humbled by severe domestic and international problems -followed suit and reorganized its diplomatic stancetowards the Western model.
In 2014 the political picture couldn’t be more different, as defiance of the United States has crept into the Indian narrative. The past few years, Indo-US ties has increasingly come under pressure. The latest was a barrage of devastating blows was in December 2013 with the high-profile arrest and detention of Devyani Khobragade, India’s deputy consul general in New York.
Initial fears of a further alienation between both countries seem to be on the cards, as Narendra Modi’s distaste of the American political palette is widely known and goes much further than the mere refusal of granting him a visa in 2005. It is a stark warning of things to come for Indo-US relations when Modi decided to accept the American congratulatory message much later than other dignitaries, holding out to thank Barack Obama after acknowledging the Prime Ministers of Fiji and New Zealand.
Initial signs of Modi’s renewed international policy shows that the Modi-wave might not just have flooded India after a landslide win, it will surely shake up the international diplomatic scene as well.
Even in these early days, Modi’s actions showcase a higher interest on strengthening India’s geopolitical position within SAARC and scheduling subsequent diplomatic meetings around the BRICS-nations rather than pandering to Western interests.
Modi’s interest in the BRICS-nations does not come as a surprise, as the surge of BRICS – both individually as well as a political grouping – increasingly acts as a counterweight to the dominance of the Western world. Exemplified through game-changing trade agreements (the recent $400 billion gas deal between Russia and China) and by providing mutual political support (India’s prominent support of Russia’s Crimean crisis). This invigorated global political group has allowed India to detach itself from Western influence.
India’s newest Prime Minister’s focus on the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, however, might be the most surprising. Nirmala Sitharaman, a spokeswoman for Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party and now the powerful Commerce and Industry Minister, revealed SAARC’s importance to Modi when she announced the special focus they were receiving for his swearing-in ceremony:
“Foreign secretary Sujatha Singh has written to SAARC leaders inviting them to attend the swearing-in ceremony on May 26”.
Critics have been quick to respond that both SAARC and BRICS are prone to volatile relations with border issues overshadowing a potential India-Pakistan and Sino-Indian collaboration. However, this view stands in contrast with the unexpected thaw in India-Pakistan relations. Interestingly, as a member of SAARC, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was among the leaders attending the inauguration ceremony.
Pakistan’s High Commissioner to India, Abdul Basit, added to the recent diplomatic courting when he stated that “we are ready to host Modi when he decides to visit Pakistan. Our Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has already extended an invitation to him.”
Additionally, Modi’s first diplomatic visit as a Prime Minister will most likely involve meeting the Chinese President, Xi Jinping, to be held at the 6th BRICS summit in Brazil in July.
Gopalaswami Parthasarathy, former Indian High Commissioner to Islamabad highlighted that “Modi starting off with a BRICS Summit will be seen as a great signal that India believes in a multipolar world order.
This could be followed up by bilateral visits to Japan, Vietnam and South Korea”. Adding salt to the wound, Parthasarathy professed that “there is no need to hurry a visit to Washington as it would seem undignified given how they have behaved”.
Though it remains early days, Modi’s views of how a strong India should look within a multipolar world order are likely to put him even further at odds with the United States.
Whether India’s renewed focus on SAARC and the BRICS-nations will prove to be a success or intra-national bickering will weaken India’s global position remains to be seen. One thing can be sure, the Modi-wave has officially touched on international shore.
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