Maj Gen Sanjeev Dogra (Retd)
The terror attack in Pahalgam in April 2025, which claimed 26 innocent lives, was a moment of national reckoning. It ignited both grief and resolve across the country. The people, particularly in Jammu & Kashmir, stood in solidarity and strength. Operation Sindoor, India’s multi-domain, precision-driven response, marked not only a military retaliation but a bold declaration that the rules of engagement had changed.
What followed was a significant shift in India’s strategic doctrine. Prime Minister Modi’s assertion that any future act of terrorism would be treated as an act of war drew a new red line. India signaled its move from strategic restraint to proactive deterrence. The suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT), though legally termed an “abeyance,” underscored India’s readiness to use diplomatic, infrastructural, and economic tools as levers of national power. Water resources-once a symbol of bilateral cooperation-have now entered the realm of strategic deterrence. Fast-tracked projects like Pakal Dul, Ratle, and Ujh are not just about energy-they’re about asserting sovereign rights and securing long-term regional stability.
Pakistan, meanwhile, finds itself constrained by a series of self-imposed and external limitations. In a telling move, it has promoted its army chief to the rank of Field Marshal-likely an attempt to signal continuity, confidence, and control in the aftermath of a two-day, near full-scale conflict with India. This symbolic elevation reflects not a position of strength but a lack of viable policy alternatives. Even as it secured a $1 billion IMF loan to shore up its flailing economy, the support is widely seen as temporary relief, not structural reform. Inflation is high, power shortages persist, and political divisions run deep. While it maintains visible support from China, Turkey, and Azerbaijan, these are not backed by substantial strategic capital. Traditional Western backers remain aloof. Internally, growing unrest in Baluchistan, KPK and Gilgit-Baltistan, along with public dissatisfaction, further limits Islamabad’s strategic bandwidth. Its remaining options-internationalising Kashmir, cyber offensives, organising low scale terrorist activities or orchestrated ceasefire violations-are increasingly fraught with consequences.
India, on the other hand, has a broad strategic palette at its disposal. It must now deploy its tools-military, economic, diplomatic, and technological-with coherence and urgency. On the water front, India should not only assert its rights under the IWT but also develop the infrastructure necessary to make those rights real. Hydropower, irrigation, and canal systems are essential not just for deterrence but for economic upliftment, particularly in J&K. A water-secure Kashmir is likely to be a politically stable and economically vibrant region-an outcome of both strategic and developmental value.
India must also strengthen its early warning systems and air defense architecture. Operation Sindoor demonstrated how conflict can leapfrog from border zones to civilian centres. Missile alerts in northern towns reminded the nation that war is no longer remote-it now reaches rooftops, schools, and marketplaces. Preparedness must become a way of life. Infrastructure planning must include bomb shelters, rapid alert systems, and trained local response teams.
Equally critical is the cyber frontier. Unlike traditional battlefields, cyber warfare is silent, invisible, and constant. India faces threats that range from fake news and AI-generated deepfakes to scams targeting digital payments and data theft. The country has agencies like CERT-In and the National Cyber Coordination Centre that monitor threats round the clock. However, the lack of a unified national cyber command limits our ability to respond with speed and coherence. Recognising this, the government is restructuring its approach, empowering the National Security Council Secretariat to oversee cyber strategy and forming the National Cyber Security Authority. While such steps are promising, public awareness is equally crucial. Every citizen using a smartphone or computer must understand they are also a frontline defender. Simple acts like verifying information, updating passwords, and reporting suspicious activity are now forms of national service. Cyber warfare is not about complex code alone-it is about protecting our minds, our money, and our shared sense of truth.
The role of the citizen has never been more central. From spotting fake news and maintaining digital hygiene to supporting local emergency initiatives, the individual is now a vital node in the national defense grid. Economic decisions matter too. As defense expenditure rises, citizens must help reinforce indigenous capability-by buying Indian, investing in Indian, and holding Indian institutions to high standards. A nation that spends heavily on defense must also protect its economic spine. Citizens must become informed participants-ready to support national policy shifts, reject products from adversarial nations, and promote a unified national market as a tool of geopolitical leverage.
Patriotism today extends beyond the parade ground. It is seen in economic loyalty, civic discipline, and active participation in safeguarding national narratives. Citizens can join voluntary civil defense groups, attend emergency preparedness drills, and educate peers about responsible digital behaviour. These are not just acts of national pride-they are components of national security.
India’s foreign policy too must evolve to navigate the complexities of the emerging multipolar order. The dynamics within groupings like BRICS are shifting, with India balancing its role alongside China while deepening engagement with Russia-a long-standing defense partner and energy supplier. As Russia diversifies its outreach amidst Western sanctions, India’s cooperation in sectors like defense co-production is likely to expand. Israel continues to be a key strategic partner, especially in counter-terror, border security, and defense technologies. The United States, while broadly supportive of India’s rise, remains transactional, pressing its own interests in trade and digital regulations. In this context, India must assert its autonomy through issue-based partnerships.
Economically, the equation with China remains complex-bilateral trade is robust but strategically sensitive. Reducing overdependence on Chinese imports while leveraging India’s large consumer market as strategic capital must be a clear goal. Simultaneously, India should enhance cooperation with Africa, the Gulf, and Southeast Asia-not just in trade but also in cyber security, logistics, and critical technologies. A flexible, self-assured foreign policy grounded in national interest and civilisational values will be critical to India’s long-term strategic positioning.
Long-term, India’s focus should rest on three pillars: capacity building, narrative leadership, and national cohesion. Integrated theatre commands must be activated and tested in joint exercises. Defence R&D should not just replace imports but aim to position India as a global exporter of affordable, reliable military solutions. In the realm of information, India must seize control of its global narrative. The world must see India as a country of reason and resolve-a democracy that responds to threats with strength and proportionality.
Above all, unity must be our enduring doctrine. Policymakers, soldiers, scientists, teachers, entrepreneurs, and everyday citizens must view themselves as co-authors of India’s security story. Operation Sindoor was not the end of a chapter-it was the beginning of a new era. In this era, deterrence is layered, conflict is multidimensional, and defense is everyone’s business. The nation is prepared. Now, it is time for every citizen to step forward-not as spectators of national security, but as guardians of its future. The strength of a country lies not just in its weapons or policies, but in the collective will of its people to protect, persevere, and prevail.
(The author is a retired army officer from Jammu)
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