Accession final and full

B L Saraf

Today , while we   rightly   celebrate  J&K’s      union with India,   detractors – masquerading as  researchers,  like Victoria  Schofield ,   Alastir  Lamb ,  Md  Yousuf  Buchh and others need to be told  that     Kashmir having lawfully acceded to India  on 26th  October ,  1947,   in a final and full form,  stands universally acknowledged. Storm raised  about its finality has  settled down. That the UN has no role left in the matter is    a foregone conclusion.  So,    there   are  no takers to the Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari’s latest complaint  to the General Assembly that the UN has failed the Kashmiris by not insisting on  holding    Plebiscite.  Pakistan and its supporters in Kashmir willdo good to themselves and to the gullible  poor  to understand that  international  relations  governing   states are based on hard realities . Not for nothing is  a  country going to pull   other country’s  chest nuts  out  of the  fire  . Jacob Malik , the Soviet representative to the UN explained it to Sheikh Abdullah way back in1949 ,in New York,  that  international relations don’t weigh on justice and rights but on hard national interests  . This is the only standard that works. Following   it, no country, excepting the  neighbouring one , thinks  much of Kashmir these days .
Some home grown ‘ libertarians ‘ and some surfacing elsewhere on the globe   go on chest beating that India should deliver on its promise made to the Kashmiris that their voice will be heard before acting finally on the Instrument of Accession  , executed by the erstwhile ruler of the State  in favour of the former .Reference to the UN  resolutions is often  thoughtlessly made  .  Taboos , in this regard , seem to have been cultivated  by so  many well-meaning persons  which  inhibit  them from taking up well defined  positions.  Platon Morozov , the then Soviet  Union’s   representative in the UN , was first  to  cut loose the taboo while speaking on 4th May , 1962 in  UN SC   , ” The question of plebiscite had lapsed itself since the question was predicated  up on a condition  which was never fulfilled  ( Prompt removal of all Pak troops ).”  Parvez Musharaf  buried  the myth when he  openly distanced himself and his government  from the UN Resolution and came up with his five point formula to resolve the’ dispute’ . Professor Abdul Gani Bhat   declared  last year that U N Resolutions on Kashmir  have become inapplicable  with the passage of time .
Votaries of Azadi try to pin down India on the so called  commitment  of   Lord Mountbatten, on  his acceptance  of  Kashmiri’s accession, that    the accession should be temporary prior to a referendum , plebiscite   or  election  .  Here , too , a taboo of sorts has been developed to avoid a discussion  on the issue . It doesn’t help  to shy away .  If we only recall what   V K  Krishana Menon  told the U  N in May , 1962   the myth of  reference to the will of people,  stressed  by the  Azadi seekers ,  will  stand  finally laid to the rest . He told the world body that this was only  a policy statement of  Government of India   intended  to democratise the State of J&K .  According  to Nehru’s biographer  Sarvapalli Gopal,  Nehru and Patel attached no importance to the  Mountbatten’s  insistence on temporary accession. Even the diehard anti – accessionist  Victoria Schofield  writes in her book     Kashmir In Conflict – India Pakistan     and  the  Unending War  ”  In the meeting with Mountbatten on 1 November Jinnah did not respond favourably to the suggestion of   plebiscite .”(  p  61  ). Will of   the  people was  actually  ascertained through  elected  State  Constituent Assembly ; Section 3 of  J&K  Constitution   described State as an integral part of India . Moreover ,  when we take right of self – determination  of people as meaning right to  pursue their economic, social and cultural development    the people in J&K   have been enjoying it for the last 62 years .
Undoubtedly ,there are many creases in   the Centre – State  affairs  which need to be ironed out. Delineation of powers between the State and the Union and grant of certain amount of autonomy   are   in   hot  debate . We come across a section of Indians   who clamour for strong centre   and to whom  word ‘ autonomy ‘  is a taboo . They would frown when the issue is raised. Nonetheless, there  is an impending need to free the taboo and see how centre -state relations can be smoothened . There is no harm in discussing the matter . Particularly so , when we hear voices raised in other states of the Union as well,  for  devolution of some amount of financial and functional  authority  . Narender  Modi’s Gujarat Government is a case   in  the point.  On  British government’s termination of   no contact policy  with  the Chief Minister of Gujarat,  Modi remarked  ” Gujarat and  Europe will work together and prosper.” Nobody could take offence   on word ‘ India ‘being left out   in the remark. Because, a concept of certain  degree of autonomy was inbuilt in the statement   ; so,  none  could  condemn Modi as    a  regional chauvinist . The Gujarat Chief Minister and  some of his counterparts in other states have    been  saying that their states would not contribute to the federal finances if their    share is not allotted to them from the central funds .All of them have been looking directly to the   foreign aid  . In this regard , Modi and  others  practice what US scholar John Kincaid calls  ” constituent diplomacy .” It is a synthesis of market liberalisation  and federalism which tends to drive provincial governments  to mobilise,  independently, the international resources for the betterment of their people. Given the available indications , post 2014  central elections   we are going to see a spurt in the regional aspirations – affecting  country’s   domestic   and  foreign policies   .
We hear almost all the political organisations say that     J&K    has  a political issue   with the  Centre  which needs to be sorted out. Few interject external dimensions . Therefore , one   comes across various ideas floating in the air . Some  canvass  for greater autonomy ,    some  propagate self – rule theory ,  some seek State’s re organisation   and others   project  achievable nationhood    demand. Regardless   of    external dimension   and  without commenting here on the merits  of the respective  ideas put forth by the concerned,  issue of Centre   State  relations   must be brought to the fore   for a meaningful   resolution.    It    can’t    be  a forbidden fruit . Even if it is so  , bite has to be taken. It won’t auger well for  democracy  and the Indian state to  let issue lie .
(The Author is Former, Pr District & Sessions Judge)