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Maharaja Hari Singh belongs to everyone

Sewa Singh Mankotia The 131st birth anniversary of His Highness Maharaja Hari Singh Ji, the last Dogra ruler of Jammu and Kashmir, was observed across the Union Territory with enthusiasm and traditional fervour. In Jammu, celebrations were organised at various...

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Sewa Singh Mankotia

The 131st birth anniversary of His Highness Maharaja Hari Singh Ji, the last Dogra ruler of Jammu and Kashmir, was observed across the Union Territory with enthusiasm and traditional fervour. In Jammu, celebrations were organised at various places, including at block and tehsil levels, with rallies, gatherings and community programmes paying tribute to the former ruler.

However, as we remember Maharaja Hari Singh, there is a larger question that deserves serious consideration: Should his birth anniversary remain largely a community-specific celebration, or should it become a truly inclusive occasion involving people from every section of Jammu and Kashmir?

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The answer should be clear. Maharaja Hari Singh belonged not merely to the Dogra community, Rajputs or to Jammu. As the ruler of the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir, his legacy encompasses people of different religions, castes, regions and social groups. His contribution to education, healthcare, social reform, infrastructure, administration and the protection of the interests of his subjects extended across the State.

His often-quoted first proclamation after ascending the throne—“Justice is my Religion”—captures the principle with which his public legacy is associated. If that principle is to be honoured today, his birth anniversary should be observed in a manner that brings people together rather than dividing them along caste, religious, regional or political lines.

Maharaja Hari Singh introduced several measures aimed at social and educational advancement. He ordered compulsory education for children up to the age of five through a 1930 order, with the objective of making education accessible to the wider population. Institutions such as GGM Science College and the Women’s College in Jammu, as well as SPM College in Srinagar, became important centres of education.

His contribution to healthcare was equally significant. The establishment of SMGS Hospital in Jammu and SMHS Hospital in Srinagar provided institutional healthcare facilities to people across the State. His administration also contributed to the establishment of the Jammu and Kashmir Bank and the High Court, while major infrastructure projects such as the Banihal Cart Road, Jehlum Valley Road and bridges over the Chenab and Tawi strengthened connectivity.

His contribution to social reform is particularly relevant when discussing his legacy today. Maharaja Hari Singh took measures against child marriage, restricted practices involving the exploitation of girls in marriage and introduced measures aimed at protecting children and women. He also acted against female infanticide and addressed harmful social customs prevailing in different parts of the State.

One of the most important examples of his approach towards social equality was his 1932 notification permitting members of the Scheduled Caste community to offer prayers in Hindu temples. He is also remembered for personally participating in Kanjak Poojan involving girls from socially disadvantaged communities. Such measures demonstrate that his social-reform legacy cannot be confined to one caste or community.

His administration also sought to protect the interests of State subjects. The 1927 State Subject notification provided safeguards concerning education, employment and acquisition of immovable property. At a time when demographic and economic concerns were becoming increasingly important, such measures were intended to protect the interests of the people of the State.

Maharaja Hari Singh's political and constitutional role also deserves greater attention. He represented the princely states at the Round Table Conference in London and spoke about India's future at a critical period of the freedom struggle. His administration introduced an elected legislative assembly in 1934, marking an important development in the constitutional history of the State.

His legacy is therefore not restricted to palaces, royal ceremonies or the Dogra period. It is closely connected with the institutional foundations of modern Jammu and Kashmir.

There are also several accounts that illustrate the relationship he maintained with ordinary people. One such anecdote concerns nomads travelling with their sheep and goats between Ramban and Banihal. When the Maharaja's convoy was reportedly delayed by a large herd, members of his escort allegedly attempted to clear the way. The head of the nomads is said to have resisted, asserting that such behaviour could not take place during Maharaja Hari Singh's rule. Hearing this, the Maharaja reportedly called back his guards and allowed the nomads to proceed.

Whether viewed as an anecdotal account or as part of popular memory, the story reflects the image of a ruler whose authority was expected to be accompanied by responsibility towards ordinary subjects.

His life also became deeply intertwined with the tumultuous events surrounding Partition. The State faced an extremely difficult period in 1947, culminating in the Maharaja signing the Instrument of Accession to India. The circumstances surrounding those events, his subsequent departure from Jammu and Kashmir and the years he spent away from the State remain an important part of the region's modern history.

It is precisely because his life and legacy are so deeply connected with the history of Jammu and Kashmir that his birth anniversary should be made a genuinely inclusive occasion.

Unfortunately, the participation in many Maharaja Hari Singh birth anniversary programmes is often perceived as being dominated by members of the Rajput community. Community rallies and langars are important expressions of respect, but the participation of Muslims, Sikhs, Brahmins, Mahajans, Scheduled Castes, Other Backward Classes and other communities should be equally visible.

This is not an argument against community participation. Rather, it is an appeal for broader participation. The best tribute to Maharaja Hari Singh would be to ensure that a young Muslim student, a Sikh trader, a Brahmin scholar, a Scheduled Caste worker, an OBC youth, a Rajput farmer, a Mahajan businessman and people from every region of Jammu and Kashmir feel equally connected with his legacy.

Organisers of future celebrations could consciously invite representatives of all communities, political parties, social organisations, educational institutions, professional bodies and youth groups. Seminars could focus on his educational reforms, healthcare initiatives, constitutional developments, social reforms, infrastructure projects and the events of 1947. Elderly people and researchers who have studied that period could interact with younger generations.

Schools and colleges could also be involved so that the birth anniversary becomes an occasion for historical education rather than merely a ceremonial event. Exhibitions, debates, lectures and documentary presentations could introduce young people to the Maharaja's contribution in a balanced and historically informed manner.

There is also a need to separate the historical legacy of Maharaja Hari Singh from contemporary political and community rivalries. His memory should not become another instrument of division. Nor should his contribution be reduced to slogans, rallies or political speeches.

If Maharaja Hari Singh's guiding principle was indeed justice for his subjects, then the most meaningful tribute today would be to bring his subjects' descendants together.

Jammu and Kashmir has always been a land of diverse communities, faiths, languages and traditions. Its strength lies in this diversity. Remembering a ruler who governed such a diverse State should therefore become an opportunity to celebrate that diversity.

The younger generation deserves to know not only Maharaja Hari Singh the ruler, but also Maharaja Hari Singh the reformer, institution-builder and administrator. They should learn about his achievements as well as the complex historical circumstances in which he governed. History should be presented with facts, context and openness rather than through the narrow prism of caste or political affiliation.

The birth anniversary of the Maharaja can thus become a turning point. Instead of asking who has the greater claim over Maharaja Hari Singh's legacy, society should ask how his legacy can be shared by everyone.

The Maharaja's institutions serve people without asking their caste or religion. His hospitals treat patients without discrimination. His educational institutions have educated generations from different communities. His infrastructure projects connected regions and populations. His administrative reforms affected the State as a whole.

Therefore, his memory too should transcend community boundaries. Maharaja Hari Singh belongs to everyone. The real tribute to him would be to celebrate his birth anniversary collectively—with Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhists and people of every other faith; with Rajputs, Brahmins, Mahajans, Scheduled Castes, OBCs and every other social group; with people of every political affiliation and none.

Let his birth anniversary become a festival of historical awareness, social unity and shared heritage. That would perhaps be the most appropriate way of remembering a ruler whose stated ideal was justice—and whose legacy is inseparable from the people of the entire erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir.

(The author is Superintendent of J&K Police, Retd.)

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