Anshu Meshack
‘Jammu aur Kashmir ko insaniyat ke daire mein(within the ambit of humanity)dekhna hai.’ With these words, former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee set the tone for what would be, it was hoped, the touchstone for future developments in the state of Jammu & Kashmir. Thirteen years on, and sixty six years after India started on its independent journey as the world’s largest democracy, one question continues to demand a response: how humane is Jammu & Kashmir’s governance?
On many mornings for months now, Rani, 60, has been traveling alone over 20 km from her home in Tehsil Mandi in the northern border district of Poonch, to sit outside the office of the Development Commissioner, clutching a packet of official-looking papers she can neither read nor comprehend. Her stepson took away the cash compensation provided by the State after the killing of her husband and two other relatives by militants inside their house in 1998. The lone surviving dependent, she has no one to turn to; looking towards the State for some succor is the only recourse she knows of. What State promises justify her bleak hope?
Soma Devi, 73, lives in Village Bhutaychak, 35 km from Jammu city and works as a daily wage laborer. Surrounded by her large family, she rues the ill-fated day in 1947 when, as a seven year old, she crossed over from Sialkot district in undivided Pakistan to Jammu on the Indian side. Saddled with the official tag ‘West Pakistani refugee’ means she, along with her younger generations, is excluded from all opportunities meant for State subjects in the only place they call home. What do the celebrations marking India’s independence mean for the 2.5 lakh people who share the same uncertain future?
The Jammu region weaves a set of striking, unusual strands in the tapestry that is India. Its ethno-cultural diversity is among the most remarkable, as is the maturity it displays in preserving harmony amid an environment increasingly wrought with tense fault lines. Ironically, this very strength poses its biggest weakness, for the specific needs of its diverse people are yet to be recognized, let alone addressed.
It is easy to place the blame on a host of historical, geographic, socio-cultural factors, but where does – or should – the blame game end? The historical reasons, mired in wars and the painful beginnings of Indian independence, have been an all-time favorite for over six decades now. Geographic reasons are cited in all sincerity: that implementation of projects is difficult in the non-motorable, mountainous parts; and monitoring them, even more so. Socio-cultural factors are based in the identity politics of the region; the atypical mix of coexisting multi-ethnic, multi-religious communities often leads to conflicting priorities.
Which of these reasons, though, explains the dismal human development indices of the state? Take the appalling status of women, for instance, reflected in a shockingly low gender ratio of 889 women for every 1000 men and a worse child gender ratio of 862. Or the shameful literacy rate of 46 percent among rural women in the state, placing it among the bottom six in literacy rates across India. In theaftermath of the prolonged conflict that has already affected women most intensely, how much longer can political compulsions ignore these statistics and justify these social failings?
The indices for development – or underdevelopment, whichever way you look at it – are comparable for the divisions of Jammu and Kashmir, putting to rest any debates about the alleged neglect of one in favor of the other. A daunting 22 lakh of the state’s 91 lakh rural residents are poor. A whooping 32,000 crore rupee budget sanctioned under the Prime Minister’s Reconstruction Plan since 2004 is yet to be spent. Allegations of widespread corruption, poor physical infrastructure and connectivity, inadequate trained manpower – the reasons cited are many. The per capita income ranks it 21st among Indian states.Despite enormous economic potential based on its rich natural resources and unparalleled beauty, the state attracts investments of around Rs. 1200 crore per annum, a mere 0.11 percent of the country’s total investments, down from Rs.2104 crore in 2007. Are these not enough cause for a wake-up call?
Truth be told, the years of conflict and largesse from the Centre have created institutional dependency that is difficult to shake off. Today, the Centre finances at least two-thirds of the state’s finances, by virtue of its status as a ‘special category state’, yet planned projects and schemes are rarely implemented in full. Be it the job-guaranteeing MNREGA or the self-employment Swarnjayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana for income-generation; the Indira Awaas Yojana for housing or the guaranteed benefits for widows, elderly and disabled, the under-utilization of available financial resources points to an inherent inefficiency that cannot be attributed to historical or political motives alone.
Taking governance to the grassroots is passionately believed by many in power at the State level to be the guarantee for a successful development model. Yet, the DRDA scheme, aimed at building the technical and professional capability of Panchayats to implement schemes effectively was under-utilized by half. Worse, the culture of misappropriation permeates to the last village and hamlet; and indifferent officials prefer to turn a blind eye.
The village of Hill Kaka in Tehsil Surankote, Poonch District, is one such example. Home to over 80 households, it takes a full day’s trek through mountain trails and fording snow-fed streams to reach the nearest motorable road. The village has, on record, a Middle School and a Health Sub-Centre, both of which are virtually non-functional. What representation can its residents expect from its Panchayat, based in Village Marhot that takes a two-day journey to reach?
That at least 15 percent of the funds sanctioned under the Prime Minister’s Grameen Sadak Yojna(PMGSY)could not be utilized in 2010-11 offers little succor to those struggling with geographic isolation and near-complete absence of any State presence. The Border Area Development Programme (BADP) is one such initiative, introduced way back in 1992-93, to address issues pertaining to education, health, rural development and physical infrastructure. But without a voice, or the inclination to listen, how far can the winds of change reach?
For every mother who makes a two-hour journey through the mountains to the nearest Primary Health Centre with an ailing infant bundled in her arms, there is a pastoralist who spends his year herding his flock to the highlands during the summers and back to the plains in the winters, but speaks with pride of his daughter studying for a post-graduate degree. Time and again, the fortitude of the people living in the harsh mountainous has seen them through many a crisis. The close-knit cultural identities inspire a vitality of community living that tides over the apathy of State governance. It is these inherent strengths that need to be tapped if effective governance is to bring lasting peace, so that national celebrations bring,not grim reminders of tragic anniversaries marred by memories of separation and loss, but a shared joy, fashioned from aspirations met and lives fulfilled.
Charkha Features
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