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Democracy in the Age of Influencers

Dr. Ashwani Kumar ashwinsociology@gmail.com Democracy is more than the right to cast the vote. Its strength is rooted in people's ability to identify common problems, discuss them as a community, and hold governments accountable. Politics is not just about gaining...

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Dr. Ashwani Kumar

ashwinsociology@gmail.com

Democracy is more than the right to cast the vote. Its strength is rooted in people's ability to identify common problems, discuss them as a community, and hold governments accountable. Politics is not just about gaining power; it is about developing a common political consciousness in which society becomes aware of its problems, and it aspires to overcome them. But the digital media ecosystem in India has drastically altered the democratic essence. The growing role of influencers, sponsored political advertising, political advertising and ever more scripted news is setting the stage for less public reason and more perception management in political communication.

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The democratization of media was initially welcomed as a democratic breakthrough. Digital platforms gave millions of people a voice and weakened the monopoly of traditional news organizations. Participation expanded, information became more accessible and public debate appeared more inclusive. However decentralization has also produced a fragmented information environment. Unlike traditional journalism, which at least aspires to editorial accountability, much of today's political communication operates within an attention economy where visibility matters more than credibility.

Digital influencers are becoming a crucial force in today's political process. They tend to be popular and have the reach and engagement in the digital space, which gives them legitimacy. Political parties, pressure groups, and governments regularly approach "influencers" to drive opinion in a certain direction by collaborating with them to create narratives. Therefore, it is becoming increasingly difficult for the larger mass to differentiate between political opinion and political advertising. Political ideologies are marketed as a product.

This transformation is more than political management, it evidences a shift in democratic politics. Democratic politics often need people who are capable to participates in the rational discussions. Conversely, manipulative politics often promotes emotionally charged content, reinforces biases and rewards certainty over reflection. People are exposed to carefully manufactured narratives that confirm what their existing disposition rather than think critically.

In this new political culture, people may internalize manipulative politics and eventually it turns in to a acceptance of a new kind of democracy which is manipulative democracy. Where democratic institutions and elections remain, but public opinion is increasingly manipulated by advanced methods of persuasion instead of through informed public discourse. Consent is not reached by reason, but by marketing strategies, online targeting and emotional campaigns.

The normalization of this politics raises a fundamental question: What is the purpose of politics? Politics is not simply about appealing to citizens to support a particular leader or party. Its deeper purpose is to enable society to recognize its collective problems and organize itself to address them. Every democratic demand begins with an awareness of a societal lack. Citizens demand employment because they realize unemployment; they seek justice because they recognize injustice; they aspire for dignity because they experience injustice. The recognition of these lacks generates both political participation and social aspiration.

Manipulative politics may erode the actual scope of democratic politics. Constant exposure to curated narratives and emotionally satisfying justifications may gradually reduce the people's capacity for self-reflection. Ergo, political actors may start to encourage people to realize there are some external causes of their problems; political leaders start to rely on advertisements instead to present themselves as a political agency. People's attention is directed towards personalities, spectacles and cultural controversies rather than the underlying social and economic conditions that shape everyday life.

The acknowledgement of manipulative democracy may create alienation among the citizens. For Karl Marx, alienation is primarily associated with the industrial division of labour. The manipulative democracy reveals another form of alienation. Where people become alienated not because they are excluded from economic or political participation but because they lose the ability to recognize their own political and social lacks.

In this type of alienation, people lack awareness of their own incompleteness. Human beings often aspire because they recognize what they lack. Democratic participation often relies on principles of evolution and continuous improvement. It's people's ability to recognize their lacks that makes them raise their voice in their favour as per their needs, contrary to a manipulative culture where people, instead of understanding their lacks they may start to internalize the lack of power group. Consequently, a larger mass will start to negotiate to address the lacks of power group instead of their own. The impulse to question, learn and aspire gradually weakens. Manipulated certainty replaces democratic inquiry.

This condition is increasingly evident in contemporary Indian political culture. Where non-political experts those who are popular are delivering political opinion rather than raising political awareness, either to get more digital attention or paid collaboration. However, information should not be confused with understanding. Much of this engagement occurs through short videos, influencer commentary and algorithmically curated feeds that reward immediacy over reflection.

This political hyperactivity is accompanied by intellectual fragility. People often express strong opinions but lack the awareness to support them with factual arguments. Political disagreements may generate anxiety rather than constructive dialogue because opinions are more rooted in emotion and association than in critical reflection. The most notable thing is that these political commentators do not worry about the rejection of their opinions because they are getting their reach either by accepting their opinions or rejecting them.

The freedom of expression will not be the only condition for India's democratic future; the creation of the conditions for public reasoning will also be needed. The commitment of journalism to editorial verification and independence should be maintained. Digital literacy has to go along with critical thinking within the confines of social philosophy. It is the citizens who need to learn how to manifest dissent and the ability to understand their lack.

The actual risk that modern democracies may face in future is not ideological disagreement but the people's inability to map their incompleteness. An actual democracy often depends on people who remain conscious of what they do not know and what they still seek to achieve. That awareness creates the ability to aspire, participate and negate. In contrast, manipulative democracy creates intellectually fragile politicians as well as citizens. This fragility initially allows power groups to rule smoothly, but eventually this fragility often turns to a larger institutional crisis.

(The author is teaching Political Sociology at UILS, Chandigrah University, Punjab)

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