Whose movement is
this in the Valley?

Violence in the Valley on the occasion of Eid-ul-Fitr on Sunday has been unprecedented. The mobs have gone around setting fire to several government properties. In the process the casualties include an Auqaf building housing armed police personnel deployed on guard for the Hazratbal shrine and its proud possession of the holy relic of the Prophet, headquarters of the Power Development Department (PDD) at the Exhibition Ground, adjoining command centre of the Crime Branch and traffic police posts at Jahangir Chowk and Regal Chowk. Besides, at least one police vehicle has been reduced to ashes. The Clock Tower (Ghanta Ghar) in the historic Lal Chowk has been damaged and several police stations in different parts have been pelted with stones. It is possibly the first time during Eid-ul-Fitr that the Summer Capital has been exposed to such large-scale arson. In the past the general tendency, including on the part of the militants, has been to let all solemn and auspicious occasions like Eid and Ramzan pass off peacefully. On a couple of times there has also been declaration of unilateral or bilateral ceasefire. This is not to say that there have been no signs of anger on these days. By and large, however, the approach has been to uphold their sanctity. That inhibition has gone now. Who is liable for this further decline in the milieu? From the available details it is obvious that Mirwaiz Moulvi Umar Farooq's camp had sought permission for taking a march to the Lal Chowk. It was told by the authorities that it might face problems as the crowd would go out of control. But it insisted upon "a political space for peaceful march." The police officials were unwilling to agree. Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, however, overruled them. Now he has been left to shed tears that there has been "betrayal of trust." Have the Mirwaiz or Jammu-Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) chief Yasin Malik, who along with him addressed the gathering at the Lal Chowk, gained anything from their exercise? In fact, they must also be feeling let down with the boomeranging effect of their move.

Once again it is proved that they are helpless before the radical elements on their own political spectrum. The Mirwaiz has gone on to assert that he is against violence and "damaging government or any other property." We are constrained to say that his claim that neither "I have informed them (the authorities) about the Lal Chowk chalo march or made any assurance to them" and that "not even his party men were aware of the programme" can't be accepted on face value. Nobody has ever said that he had made a personal contact with the administration. It was done on his behalf --- something which is easily verifiable. He himself has stated that previously "whenever we tried to seek permission for such a procession we were put under house arrest and authorities imposed curfew." What could have prevented the administration from resorting to these measures this time as well? Actually, as it turns out, the law-enforcing agencies were indeed against his show. It is a beleaguered Chief Minister who persuaded himself to take a political decision and gave a go-ahead signal. He must have thought that discretion sometimes is the better part of the valour especially on a festive occasion like Eid but is now left to cry foul. The Mirwaiz and Mr Malik, on the other hand, must have least expected someone trying to hoist a Pakistan flag at the Clock Tower or burning the PDD office and other buildings which came as an anti-climax. Could they have been totally oblivious of such possibility? Have they ceased to be aware that on quite a few times earlier also they have been taken for ride by far more extremist forces (veteran Syed Ali Shah Geelani and his supporters)? In 2008 they had in reality publicly played a second fiddle to Mr Geelani who and whose associates are again presently in the forefront of exploiting the people's anger against killings in police firing for their own end. Mr Geelani's strength is that he is perhaps the only leader in the Valley who plainly says what he wants and evidently is not opposed to using any tactic to achieve his goal.

Ironic though it may sound that is also his weakness. For, there are not many takers either of his style or of ideology. That should also explain why the Mirwaiz and even Mr Malik off and on try to emphasise that they also matter. Why they have not been able to come out on top yet is because their attempts are half-hearted. If they truly want to underline their difference with Mr Geelani's style and philosophy, they need to tell people that by not isolating the mischief-makers among them they are only harming themselves. There is another question that arises at the same time. Can then be just the two of them blamed for not doing so? The tragedy is that even the mainstream political parties are not playing any role in this direction. It is a pity that the National Conference (NC) has reduced itself to being merely a spectator to the gradual erosion of its one-time stronghold in Srinagar specifically and the Kashmir region as a whole. The People's Democratic Party (PDP) as the main opposition party is in no mood either to move among the masses at this point in time. By its repeated actions and utterances it has made it known that it would only be too happy to see the NC being exposed to ridicule as the leader of the ruling coalition for its failure to reverse a disturbed situation. One administrative remedy after the other has not worked. In a scenario like this an impression has been created as if Mr Geelani alone calls the shots. The reality is that there is no one leader who can claim to be spearheading the current movement across the Pir Panjal. The people, who are in need of a healing touch, are floating around with a lot of pain in their hearts. They are waiting for a leader who can share their feelings and lift them out of their morass. Who can be that knight in shining armour? As of now their agony has come in handy for a few rabble-rousers to take advantage of.

Why are we like that?

By Joginder Singh

Interference in the the working of the Government by the politicians has become so pronounced that it is taken as something for granted. The simplest definition of interference, is the stoppage of a machine by interference with some of its parts or a meddle some interference, with the work of others.
Theoretically, as laid by the Supreme Court, “However high you may be, the law is above you”, but in actual practice, the powerful politicians, especially in the era of coalitions, can get away with anything, including the twisting and turning the law, rules and regulations upside down.
In these days of coalitions, the small parties, are not only running the Government Departments under their charge, as their fiefdom, being absolutely sure, that the major coalition partner, on whose piggy back, they are riding, cannot afford to annoy them.
Indeed the interference in the day to day functioning of the Government is not being done, with a view to improve the administration but for their own or their party ends.
The trouble arises, when the Ministers want the departmental heads or CMD’s, or other officials, to bypass, all the regulations and be partial to their favourites.
In another case a Supreme Court bench took an adverse view of the conduct of a Chief Minister who lotts... rose to become a Union Minister. Earlier, Nagpur Bench of Maharashtra High Court has expressed its anguish on the interference of the same gentleman, in favour, of an MLA, who had a criminal past.
A J&K Minister lost his job, when an imposters from Uttar Pradesh had appeared on behalf of his daughter, Huma Tabassum Saroori, in the medical entrance test. MBBS/BDS admission. The Minister to dodge any possible action and hoping that no action will be taken in his absence, had gone away for a pilgrimage, out of India, without the permission of the competent authorities.
Hobnobbing with the criminals by the politicians is routine. Infact, a fairly large number of politicians have a substantial criminal record. It is not the love for them , but the vote they can garner for equally criminal leaders, which enables them to survive in political parties.
According to the National Election Watch, in the 15th Lok Sabha, there are as many as 150 newly elected MPs, who have criminal cases pending against them while nearly 300 have declared assets worth more than Rs.10 million.This is as compared to 128 MPs elected in 2004, with criminal records. At present BJP and Congress are neck to neck in this race, with 42 and 41 MP respectively with criminal records, and the rest belong to smaller and regional parties.
Politics has become a game of money. Businessmen with tons of money are reportedly seeking and some have managed to secure entry into the upper house of the Parliament.
In a sting operation conducted by a TV channel, some MLA’s, in Jharkhand, offered to sell their votes for Rs.50 Lakhs, whereas their leader, wanted Rs,2 Crores for himself.
The number of MP’s with assets of a crore or more increased from 156 in the last Lok Sabha to 315 in the current one. The average declared assets of MPs in the current Lok Sabha is Rs 4.5 crore.
Though the increasing role of money in politics is a matter of concern, yet no Government is willing to bell the cat.
In our country, we have, two kinds of morality, side by side. At the drop of a hat, we claim to be an ancient and a great country. The truth is, that those who often speak, highly of morals, are those who often lack them.Why only politics, criminalization has spread, in all walks of life. 5 Judges, including District and Session, and civil Judges belonging to Andhra Subordinate Judiciary, have been suspended, by the AP High Court, for cheating in LL.M. examination, by sneaking note books and study material into the examination hall. If above is the condition of a portion of the judiciary, the police another wing of the Government is no better.
In the anti Sikh Riots, of 1984, in which over 3000 Sikhs were killed, the CBI in an affidavit filed before the Supreme Court in August, 2010, has called the investigation and prosecution, done by Delhi Police, into the riot cases as sham and farcical, which has resulted in the denial of justice and helped in shielding the accused one Sajjan Kumar. These are the awful conditions prevailing in our country, which are within the public knowledge domain. It appears that the problem facing the country, is in the kind of governance, we are having.
It would not be wrong to say that in the present scenario, the rich and powerful have been successful in bending the acts of Government, for their own selfish purposes
Despite numerous Commissions, and Committees and Sub Committees, there is not a single area, where we can say with pride, that we are the best in the world, except in self praise and in making loud proclamations.
We cannot put everything under the carpet, under the excuse, that we are a democracy and such delays are normal.
The point is how long the country should wait for justice to be done to it and to end the loot that is going on. The Government should make up its mind, to improve one area of its working, whether it is corruption, or reforms in Police or in Judiciary or criminals justice system or roads, or other infra structure.
It can take up issues pertaining to one subject, do all it can in six months or one year and then move on to the next. At this rate, at least 10 subjects would have received its attention in its tenure of five years.The present system, has no accountability and the things keep on lingering meaninglessly for years together. The Union Home Minister said recently, that the Changed Criminal Procedure Code, to keep in synchronisation with the changed scenario would be ready in one year.
Thank God, that Government has woken up after 63 years to ponder on changing the laws of 1863. In the present system, if you have money, you can go in appeal from one court or agency to another till Supreme Court, till you get a judgement of your choice. - (PTI)

India can become superpower

By Dr Bharat Jhunjhunwala

The likelihood of India becoming the global superpower can be assessed by comparing our situation to that of the United States and China. First requirement for becoming superpower is that India should be a technologically innovative economy. Britain invented the steam engine, made ships fitted with it, and traded with and conquered lands across the globe. Britain declined when it could not keep up the tempo of new innovations. The US made the atom bomb and patriot missiles and conquered Japan and Iraq. Wealth of the US today is coming substantially from earnings from royalties received for use of patents held by its corporations. But the technological leadership of the US is weakening. No major innovation has taken place in the last decade. Research is being much outsourced to India which is turning the tables in our favour. China is mostly focused on using production technologies innovated by others.
Second requirement is of cheap production. The country must make goods cheaper than others so that its economy remains buoyant in face of competition. Labour cost is a critical input of the cost of production. China and India have an edge on this criterion while the US is slipping. Manufacturing industry has wholly shifted out of that country. Services like legal research, clinical trials, health care and computer-based tutorials are now moving away because cheaper workers are available in India. The cause of present economic crisis in the US is high wages prevalent in that country. American companies started to outsource goods and services from China and India because wages were low here. American workers lost their jobs and could not repay the loans taken from banks. That resulted in banks going down under.
Third requirement of a superpower is open governance. Citizens should have the freedom to express themselves and explore new activities. People tied with chains or closely watched on Close Circuit TVs are not able to innovate and produce freely. The Government is also likely to go astray in absence of opposition. This is what happened during the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution in China. Thus, America and India emerge stronger on this criterion.
Fourth requirement is that of corruption-free governance. People's energy is used up in greasing their way through the echelons of power in corrupt countries. Wealth of the country is remitted to Swiss Banks instead of being invested in roads and ports. America emerges stronger on this count. Transparency International has ranked America 19th in Corruption Index while China and India are placed at 79th and 84th position respectively. That said there are indications of improvement in India's position. It has obtained 3.4 points in 2009 against 2.7 in 2002 which means level of corruption is declining. RTI Act has certainly helped control corruption. Thus, presently America is ahead but India is improving its position.
The fifth requirement is of equality. Large difference in the incomes of rich and poor creates social disturbance and gives rise to movements of Son of Soil, separatism and Naxalism. Rich and poor spend their energies fighting with each other instead of working together to make a prosperous country. America is ahead on this count too. China has as much inequality as India but it is suppressed by police. India's situation is comparatively better because the problem is at least expressed freely and is likely to be redressed.
Overall, America emerges ahead on four of the five criteria-technological innovation, open governance, control of corruption and equality. Its main weakness is high level of wages. India stands at the second position. It has low level of wages and an open society. It is moving ahead in technological innovation. Our main problems are corruption and inequality. China lags far behind. It is weak in technological innovation, open society, corruption and inequality.
America is ahead today but many problems are standing at the door. Technological research is being increasingly outsourced. Students are failing in mathematics and sciences. Corruption is slowly increasing. It received 7.6 points in the Corruption Index of 2002. This has declined to 7.5 in 2009. Inequality is increasing rapidly. Large numbers of families have been thrown out of their houses and are living in cardboard boxes on the streets. India's situation is improving in comparison. We are making some headway in technological innovation and some progress on corruption but we are in a jam on the issue of inequality. Our society is in deep unrest. Home Minister Chidambaram is trying to suppress this unrest by military action but this is certain to fail in absence of underlying economic reform.
Problem is the government is giving free license to big companies to exploit resources and uproot people from their livelihoods. Farmland was sought to be forcibly acquired for industries in Nandigram. Mining companies are forcibly trying to acquire the lands and resources of the tribal people. Hydropower companies are destroying the culture, environment and livelihoods of the hill peoples. The Prime Minister is trying to alleviate this suffering by implementing employment guarantee scheme. But corruption is undoing this as well. Further, this scheme is diverting people from productive employment to fictitious works. Problems of inequality and corruption are, therefore, intertwined. Inequality is not truly alleviated because relief goes into corruption.
The Government is not interested in seeking a genuine solution to these twin problems. Objective of political parties is to acquire or retain power. They have hit upon the strategy of creating a bloated government welfare machinery to provide relief to the poor. This army of government teachers and doctors becomes supporter of the status quo. But the money does not reach the poor. Condition of government schools and hospitals needs no describing. Forty percent grains under the PDS are leaked away. More venues of taking bribes are being opened in welfare schemes and the poor remain dissatisfied.
Solution is to disband all welfare schemes and give the money directly to all the voters. I reckon every family will get about Rs 2,000 per month which will be sufficient to fulfill their basic needs. They will not have to sit idle to receive wages under employment guarantee scheme. They will be able to engage in productive employment while receiving this dole. Corruption pervasive in welfare schemes will come to an end. Main problem in implementing this suggestion is lack of confidence in the political parties to take on the welfare bureaucracy.
Conclusion is that India can indeed become the leading global power. Our strengths are low wages and open society. We are moving ahead in technological innovation as well.
The chinks in the armour lie in corruption and inequality. These problems, in turn, lie in the infatuation of political masters with the welfare mafia. We shall certainly become world power No 1 if we can solve these twin problems. Otherwise we may miss the bus.

China's soft underbelly

IN AND AROUND J&K
By D. Suba Chandran

For the last week, there have been numerous opinion articles and reports on China's investments and actions in Gilgit-Baltistan. Many critics have been complaining that India lacks a long term policy vis-à-vis China. Most of New Delhi's strategies in the recent past, the critics argue, are more of reaction, than a part of a coherent long term policy.
Many international commentators have argued that this century is likely to witness the rise of India and China in Asia and elsewhere at the global level. Undoubtedly, as rising powers trying to carve out their own space, both countries are likely to compete, cooperate and at times, even confront each other. Then, why is New Delhi lacking a long term policy vis-à-vis China? One reason, for this lack of long term policy, is perhaps, there is a wishful thinking in New Delhi, as in certain international quarters as well, that there is a peaceful rise of China. The perception then is, as a part of this peaceful rise, China is unlikely to pursue a confrontational strategy with its neighbours. There is an expectation that China will understand India's economic growth as well, hence, will not openly confront.
Almost a déjà vu. This is what Nehru believed in the 1950s. Is the belief any different today? But a closer look into the reality will reveal, India has a long to way to go, to command respect - both in economic and military terms. Of course, India's economic growth is tremendous in the last one decade, and is likely to grow further in the next decade. What do the economists say, regarding, when India will be able to match China's economy? Certainly, not in the next two decades.
On the second front, is India prepared militarily to take on China, any where in the near future? In terms of military modernization, India is lagging behind atleast by two decades ; even if New Delhi starts earnestly today, it will take no less than 2030, to reach a level of modernization, that China will take us seriously.
Neither the economy nor the military is equipped today, to pursue a confrontational policy with China. So, what should New Delhi do? Should it continue its ambiguous policies, resulting in Beijing testing our resolve? Clearly, the refusal of visa and reports of Chinese activities in Gilgit-Baltistan are a part of Chinese strategy to test New Delhi's resolve. Of course, India may not be able to confront China, openly and militarily. Not now.
But then, are there not other options? Can India repay China, in the same way, that the Chinese are trying to assert themselves, by playing with India's soft underbelly in J&K and Arunachal Pradesh?
In Gilgit-Baltistan, all is not lost for India, despite New Delhi's sincere efforts to discard all its cards. As Selig Harrison's much commented recent article in the New York Times, there is a "simmering revolution" in this region. Earlier reports by the International Crisis Group and Baroness Emma Nicholson's report for the EU Parliament, has also highlighted the local dissatisfaction vis-à-vis Islamabad. A section within Gilgit Baltistan, a region dominated primarily by a Shia community, is apprehensive, that the Chinese investments and actions will only help Islamabad-Beijing axis imposing their will against the local interests.
On the northern borders of Gilgit-Baltistan, across the Khunjerab pass, Xinjiang is situated. The Central Asian origin and the Islam factors play a crucial role in the perception of the Uighurs vis-à-vis Beijing. In fact, Xinjian is considered as China's Wild West. The 2009 uprising of the Uighurs in Xinjiang reflect the unrest which is based on the local perception, official discrimination and deliberate settlement of the Han Chinese. Though the 2009 uprising was quelled by ruthless use of force, there is a huge divide, which exists even today between the province and Beijing, and within the communities inside Xinjiang - between the Uighurs and the Han Chinese.
Recent international reports do suggest, that it is not easier for the Uighurs to visit outside, as China refuses to provide passports to them. An official was quoted telling, "Passport applications must bear the seal of the nationalities and religious affairs committees before [applicants] are allowed to leave the country…They haven't been sending back these forms for some time, so ethnic minorities are totally unable to process their applications [to leave the country] right now." A former Indian intelligence official has just commented that the Eid celebrations in Xinjiang was carefully calibrated by the government. He has asked the following valid questions on local Muslim population visiting the mosques on the Eid: "Were prayers allowed? If so, how many attended? Why did the local authorities have to "encourage" people to visit each other on the occasion of Eid when it is the normal tradition to do so in the rest of the world? Were they refusing or reluctant to do so otherwise? Were they protesting against the alleged violation of their religious rights? Are the relations between the Hans and the Uighurs still so bad that they avoid greeting each other even on occasions like the end of the Ramadan fast?"
On the east of Ladakh and Gilgit-Baltistan, Tibet is another problem region for China. Despite the Beijing-Lhasa railway line and investments, Tibetans are not integrated with the rest of China. Beijing is afraid of Dalia Lama even today. For the lack of space, this article does not focus more on this issue, which is discussed sufficiently.
Clearly, there is a Chinese soft underbelly on the north and east of J&K (if Gilgit-Baltistan is still believed to be a part of J&K, as the Parliamentary resolution has made us believe!). India needs to exploit this soft underbelly of China. However, this exploitation need not necessarily be negative; it could be even positive. Perhaps, both.
Historically parts of J&K have always interacted with these two regions; Kargil, was once the center of the much famed Central Asian trade route. Ladakh's links with Tibet need not be underlined. China is waiting for the exit of Dalai Lama, but is also afraid of the nature of Tibetan movement after him. Undoubtedly, Dalai Lama has been of a soothing influence over the community; what if the next generation is more radical? India can play a positive role, especially if the Kailash-Mansoravar route is opened. The same way, by relinking Kashgar and Urumqui with J&K, India can play a positive role in Xinjiang. After all, these three regions, once upon a time, were a part of the much famed Silk Route!
It is unfortunate, that with the closure of Silk Route in the 1960s, India has lost all contacts with these two regions. New Delhi should pressurize Beijing that opening these old routes will be beneficial to its troubled regions. Of course, Beijing will also weigh its options in doing so.
Meanwhile, India could pursue two things. First, to move ahead with military modernization, so that it is militarily prepared to meet any situation along its borders. Second, to invest in research on China's soft underbelly; both the Universities in Jammu and Srinagar have departments working on the region. Besides, two more Universities have been granted to J&K; one of them could have an exclusive campus, perhaps in Leh, to study China's soft under belly, from national and regional security perspectives.
(The author is Deputy Director, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS), New Delhi)