And
we keep silent
Who
says that silence is a
friend who will never
betray? He has apparently
not cared to visit our
State. The reality is
that we have chosen to
let down ourselves by
observing criminal
silence. Even the
humblest will strike back
if harassed or imposed
upon too far. In sharp
contrast we refuse to act
despite being inflicted
with wounds and then
having salt rubbed into
them. Does it make any
sense, therefore, that we
should be complaining
about the losses worth
crores in the prevailing
atmosphere in the Valley?
What right do we have to
shed tears given our own
gross inactivity? It is
not easy to assess the
actual extent of
financial setback that we
have encountered and
continue to face because
of bandhs and curfews
during the last more than
two months in the Kashmir
Valley. According to one
estimate our economy has
been dented by a huge Rs
21000 crore in about 80
tense days so far. The
business community is
said to have accumulated
losses to the tune of Rs
8000 crore. Its
assumption is based on
the calculation that
every day a sum of Rs 100
crore is going down the
drain. The State
Government, on the other
hand, is losing Rs 161
crore per day in terms of
sales tax, income tax and
other levies. An official
of the Finance Department
has worked out the total
in this regard to be more
than Rs 13000 crore. It
is an anti-climax after a
booming season in the
first half of the year. A
leading hotelier has
correctly summed up the
scenario: "Most of
hotels were running up to
80-90 per cent occupancy
during the early days of
the season but that came
crashing to 30 per cent
by the end of June and
now we are without
business for two months
exactly."
Tourism and hospitality
trades are the first
casualties of violence.
These are heavily
dependent upon visitors
from outside the State
who understandably lose
charm in staying back or
extending their sojourn
with their safety in
danger. They go back
regretting that they have
made a bad bargain. There
is no formal study yet
but it can be anyone's
guess that a sizable
chunk of sightseers must
have already been fed up
with risky situation one
year after the other and
altogether dropped our
State especially the
highly picturesque Valley
from their annual holiday
itinerary. It is a
permanent blow to us.
Hotels and houseboats are
without occupants leaving
them with no alternative
but to lay off their
staff. As a consequence
there is an increase in
unemployment. The matters
have worsened with some
masked youth indulging in
vandalism of some units
in Rangreth Industrial
Estate in Srinagar city
and Lassipora Industrial
Estate in Pulwama
district.
These threatening
incidents are meant to
scare away industrial
labour. There are thus no
hotels, no industry, no
schools and no colleges
--- all of them are
virtually closed. What is
our response as citizens?
Lakhs of us undergo agony
each day. We are also
getting poorer. Yet, not
even a fraction is
prepared to stand up and
say enough is enough. It
is high time that the
civil society in the
Valley asserted itself
against those disturbing
its normal life and
adding to its trauma.
A
highway crime
The murder
of a young taxi driver by
a group of unidentified
criminals on the
Nagrota-Manda road on
Thursday night adds yet
another dimension to the
developing crime scenario
in this region. From the
available details it
seems to have been a
Bollywood-style macabre
drama. The alleged
assailants hired the car
being driven by 23-year
old Gurpreet Sigh of
Nanak Nagar in this city
from Katra for journey to
Jammu. On the
Nagrota-Manda road they
tied the hands of the
driver, inflicted
injuries on his face with
a weapon and then also
strangulated him throwing
his body on the road
before driving away with
the vehicle. Preliminary
inquiries have revealed
that they may have been
three in number. They
wore kurta pajama and
spoke Punjabi which
implied that they
possibly belonged to the
neighbouring State. The
time between the
execution of the
dastardly crime and the
recovery of the body on
Friday was enough to make
good escape from this
State via Lakhanpur; it
is presumed that they
might have taken this
route. Prima facie the
motive of the alleged
killers appears to have
been to snatch the car.
How does one interpret
the incident except that
it is one more in line
with new crimes
overwhelming this city
and its vicinity? In the
process it also exposes
the vulnerability of the
isolated Nagrota-Manda
stretch. It calls for
better policing. Whether
we like it or not it is
also a sad comment on our
law-enforcing machinery
in another sense too.
Would it be an
exaggeration to point at
its failure to evoke any
fear or respect even so
close to a Capital city?
There have been killings,
including of a teenage
boy, right under its nose
in this city itself. What
should one say when at
stage a district police
boss himself is exposed
to the charge of
complicity in a murder
and is arrested? As
ordinary citizens we too
ought to share blame to
some extent. We develop
cold feet in the face of
mischief-makers and black
sheep among us. Instead,
we must know that our
united resistance can
call the bluff of the
wickedest of the bullies.
Our collective silence
amounts to acquiescence
in a wrong-doing. The
worse is that it goes on
to encourage criminals to
step up their evil
activities. Why should we
give them any room for
destroying our lives?
This does not in any way
mean that we have to take
the job of police in our
hands. We have to simply
act as guardians of our
own welfare. This is
necessitated by the
worsening crime scenario
in our region especially
in this city and its
vicinity. The
ever-increasing rush of
pilgrims to this region,
a busy airport and the
railway station are
bringing fresh challenges
to our lifestyles. Added
to it are the
all-pervasive corruption
and the menace of
terrorism. Some of these
factors combined together
are a recipe for our
disaster. Once the
murders are not merely
the outcome of hot
tempers but also prior
planning, as in the above
instance, then we have to
doubly worry. The
engagement of hired
killers has been alleged
in another happening in
Trikuta Nagar not very
long ago. Somewhere we
should make a beginning
to stop this trend.
Sialkot,
London and Lahore
IN
AND AROUND J&K
By D. Suba Chandran
Three
developments in Sialkot,
London and Lahore, during
the last couple of weeks,
have shaken the
conscience and confidence
of an average Pakistani;
one could see the despair
and despondency in a
plethora of writings in
their own blogs,
editorials and opinion
articles. How did they
end up in this mess?
Where are they heading
towards? What can we
learn from the
developments in our
neighborhood?
In Sialkot, a mob,
primarily belonging to
the middle class,
publicly attacked two
brothers, for a minor
issue over playing
cricket. The vitims were
thoroughly beaten up and
lynched by the mob;
worse, their bodies were
hung in the posts, after
being mutilated. Viewed
by thousands and filmed
by many, the incident
brought to the focus, of
how few people took law
into their own hands. The
rest, unfortunately were
not the silent
spectators; they were
active participants.
Sialkot, is not some
Taliban land, or in the
tribal region; considered
to be a Sports town, and
hardly few kms away from
RS Pura. Why do people
believe, they can take
law into their hands, and
execute people in public?
Far away from Sialkot, in
London, a week ago, the
News of the World, a
British news paper in a
damning story, brought
out, how a group of
players in Pakistan's
cricket team, including
its captain, Salman Butt,
was a part of match
fixing. The bookie, who
was filmed taking the
money, was boasting about
his reach into the
Pakistani cricket team,
and ever referred to
certain players in a
derogatory manner.
Mohammad Asif, who was
one of the accused, later
received the player of
the series award. Asif is
not the first one; from
Salim Malik to Wasim
Akram, there is a list,
who has been accused by
their own team and
nation. Why should
players, who otherwise
are famous for their
exploits in the
cricketing field should
do something horrendous
like this?
Few days ago, in Lahore,
there was a series of
suicide and bomb attacks
on a Shia procession,
killing more than 35
persons; this was
followed by another
suicide attack on another
Shia procession in
Quetta, killing more than
50 people. Between these
two towns, during the
same period, there was
another attack in Mardan,
on a Ahmedi mosque. More
than 90 people were
killed in these three
sectarian attacks, during
the same period. Again,
these three towns (in
fact, Lahore is a city,
and considered to be the
cultural capital of
Pakistan; like Sialkot,
it is also a stone throw
from the border) are not
in Taliban land; they are
urban towns/cities, with
schools, colleges and
universities. How did
sectarian violence and
Taliban influence come
into the cities of
Pakistan?
The above three
questions, needs to be
researched into. Answers
may serve as lessons for
India, in terms of how we
should (or rather, how we
should not) pursue the
process of nation
building and governance.
Instead of looking into
the happenings inside
Pakistan from a parochial
perspective and draw a
sadistic pleasure, it
would be useful, to learn
from their mistakes, in
not doing something.
Lahore and Sialkot are
not far from Jammu and
Amritsar.
The recent happenings in
Sialkot, Lahore and
London represent three
major failures for
Pakistan. First, the
failure of legal process
and the institutions of
governance. Why do people
take law into their
hands? One could
understand, if the same
thing has happened in
Miranshah in Waziristan;
one could blame it on the
tribal laws and customs.
But, how do we justify,
when it happens in urban
towns?
Despite the recent
actions taken by
Pakistan's judiciary led
by its Chief Justice
Iftikhar Chaudhry, the
legal institutions of
Pakistan are weak, even
today. One of the primary
reason for the popular
support to the Taliban
ascendancy in Swat, has
been the utter failure of
mainstream legal
institutions. Justice is
both denied and delayed.
What do people do, if
they lose their faith in
mainstream legal
institutions?
The mob justice should
not be blamed only on
public frenzy; the
failure of legal
institutions needs to
take the primary blame.
Primitive institutions
like tribal panchayats
with archaic rulings
under the hands of few
feudal lords, and
neo-religious movements
like the Taliban, attempt
to fill the void, created
by mainstream legal
institutions, by
providing cheap and quick
justice. Where there is
no doctor, the quack is
bound to have his say!
Second major failure, is
related to accountability
(or the lack of it). From
the President to a common
man on the road, there is
a "Chalta-Hai"
attitude in Pakistan; one
could do whatever he
wants to do, and still,
he can certainly get away
with it. This did not
take place on a single
day, but over a period.
From the Parliament to
the police booth in the
local chowki, people in
power discharge their
duties with utter
disdain. Millions get
siphoned by political
leaders; military rulers
impose martial regimes;
bureaucrats care a damn
for rules and
regulations; and
commissions are more used
for the omissions. From
the assassination of Ayub
Khan to that of Benazir
Bhutto (both were
ironically killed in the
same park!) has there
been any
accountability?Within
Pakistan cricket, there
have been numerous claims
and accusations; the most
significant has been that
on Salim Malik and Wasim
Akram. From throwing away
matches to doping and
ball tampering, Pakistan
team has been
continuously courting
controversies since the
early 1990s, when Shane
Warne and Steve Waugh
complained against Salim
Malik. The government
instituted a commission
headed by Justice Qayyum,
which submitted its
report in 1999, detailing
what is happening within
Pakistan Cricket Board
(PCB) and the team. What
happened to the report
and its findings.
Ironically, Justice
Qayyum was quoted during
the last few weeks, had
the government and the
PCB took action on his
report, this ugly
incident in London would
not have happened.
The third major failure
is related to crisis of
governments/regimes and
their search for
legitimacy. The frequent
changes in regimes
(military and democratic)
resulted in each of them
trying to search for
legitimacy; in the
process, they created
both by default and
design, certain
groups/organizations.
Taliban and Sectarain
organizations are a
deliberate creation of
successive regimes; if
one regime created it,
others perpetuated, for
narrow political
objectives. National
interests became
secondary, to regime and
party interests.
Sectarian violence and
Taliban expansion are a
part of this undermining
of national interests.
Failure of governance
process, especially the
legal institutions in
providing justice;
complete mockery of
accountability; and the
undermining of national
interests for narrow
political and regime
interests, have been
three primary reasons for
what has happened in
these three cities during
the last two weeks.
Sectarian killings, mob
violence and match fixing
are expressions of a
deeper problem; they are
merely an expression of a
chronic disease.
(The author is Deputy
Director, Institute of
Peace and Conflict
Studies (IPCS), New
Delhi)
Natural
bounty and mining
companies
By
Dr Bharat Jhunjhunwala
The
National Mining Policy,
2008 committed to exploit
natural resources in
keeping with long term
interests of the nation.
It was necessary to
ensure mineral security
during periods of
international strife, it
was said. But the export
policy of iron ore is
contrary to this
commitment.
The superior iron ore is
hematite. We have
reserves of about 12
billion tons of this
which is sufficient for
30 years. The inferior
ore is magnetite of which
we have 11 billion tons.
Indian steel mills use
little magnetite. Thus
our reserves will last
only about 30 years. This
is equal to a few minutes
of a day considering 5000
years' history of our
civilization. Therefore,
exports of iron ore
should be immediately
banned for ensuring
mineral security of the
nation. That is what the
United States has done.
It has iron ore reserves
of 50 tons per capita. It
has banned iron ore
exports. Our reserves are
only 21 tons per capita
yet more than one-half of
our ore production is
exported. Reportedly
there has been an
increase of 20 percent in
ore exports. Surely, our
consumption of steel per
capita is less than that
of the United States. But
we aim to become
'developed' soon, do we
not? Therefore, we have
to plan for the future
demand and not hide
behind low demand of the
present.
Ores are received by us
as a gift from nature.
They cannot be produced
like milk or software.
Supply of milk increases
if there is an increase
in price. But supply of
iron ore cannot increase
because availability is
limited by nature.
Therefore, we cannot
leave the exports to
market forces. It may not
be wise to export even if
global prices are high
just as one does not sell
the family jewelry when
gold prices soar.
The landed price of iron
ore in the Chinese market
today is about Rs 5,000
per ton. The cost of
production is Rs 300,
taxes Rs 300, sea
transport to China Rs 600
and, say, profits of the
mining company are Rs
100. The total cost is Rs
1,300 per ton. Question
is who is the rightful
owner of the remainder Rs
3,700? This is actually
the value of nature's
gift. It belongs to all
citizens of the country.
Therefore, this money
should be collected by
the government as the
custodian of common
rights of the people. But
this huge amount of money
is being collected by the
mining companies in the
present dispensation.
Appropriation of this
common wealth by
individuals is at the
root of development of
mining mafias across the
world. Therefore, a
royalty equal to the
nature's gift of Rs 3,700
per ton should be
collected from all mining
companies-domestic users
as well as exporters.
Mining companies should
get only normal profits
on the expenditures
incurred in production.
Further, we should try to
secure an increase in the
global price of iron ore.
An increase in global
price will tantamount to
increase in the value of
nature's gift. Main
exporters of iron ore are
Australia, Brazil and
India. In 2008, the main
Brazilian exporter Vale
had sought an increase in
price from Chinese
importers. Chinese
importers did not agree
to this. Instead they
imported more from India
in the spot markets. That
might explain the
increase in exports from
India in recent years. In
consequence, India
prevented an increase in
global price. Just as a
section of the trade
union joins with the mill
owners and breaks the
strike for its petty
personal gains, so also
India broke the Brazilian
effort for petty gains.
It was wiser for India to
cooperate with Brazil and
jointly seek an increase
in price from Chinese
importers.
Three points emerge from
the above discussion.
One, a huge increase in
royalty on ores should be
made to collect nature's
gift and to use it for
the collective good of
the people. This money
may be distributed to all
citizens in cash. This
will lead to reduction in
mining and help preserve
our mineral security.
Two, rates of royalty on
inferior magnetite ore
may be kept less. This
will encourage domestic
producers to use this and
extend the life of our
reserves. Three, India
should make an export
cartel with Australia and
Brazil and jointly impose
a hefty export tax in
addition to the royalty.
Joint action will prevent
Chinese importers to play
one exporter against the
other and keep prices
low.
Counterargument is that
we must make exports the
engine of economic
growth. Theoretically,
this is correct. Every
country should export
those items which it can
produce cheap. But this
applies only to countries
that have large reserves
of ore and whose domestic
requirements are much
less than the available
quantities. For example,
Australia has iron ore
reserves of 2,000 tons
per capita. India has
only 21 tons per capita.
The export-led growth
argument holds for both
countries but the items
to be exported would be
different. Australia may
surely export iron ore,
but India would do well
to export labour-which is
available aplenty. The
farmer first stores
grains for his domestic
requirement and then
sells the excess
quantity. We should do
the same for iron ore.
Counterargument is that
banning exports will hit
at the large employment
in mining companies
because domestic steel
mills do not have the
capacity to consume the
entire domestic
production. This argument
is valid, but only in the
short run. About 30 years
ago export of raw hides
from the country was
banned. Soon a vibrant
industry of finished
leather products got
developed. Similarly,
domestic steel industry
will grow as fast as soon
as exports are banned and
jobs will regenerate. In
any event jobs in mining
are limited by the
availability of iron ore.
Question is whether we
generate these jobs now
or leave some to be
generated in future. The
farmer does not sell all
the earth of his fields
for brick making at one
go. Similarly we should
not sell all the ore and
try to grab all jobs
immediately.
Counterargument is that
the petty interests of
mining versus steel
companies are involved in
the debate. Mining
companies want taxes to
be kept low so that
exports are buoyant.
Steel companies, on the
other hand, want export
taxes to be jacked up so
that domestic
availability increases
and prices move
southwards. These petty
interests are certainly
at play. But the
government should rise
both above mining mafias
and steel barons and make
a policy in national
interest. And, ensuring
mineral security as well
as maximizing export
incomes both requires
increase in royalties and
export taxes.
Last counterargument is
that we should increase
exports of manufactured
steel instead of iron
ore. The logic is correct
insofar as promotion of
value added exports is
concerned. But mineral
security is a much bigger
issue. It as much
affected by steel exports
as by ore exports. The
government must rise
above petty interests of
various contending groups
and impose a huge royalty
as well as export tax on
all mining and exports of
iron ore.

China
real threat
By
Brij Bhardwaj
There
is a growing opinion in
India that Pakistan may
be an irritant and an
immediate threat posed by
Jihadi groups based in
that country, but China
is a real problem in the
long run. Its policy of
encirclement as witnessed
by its growing presence
in our neighbourhood, its
open support to Pakistan
on Kashmir issue and
raking up questions about
the status of Arunachal
Pradesh should leave no
one in doubt that China
is flexing its muscles as
a big power and posing a
challenge to us if not
open hostility.
Indians response to
these provocative acts
has been muted and there
has been a tendency to
play it down. To start
with let us have a look
at its changing stance on
Kashmir issue. In the
past China had maintained
that it was a dispute
between India and
Pakistan and should be
resolved through
bilateral talks. It has
now virtually endorsed
the Pakistan stand by
showing the same as part
of Pakistan in maps by
issuing stapled visas to
people belonging to
Kashmir and by refusing
to grant visa to GOC
Northern Command on the
plea that he held charge
of Kashmir.
These provocations were
serious enough, but a new
one was added by sending
large contingent of
Chinese troops to Gilgit,
a part of Jammu and
Kashmir to help Pakistan
army which is fighting
local rebels there. China
has also gained lot of
logistic advantage in
Tibet by building a
network of roads in areas
close to Indo-Chinese
border. India had
declared few years ago
its resolve to improve
road network on border
with China but has little
to show on the ground.
The only visible action
has been upgrading of
some airfields in forward
areas, move to raise new
mountain battalions and
stationing of a squadron
of fighter planes in the
border region.
According to defence
experts the advantage has
shifted in favour of
China in the border
region between the two
countries. In addition
China has built a support
base in Nepal in terms of
rise of Maoists who
support pro-China line,
In Myanmar and Sri Lanka
it is building port
facilities to increase
its presence in Indian
Ocean. In Balochistan it
is building a port which
will give it an access to
strategic region. All
these steps clearly
indicate that China has
started making its
presence felt in the
region as a major power.
This will be on display
in a much bigger way as
US faces series of
setbacks in Afghanistan.
Its influence in Pakistan
is also on decline as the
Chinese have come up in a
big way in that country
by being declared as the
most reliable ally. The
US has poured in billions
of dollars to support
Pakistan army and also
helped in providing
relief for flood victims,
but their popularity
rating remains low in
that country with Jihadi
groups holding a sway
over a large section of
population.
Under the circumstances,
India has no option but
to consider various steps
to bolster its position
in comparison to China.
It is ironic that the
volume of trade between
India and China continues
to grow but the Chinese
hostility towards India
is also on rise instead
of changing. China would
like India to open its
markets for Chinese
products but is not
prepared to treat it as a
friend. The cooperation
witnessed between the two
countries during Climate
summit and WTO talks has
become a part of history
and Chinese establishment
is continuing to make
hostile noises. Agreed
given the present state
of economy of two
countries India is not in
a position to match China
in Arms build up, but
within the limited means
a lot can be done.
For instance there is no
reason why the program to
build roads in border
region with China should
face endless delays when
the Defence Ministry
continues to surrender
large part of its budget
unutilised at the end of
the of the financial
year. Our defence
procurement also suffers
from bureaucratic and
political delays. Items
like new artillery pieces
urgently needed have not
been procured. It is time
that process of selection
is shortened in terms of
months instead of taking
years.
Our policy of
self-sufficiency in
defence items remains
a distant dream as public
sector units and research
organisations continue to
underperform and private
sector is kept out. A
time has come when the
economic reforms process
should be started in
defence related
industries. India is not
as badly prepared for
hostilities if they break
out as in 1962 but the
gap between us and China
remains large as they
have grown much faster.
Recently some sense of
urgency has been
witnessed in corridors of
power, but it is yet to
be translated into action
on the ground. There is
need for our senior
leaders including Prime
Minister to take note of
developments in this
sensitive area involving
our security as any
shortcomings in this
sector will have far
reaching consequences as
compared to other items
engaging their attention.
We need a task force
which should take up the
job of plugging the gaps
in national security.
India also needs to build
up on its links with
countries like South
Korea, Vietnam and
Cambodia. They also are
apprehensive about
growing Chinese power. In
the years to come India
will have to build its
ties with countries of
Asia and Africa in search
for markets and raw
materials. It will
involve competition with
China for which we should
be prepared. (NPA)


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