No two party system in India

By Atul Cowshish

The fond if not naïve belief that India is going to be a two-party state must now be abandoned. The 'third' factor in Indian politics, however, will always be a mass of floating bodies. The outcome of the 15th Lok Sabha poll has reinforced the widely held view that in its present shape and package the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is aeons of years away from being a party that can form a government on its own at the Centre and thus claim to be the only alternative to the Congress.
It may be some consolation for the BJP that the third factor by whatever name it is known is unlikely to be led by the Left parties. The romanticism of the Left or radical politics, so manifest in the 1960s and 1970s, seems to be ebbing away from India of 21st century.
The Left parties are even more rigid than the BJP in their 'ideological' makeup and, hence, have lesser chance of giving themselves a new coat of paint that makes them attractive to more people. The Left will always be part of the drifting 'regional' and 'caste-based' parties, or smaller parties, that seem to find conditions in the state more suitable rather than the Centre.
By now it has become hackneyed to talk about the pundits going wrong in their pre-poll predictions. The pundits will continue to go wrong if they insist that the political preferences of the country's electorate can be defined in 'right' and 'left' terms because it discounts the value that the average voter attaches to the 'centre'. The yardstick of categorising the average voter as either a rabid communalist or a large-hearted secular may also be reaching its expiry date because his or her concerns are rather materialistic-roti, kapada aur makan (food, clothes to wear and roof over the head).
While analysts continue to harp on the wide gap between the number of seats won by the Congress and the BJP, the two 'main' parties in the country, the tally notched up by the 'rest' cannot be described as insignificant. In a country where politics is now also established as a 'family business' the smaller parties are not moving towards oblivions. These parties will never morph into a monolithic unit-that will be against their nature-but fade they will not.
Together they will always kindle hope for a third political force. Whether or not such a third force meets wide acceptance in the country or, more importantly, will be in a position to give a stable government is another question.
Parties like the SP, BSP, JD(S) may have offered 'unconditional' support to the Congress-led UPA but surely not out of any altruistic consideration. Given the past of all these parties they could very well have lent support to the BJP if they were sure that the saffron party was in a better position to form the government.
There can be no doubt that if only the BJP had heeded to some of the lessons after its 'unexpected' loss in the 2004 general election-if not earlier-it might not have seen its fortunes drop so low as they have now. The lessons were apparent: the Hindutva card has lost its power; the country is getting tired of a brand of politics that is more medieval than contemporary; and preaching hatred shrinks support even though some may applaud it vociferously.
For India to be a two-party state the BJP has to enhance its reach considerably. But its steadfast refusal to transform itself into an inclusive party has ensured that there will always a third force in Indian politics, which may be more content to play the role of a king maker rather than the actual king.
Just after the results of the 15th Lok Sabha polls were announced the BJP had aroused a faint hope that it might reconsider its espousal of chauvinistic Hindu nationalist causes and stop harping on the days of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata when the majority of the population-the youth-is keyed to a future, disinterested in carrying the baggage of the past.
The BJP finally held its 'chintan baithak' (brainstorming) of the national executive, but if all the previous 'chintan baithaks' failed to alter the character of the BJP how will another one? The party said that its Hindutva plank is non-negotiable. But what about efforts to present itself as a responsible Opposition party, instead of a party that excels in launching personal attacks on opponents, often in poor taste, and does not believe in presenting an alternative blueprint to development and resolution of various internal and external problems.
Attack may be a good tactic in the physical battlefield, but in the political arena this policy has to be adopted with caution. No sooner was the new government sworn in the BJP was rushing everywhere to tell how arrogant the ruling party was in refusing to accommodate a partner. The Congress may be faulted in its standoff with the UPA ally, DMK, but the BJP criticism on the issue will not get its any sympathy. Even if the DMK has some very good reasons to be adamant about its demand for a larger share in the Cabinet, the fact is that the overwhelming sections in the country have not seen the DMK shenanigans favourably.
Some of the comments attributed to the BJP general secretary, Arun Jaitley are astonishing, though more shocking is the constant tug of war among the 'senior' leaders of the 'disciplined' party. He now says that the party campaign was too negative and the voters rejected the rather abusive campaign against certain Congress personalities. Jaitley did not have to wait till the poll results were announced to know all this, especially if he one of the top 'GenNext' leaders of the BJP.
The BJP has said that it will play the role of a 'responsible' Opposition in parliament and might even extend support to the government on certain issues. But will the BJP stick to these words? One way to test it will be to see the party's behaviour in Parliament. Past experience does not suggest that the BJP members will henceforth give up their disruptive tactics inside Parliament, more so when they will find lots of 'incentive' to do so from many other sections in the House. (Syndicate Features)

Elder abuse

By Dr Mala Kapur Shankar

Prema's name translates as 'loved one'. But in Prema's case, her name is a misnomer. Far from being loved, at her advanced age she finds herself working endlessly for the young woman her husband brought into their home as his new 'wife'.
Prema, a homemaker who lives near Chandigarh, is in her late-60s. She was around 53 when her husband got inclined towards another younger women. At first, her husband was indifferent towards her and but this has turned to total neglect now.
Her situation is unusual, but it does fall in the category of "elder abuse", a situation in which older people are subjected to abuse and neglect within their families and communities. On June 15, the world observes Elder Abuse Awareness Day, yet people like Prema continue to suffer neglect and abuse.
It was in the mid-1980s that gerontological research, especially in the UK and US, began to focus on elder abuse. But more than three decades later, it remains an unaddressed concern in India, characterised by a lack of conceptual and definitional clarity. Since this crime is greatly under-reported, there is also a conspicuous absence of relevant data on it. The situation is compounded by the fact that not all situations of elder abuse fit neatly into the existing legal categories. Consequently, elder abuse as a social issue or as one that is relevant to public health figures very inadequately in the public sphere. This has resulted in the underlying causes of abuse - which could in turn have helped in developing appropriate interventions to address it - remaining unidentified.
Yet, there is empirical evidence to suggest that in India incidents of abuse and neglect of older people are increasing by the day, both within families and institutions, and that it prevails across classes, castes and religions. Reports of such abuse have come in from every state in the country and it takes place in both rural and urban settings.
What is a particularly disquieting trend is the vulnerability of ageing women to oppression in various forms. Given existing structures of gender discrimination, women run a greater risk than men of becoming victims of material exploitation, financial deprivation, property grabbing, abandonment, verbal humiliation, emotional and psychological torment. When they fall seriously ill, it is more likely than not, that it is the elderly women in the family who will be denied proper health care. There is also a greater tendency to dismiss the gendered aspects of elder abuse. They rarely come to light. This is because such attacks are made invisible by the belief that they are "internal" or "domestic" matters that need to be sorted out by the concerned individuals and not one that can be addressed publicly. There is also a widespread understanding that the neglect, deprivation and marginalisation of older women are the normal consequences of ageing.
The research that I have personally conducted as a gerontologist has been revealing. I have come across women who have been hit, or more specifically slapped, by their sons, daughters-in-law, daughters and husbands. Some older women have told me that they have had things thrown at them when they have not done something according to the desires of family members. They have been pushed around or restrained from doing something they had wanted to do, whether it is cooking, housekeeping, or participating in activities outside the home. Many have reported being spat upon while some have been falsely framed for dowry harassment. But the most common abuse these women face is being denied independent social and economic resources. Most of them carry on doing the back breaking domestic chores that they have done all their lives. The luxury of a little leisure, a little care, is something that has always eluded them.
While it is difficult to accurately measure the extent of the problem on a national scale, given the fact that most families deny that such abuse takes place within the four walls of their homes, we do know that the number of older people in our midst is growing. Current estimates put the 60-plus population at around 90 million and India is projected to have a population of 142 million older people by 2020. Given this demographic reality, what kind of action can the country take at the individual and societal level to alleviate abuse and neglect? How can we generate thought and action from the health, welfare and criminal justice perspectives, which could contribute to a life free of violence, mistreatment and neglect for our elderly? How can we ensure greater acknowledgement and awareness of the need for older men and women to live a life of dignity and respect?
Some argue that a good legal regime will help victims of abuse and neglect among the elderly. India, like many other countries in the world, has adult protection provisions similar to those in Europe, the UK, Canada, South Africa and USA. But will an act like The Maintenance and Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Act, 2007 prove a deterrent to abuse? The problem here is that senior citizens, especially women, do not actively seek justice on issues like these. There is a need to raise public awareness on the issue and set up fast-track systems that will enable older persons to access justice more easily.
For me, an important intervention strategy is for everyone, particularly women, to start preparing for old age even when they are relatively young. It is essentially that each individual understands the legal, social and financial factors that shape their lives throughout their life span, and build the necessary support networks. This will go a long way in helping them take the necessary practical steps to secure their future and protect their rights, even as they advance in years.
(Dr Shankardass is Chair for India and Asia of the International Network for Prevention of Elder Abuse.) (WFS)

Review police weapons

By Rama Rao

It is a truism of warfare that the management of the external threat is a reflection of the maintenance of internal security. If lines of communication from the ordnance factories and supply bases or recruitment centres are amenable to disruption or infiltration then the job of the external enemy is made that much easier.
Both Pakistan and its mentor China have used this dictum to undermine Indian security and turn its attention inwards. Nowhere was this more apparent than in the north-east where Beijing nurtured the Naga and Mizo insurgencies throughout the 50s and 60s till Bangladesh emerged on the scene. It proved to be a short-lived reprieve though. The growth of Islamic fundamentalism in Bangladesh pump primed by the Pakistan Army Inter-Services Intelligence which refined the concept of "jihad" in Afghanistan against the Soviet Union has given fresh lease to the network of insurgencies in the north east India but with an Islamic character.
With the overthrow of the monarchy in Nepal and the ascendancy of the Maoists there, China has been putting pressure on Kathmandu to change the standard operating procedures of an open India-Nepal border that has been in existence for decades. It was from its spy-nest in Kathmandu that the Pakistan Inter-Services Intelligence organized the hijacking of the Indian Airlines flight IC 814 to Kandahar to secure the release of the jihadi ideologue Maulana Masood Azhar and several other jihadis who had been arrested and put in Indian jails. It illustrated the external dimension of internal security. This showed up the shortcomings in Indian internal security procedures and how it can be exploited by an external enemy. It was demonstrated time and again when Kargil happened and then Mumbai on 26/11. And now, even as the confrontation between the Maoists and the State Government of West Bengal come to a boil we get information that the Pakistani Lashkar-e-Toiba terrorist organization had authorized, obviously under ISI instructions, a LeT operative to suborn the Maoists into joining hands with Pakistani terror organisations to undermine our internal security.
Against this backdrop, the series of internal security events of recent times need to be reviewed to evolve more effective standard operating procedures that will ensure a speedy handling of such events. For far too long this nation has had to suffer the ignominy of encounters stretching from hours to days. Kargil played out over several months and Mumbai 26/11 was like a bad dream in slow motion. Siege of Charar-e-Sharif shrine in Jammu and Kashmir is another case in point. After several days of crossfire and assurances by the Army personnel that the terrorists had been surrounded, the terrorists managed to set the shrine on fire and escape back to Pakistan where they were feted as heroes.
If one dacoit can keep 300 policemen at bay at Chitrakoot in Uttar Pradesh and manage to decapitate the force by killing three of its senior officers, it goes far beyond the Ram Pradhan committee report on the Mumbai massacre that police methodology, weapons and procedures are flawed across State boundaries. Nearly all police forces are fatally flawed. And they are supposed to be the bulwark of internal security.
Part of the problem of internal security has been the fact that much of its acquisitions in terms of arms and equipment have been reactive to what the terrorists, dacoits and criminals have already in their possession. In the purely confrontational aspect of internal security where the shootout is the result of externally-inspired terrorist activity or the result of pent-up socio-political aspects exacerbated by lack of regional development, the local police force is seen to have become redundant.
In many ways the Punjab model of force structure and equipment which was successfully utilized to crush the Khalistani movement has much relevance to the manner in which police forces, particularly those in States with international borders, are organized and employed. One example will suffice - the innovation by Punjab police chief K.P.S Gill of converting a tractor into an armoured vehicle for operation in the sugarcane fields -is indicative of how ground realities shape the kind of equipment required not just in a specific encounter but also as standard requirement to tackle the totality of threat.
Often many policemen fall victim to landmines while they are in hot pursuit of miscreants in Maoist/Naxalite controlled areas. It is not because the former have the element of surprise on their side but because the police force has not become aware of techniques of suppressing remote controlled explosive devices. As the attack on West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee had shown, police are unable to detect the landmine planted along the road side. Television clips of the ambush have shown the presence of mine protected vehicles many of which were bought from South Africa. It is as yet unclear whether this vehicle is confined for use by paramilitary forces like the BSF and CRPF (central forces) or is available to state policemen as well.
If policemen are the first echelon that have to confront landmines and high calibre rifle fire then indigenously-developed and produced mine protected vehicles capable of moving cross-country even after their rubberized tyres are blasted should become standard equipment with police forces. It will instil a greater confidence among policemen..
Shocking indeed was the discovery by the Ram Pradhan committee investigating the Mumbai 26/11 terror attack that bullet-proof jackets are only bullet resistant in the portion where ceramic or steel plates have been implanted. It means even these jackets need to be designed specifically for the type of bullet the terrorist/criminal may use.
High velocity, quick fire (three or more rounds per burst) could shatter a bullet-proof vest if more than one bullet lands at the same spot or close to it (because of rapid fire) the chances of the second or third bullet penetrating the body are greater. That is why rapid fire guns are made and are in wide circulation. The Kalashnikov is one such rifle.
A bullet-proof helmet too is a bit of a misnomer because where it does not penetrate, the knock from a high velocity bullet can break the neck of the target. In any case the objective -death --would have been achieved.
Thus the much-in-demand police reforms must extend to a re-examination of the kind of equipment available to police force. Since the likelihood is growing wherein police forces will need to be deployed to protect lines of communications and maintain law and order against Fifth Columnists operating on behalf and behest of foreign elements, they will need to be as well equipped as the terrorists in both attack and defence. How far and what kind of commonality of equipment should be built into police, paramilitary and Central Police Forces should be part of the review exercise. (Syndicate Features)