Daily Excelsior... Editorial

EDITORIAL

Will national coalition of regional parties at centre cripple governance ?

By Indranil Banerjea

One reason why the country's future looks bleak is that national political parties are being replaced in the states by regional parties in the power centre of governance. The Congress party which dominated the national politics since independence is a shadow of its past reach and expanse. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) which at one stage looked like replacing the Congress, too, has suffered in its march to be truly counted as a national party. Though the Janata Dal in its various avatars appeared to have future but it has turned out to be a sort of regional party. ...more

Controling high
drug prices

By Nantoo Banerjee

Who is interested in controlling spiraling drug prices or, for that matter, the skyrocketing healthcare costs? Both are interconnected although healthcare means a total package, of which drugs and pharmaceuticals form an important integral part. For medical treatment, which does not require hospitalization, the cost of drugs often takes a lion's share of the total expenditure incurred by a patient. In the case of surgical intervention, the other costs, including surgeon's fees, expenses on various tests, nursing and hospitalization, . ..more

EDITORIAL

Police as friend

A universally accepted principle of community-based policing is that the police is part of the community and not apart from it. For its police the United Nations has identified the following fundamentals as well: policing is carried out by consent, not coercion (force); the police and community work together to find out what communities' needs are; the police, public and other agencies work together in partnership; the business of policing is specifically designed to meet community needs; the community is empowered to root out the causes of its social and security problems; and, diversity in the police force reflects diversity in the community and meets the needs of different social actors. It has proposed the following measures to strengthen public confidence in the police: open access to all police services; the availability of police services 24 hours a day, 7 days a week; a highly visible police presence; aggressive public information campaigns; the creation of public forums and civil society engagements so that police actions are monitored and evaluated regularly; the representation of minority groups and balanced ethnic composition in the police service; the promotion of gender balance in the police force and gender mainstreaming in all police work. On our home turf several intellectuals and commissions have more or less spoken on similar lines. They are motivated by the concern for improving the image of the police. Over and over again Prime Minister Manmohan Singh himself has put emphasis: "Police forces need to be seen as a friend of the citizens, someone in whom a common man should repose trust and faith." Admittedly, however, the existing scenario is different. It is strange that though the police is the only visible arm of the state it commands little respect from the masses. It is seen more as a bully rather than as an ally. The Prime Minister himself is aware of this situation: "There was a time when the neighbourhood policeman was regarded as a friend, as a protector. Today, most people try to avoid approaching a policeman for help. They are either convinced that a policeman is ineffective and unlikely to help or that he or she is likely to make matters worse. If one reads from reports in the press and even from occasional experiences of individuals, there is still a long distance to cover in transforming our police forces to this ideal."

We are on this subject today because the Jammu district police has launched a well-intentioned drive against eve-teasing which can be effective only if the community is seriously involved in the exercise. According to a report in this newspaper, 40 miscreants involved in the harassment of girls have been rounded up in the city alone in the last few days. This is in addition to action against 22 others involved in similar offences elsewhere. The district police's laudable objective is to wipe out the menace. Everybody will wish it a big success. What it nevertheless needs to realise is that its task will be smooth if it directly involves the local inhabitants. Simply asking the people to come forward and lodge complaints as it has done is not enough. It is necessary to make them equal partners. Once it is done it will give teeth to the police's initiative apart earning for it a friendly disposition. Who does not want a safe and secure environment for women everywhere? A law is already afoot to make it mandatory for the police to work in close coordination with the people.

The draft Model Police Act seeking to replace the continuing British colonial absurdity of 1861 inter alia contains provision of community participation in policing in metropolitan cities and in respect of village guards, village defence party and community liaison groups in rural areas. It has been prepared by a committee of exports for the Union Home Ministry. Presently it is with state governments for consideration and appropriate action. We trust that the State Government will endorse its healthy aspects. This proposed law is the outcome of the desire to rid the police of its bad profile. As of today the police evokes fear more than respect and is not surprisingly, therefore, butt of many jokes one of which is: "Three police squads --- the Scotland Yard police, the New York police and the Indian police contest for the best police force award. The judges lead them to forests and assign them the mission. One which captures an adult lion and brings it back alive in the fastest time will be adjudged the best. First, the Scotland Yard goes into the forest and comes back in half an hour with a lion all tied up. Then the New York police goes in and comes back in 15 minutes with a tied up lion. Lastly the Indian brigade goes in, 15 minutes, half an hour, one hour and no sign of our Indian brigade. The judges give up and decide to search for them. They go into the forest. After some searching, they find Indian brigade all excitedly yelling near a tree. The Indian brigade has tied up a big bear to a tree and one of them is shouting: 'Bol tu Sher Hai.! Bol tu Sher Hai' (Admit that that you are a lion).

Heed this alert

To forewarn is to forearm. This popular saying holds good in all circumstances whether one is up against a war or a disease. One finds it quite sad that a fairly large number of children are infected by much-dreaded HIV (Human Immunodeficiency Virus)/AIDS (Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome). More than 32000 of them are suffering in the country. Of them 9478 are on anti-retroviral treatment (ART) in 147 ART centres. They are on paediatric fixed dose combinations of ARV (anti-retroviral) drugs. Apart from them 1800 children have been put on adult drugs. Our State accounts for 41 HIV positive children and 19 of them are living with ART. On the whole the country has about 2.5 million persons living with HIV/AIDS. Last year a report had mentioned that their number in the State was 1130.These figures are important for any serious study of what is considered to be a life-threatening infection. In any case these constitute the basis for determining the extent and strategy of providing help. Thanks to intensive publicity campaign it is widely known by now that HIV/AIDS victims require not only medical care but also psycho-social support. Global organisations are involved in lending liberal financial assistance to countries like ours. By and large the people are also sympathetic towards patients. It augurs well for our social order.

Will national coalition of regional
parties at centre cripple governance ?

By Indranil Banerjea

The coming assembly elections in six states may throw up many surprises. But what appears imminent is that no party is going to emerge unscathed. Moreover, winning here and there does not alter the political chemistry of cohesive governance of the country. With the emergence of the Telugu Desam as a ruling party in Andhra Pradesh, Mr. N.T. Rama Rao, to begin with, tried to harness the National Front-Left Front alliance, but without success. He was cold shouldered by his erstwhile friends.

Since the general election in 1989, there has been fragmentation of political process with the emergence of regional parties as an alternative to the Congress. The space vacated by the Congress has been filled by regional parties. The Dravid Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the All-India Anna Dravid Munnetra Kazhagam had long back marginalised the Congress in Tamil Nadu.

The CPI(M) is strong in West Bengal, Tripura and Kerala and the BJP has shown effective political presence in Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Bihar, Uttarakhand and Punjab. It has some presence in many other states. But the poll debacle it suffered in Uttar Pradesh has reduced its prominence as a dominant national party. The Janata Dal has autonomous state party units and its all-India claim is a political fiction because Naveen Patnaik of Orissa, Laloo Prasad Yadav of Bihar, H.D. Deve Gowda of Karnataka are purely regional leaders who operate under an abstraction known as the Janata Dal. Mr. Patnaik has tied up with the BJP in the state.

In a multi-cultural, multi-lingual and multi-religious country like India, a political party may emerge to promote and protect distinct cultural or language identity. The DMK/AIADMK has been perceived by the Tamilians as defenders of the Dravidian culture; the Akali Dal in Punjab has openly mixed religion with policies to project itself as the defender of the Sikh identity.

Continuing electoral defeats of the Congress party and the emergence of regional political formations is integrally linked with the changes which are taking place in the power structure and social relations in rural India. During 1960s, new social forces emerged in rural society because of the implementation of land reforms. These new agrarian classes also belonged to the category of backwards in the caste hierarchy in India.

New landlords or peasant proprietors became uncomfortable in the caste and class coalition of the Congress party of the 1950s and 1960s, and sections of middle peasantry and backward castes started walking out of the Congress after its electoral setback of 1967.

Chaudhary Charan Singh who was the most articulate caste and class leader of the emerging peasant castes floated Bharatiya Kranti Dal which was the first peasant-based regional party in Uttar Pradesh. Since 1967, the Congress party has been making every effort to maintain its support base among the emerging powerful middle peasantry and it has been a difficult journey for the party.

Veerappa Moily in Karnataka was making every effort to secure the support of dominant peasant castes like Vokkaligas and Lingayats for the Congress. These dominant castes shifted their support to the Janata Dal, and the Congress party lost the elections in Karnataka. The Congress party is involved in a basic struggle to win over the surplus producing peasantry in rural India and Balram Jakhar and the late Rajesh Pilot made every effort to promote and protect the interests of rich farmers and mobilised their support for the Congress.

In order to win over the landed peasantry the Congress party promoted UPA government passed the OBC reservation Bill in educational institutions and earlier job reservations. Will this help the Congress in 2009 parliamentary election is a million dollar question as the whole Hindu society is fragmented on caste lines? In case of the Muslim minority community the party is trying to garner the support by offering various incentives.

Two inter-related questions arise here with regard to the emergence of the regional parties and declining political power of the Congress. Why is it that the upwardly mobile middle peasants of the backward castes are leaving the Congress in favour of regional parties? And what are the implications for the governance of India in the context of emerging regionalism in politics?

The surplus generating peasantry wants state governments which will accord highest priority to their demands like high procurement prices, power and irrigation, subsidies, reservations in public services and educational institutions without the creamy layer among the dominant backward castes being excluded. Regional political parties and leaders can be relatively more accommodative than an all-India party which has to harmonise many conflicting and competing social interests. The Supreme Court in its latest judgement has put a dampener on some of the aspirations of the OBC community.

Every regional party claims to care for 'national interests' but objectively regional leaders protect and promote exclusive regional interests. Political parties operate on the basis of their social base. The farmers of Karnataka and Tamil Nadu look towards their own regional party for the Kaveri waters.

The all-India institutions of the government cannot operate without a politically strong Central government. The CBI raid on Darul-Uloom Nadwatul Ulema brought this fact into sharp focus-the Chief Minister of a regional party was interested in his electoral constituency instead of national interests. Mulayam Singh Yadav was the first person to de-legitimise an all-India institution of governance to win the favour of his local social support.

Such illustrations can be multiplied to prove that the emerging regionalisation of politics and the declining political power of the Central government will create situations of 'immobilism' in governance in India. Regional parties of economically developed states will come into conflict with regional parties of the backward states and arbiter will be required to implement the provisions of the Indian Constitution to deal with such inter-state conflicts.

Alternatively, it is time for like-minded political forces to work out a minimum programme so that a viable coalition can step in after the next general election. A coalition at the Centre per se need not create any fears in the minds of the masses or political leaders. Except for a few countries like Britain the Europe is ruled by coalition governments. Such a set-up has neither affected the development nor stability in these countries. India has little option but to be prepared as the single party rule may come to an end. Such political portends could not be different.

In this context the non-Congress and non-BJP political parties which seem to have the potential for winning the people's confidence have a major responsibility. The sooner they come together and work out a minimum programme the better. If such an alliance lacks popular backing the front will have to be broad based. Sooner the like-minded parties appreciate the situation the better for the country. However, the votaries of regionalism in the absence of effective Central government should be concerned about the serious crisis of governance in India. Multiplicity of regional parties instead of two or three national parties is unique Indian phenomenon and if this trend continues it will harm the country in the long run. INAV

Controling high drug prices

By Nantoo Banerjee

In a country where over 30 per cent people live below the poverty line and another 30 per cent live in poverty, a large majority of the population is finding increasingly difficult to meet the rising costs of healthcare, especially those of drugs. The prices of all emergency and life saving drugs have sharply increased over the last five years. Unlike most other manufacturing industries, high prices of so-called high potency drugs are not so much because of their high input or production costs as the post-manufacturing expenses (PME) such as very high trade margins and market promotion at individual and institutional levels with specialist physicians, drug administrators, etc. since advertisement of prescription drugs is universally banned.

A seemingly unfair trade practice by pharmaceutical companies is primarily responsible for the recent shooting up of the prices of those high potency life saving drugs or new generation medicines which have been decontrolled by the government to encourage drug manufacturers to increase their production and availability. Greedy drug companies are taking a full advantage of the current policy of the government.. And, the victims are invariably the country's 70 per cent economically unfortunate population who find the so-called new drugs and combination drugs simply unaffordable. The policy has also encouraged a thriving business of spurious drugs especially in the semi-urban and rural markets killing poor helpless patients in hordes like pests. If any body is to be blamed for this situation, it is the government and none else.

The discipling of the drug industry has proved to be one of the most difficult tasks before the successive governments at the Centre ever since the late Mrs. Indira Gandhi introduced a slew of measures in the early 1970s to check a cartel-like operation by some 30-odd manufacturers, mostly multi-national corporations (MNC), under the banner of the Organisation of Pharmaceutical Producers of India (OPPI). The measures included the preparation of a list of life saving drugs, the introduction of a strict drug price control regimen, forcing MNCs to manufacture basic drugs in India or face compulsory dilution of their foreign equity control, the setting up of the Hathi Committee, emphasizing on selling drugs in generic names instead of brand names, the manufacturing of basic drugs and antibiotics in the public sector, encouraging domestic pharmaceutical producers to take up research and development of new drugs, etc. Not all these measures succeeded in yielding the desired results.

The experiment with public sector undertakings such as Indian Drugs & Pharmaceuticals Limited (IDPL) and Hindustan Antibiotics proved to be a failure while many private sector enterprises took full advantage of the protective environment provided by the government to promote the domestic sector. Over the years, a whole lot of new players like Ranbaxy, Cipla, Dr. Reddy's, Biocon, Cadila, Aurobindo, Sun Pharma, Ipca, Lupin, Glenmark, Zandu and Dabur made a strong presence in the market taking on such mighty multi-national majors as GlaxoSmithKline, Pfizer, Astrazeneca, Aventis and Wyeth.

However, for reasons best known to the UPA government and its strong pro-industry minister in charge of the department of drugs and pharmaceuticals along with other non-related portfolios such as fertilizers, petrochemicals, chemicals and steel, Ramvilas Paswan, the leash on drug prices was loosened to give drug manufacturers almost a free hand in fixing 'minimum retail price' (MRP) of wide-ranging drug formulations making a mockery of the government's time-tested drug price control order (DPCO). Worse-still, the industry was allowed to easily escape the DPCO by introducing variants of those specified drugs which are under price control. Trade margins and promotional expenses which are inbuilt in MRP were sharply jacked up.

Although the matter was brought to the notice of the union government by state agencies of Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu nearly two years ago giving specific details of unbelievably high trade margins being charged by drug manufacturers for certain emergency medicines to treat a number of common diseases, neither Ramvilas Paswan nor the health minister, Ambumani Ramadoss, took these reports seriously enough to take a concerted action involving all concerned ministries and government departments, including the states, to check profiteering by drug companies.

Even reports in specialist medical journals and the media had little impact on the government. One of the latest such reports specifically named drug majors such as Ranbaxy, Dr. Reddy's, Cipla and Zydus Cadila of withdrawing or reducing supplies of popular brands of asthma drug, theophylline. This is to promote a series of very high priced brands based on a theophylline derivative called doxophylline which cost 20 to 25 times more than the older theophylline-based drugs. According to a study by well-known medical journal, Monthly Index of Medical Specialities (MIMS), popular and effective medicines such as Zydus Cadila's Deriphyllin, GlaxoSmithKline's Theo-Pa, Wockhardt's Phylobid and Cipla's Theo-Asthalin have disappeared from the shelves of most retail chemists.

This is because manufacturers are no longer interested in selling these Theophylline based drugs which are under price control and thus less profitable, points out the MIMS study. Many practicing physicians feel that the Theophylline-based Asthma drugs have better compliance report. There are over two million chronic asthma patients in the country. A good number of them are workers in steel mills, cement factories, chemicals and petrochemicals units. Dust, air pollution and high humidity conditions are a common cause of Asthma.

Now that the matter has reached a scandalous proportion with the public ire against the government increasing across the country, the government is thinking of strengthening the hands of the regulatory agency, the National Pharmaceutical Pricing Authority (NPPA), to check on annual price increases and price violations and penalize companies for charging 'unfair' margins. The Left parties have also started voicing their concern over the rising drug prices and fat profits being made by pharma majors. Lately, they are pushing the government to get into the core of the issue to stop exploitation of consumers by drug barons.

A Marxist MP, Dr Sujan Chakraborty, has suggested that a stand alone ministry or department of drugs and pharmaceuticals be created in the government on the lines of the information technology (IT) to ensure better administration of this vital sector which concerns the entire population. But, all these appear to be rather too little, too late. Nothing radical is expected from a going government in an election year. The common man's concern has rarely troubled the constituents of the UPA government, to whom wealth care of the rich and the aspiring seems to occupy a much higher priority than public health care. (IPA Service)