High command syndrome
MEN, MATTERS AND MEMORIES

By M L Kotru

I expected some major debate either on television or elsewhere on Rahul Gandhi's statement that most parties including his own have a High Command syndrome. But it was not to be. The country and the Congress party moved on treating it as a wardrobe malfunction oops.

But as they say there is many a slip between Rahul's cup and lip.

One Congress spokesperson was brave enough to say, when asked, ‘we naturally value Mr Gandhi's views and would welcome views from him because we believe in inner party democracy.’’

Other than that, the Gandhi statement never got the scrutiny it deserved. Either it is to be dismissed as childish mutterings of a newcomer to politics or for the Congress party at least it was so embarrasing that it did not want to discuss it. I remember back in the eighties when Rajiv Gandhi's made his tirade against power brokers. The speech was given in Mumbai. It grabbed instant attention. It showed, if nothing else, his intention, purpose. Rajiv's statement also meant acknowledgement that power brokers were running the party and the country. Did it mean the end to power brokers ? Certainly not. Except that, the Dhawans and others were replaced by Arun Nehrus of the world. And years later Rajiv Gandhi was himself a victim of the powerbroker middle man lobby in the Bofors case.

The middlemen and power brokers whom Rajiv Gandhi so abhorred had indeed been responsible for staging that great Mumbai Jamoree. Barring a few from the Capital's Press corps, his men had ensured that the media was fully represented and well looked after in Mumbai. So much so that the air fare and hotel bills of many of the journos were also picked up by the very men whom Rajiv ostensibly disliked. One particular middle man hosted an elaborate cocktail-dinner for some leading media personages ‘‘strictly on a personal basis, nothing to do with Rajivji's show enacted earlier on a set which would have been the envy of a K Asif or Sanjay Lila Bansali.

The man was all over the Press enclosure the next evening hailing Rajiv's speech as ‘‘one in a millennium’’. The man was duly rewarded with a Rajya Sabha membership and given his manipulatory powers he even became the General Secretary of the Congress Parliamentary Party. If he is nowhere to be seen now it may be because of jealousies within the coterie that surrounded Rajiv, for he was indeed hounded out of the picture soon after Rajiv's fall. There were the others, dubbed the Doon club, all in their forties and said to have been at the Doon School around the time Rajiv was there. The cleanest of the lot was Suman Dubey; the others were rabid opportunists, some even managing cabinet berths yet others content with the advantages that flow from proximity to power.

The Congress culture as it evolved after Jawaharlal Nehru has encouraged the growth of power-brokers and middlemen. Mrs Gandhi's ‘kitchen cabinet’ for the most part had everyone except her cabinet ministers on it. And the kitchen cabinet was a force to reckon with. That was just before Sanjay Gandhi took over and showed the kitchenwallas the door, instead installing a crony group of his own with the mother, in later stages in the lead up to the Emergency, unable or unwilling to control her younger son. Rajiv started out as India's ‘‘Mr Clean’’, a departure from the autoritarian Sanjay but only to end up in the lap of the men and women he had publicly denounced as power-brokers and middlemen.

So when Rahul Gandhi makes noises which are almost similar to those made by his father one must accept these with a fistful of salt. Rahul may not admit it but he has got his own coterie surrounding him- and not many of them from among the so-called youth brigade of the Congress Parliamentary Party. Imagine Rahul, the man whom Congress men would want to see as the country's Prime Minister, a member the audience at an award-giving ceremony, getting up to ask the actor Shahrukh Khan ‘‘what should a politician be like’’. And yet it was not very difficult to find out why Rahul, Priyanka and her husband Robert were present at the function. A wheeling-dealing MP, one -time journalist now a business magnate and Vice-President of the Board of Control for Cricket in India, a friend of Shahrukh Khan and close also to the Vadras and Rahul, could well have persuaded them to accept the invitation and as well prompted that question for Shahrukh. Much as he might want to, Rahul will find it difficult to shake off the power brokers. Never mind his High command syndrome and ‘‘high minded’’ rhetoric.

It was a bit surprising that Rahul Gandhi’s statement on the high command did not set anything on fire. If any other minor politician would have made such a statement he would have faced the ire of Congressmen. In recent times, Bhajan Lal's son made such a statement and he was thrown out of the party !

For the moment let's compile a list of those in the Congress who could be upset with the high command. For one, every dissident in the party who has not been amply rewarded. Even S M Krishna the former Governor of Maharashtra who had assumed that he would be leading the party to the Karnataka polls but was made just part of the coordination group to supervise the polls ! In Madhya Pradesh the Congress before the Assembly polls in November is a divided lot because none of the regional leaders know who would be the Chief Minister. It would be finally left to the ‘‘High Command’’. The list of those who hate the High Command is endless. The Maharashtra Chief Minister is constantly called by the High Command to Delhi to oversee his administration. He should not exactly be happy with the High Command syndrome ! In fact if the drum-beats outside Ten Janpath were any indication on the day the loan waiver was announced those close to Manmohan Singh are upset that while he framed the loan waiver policy it is Ten Janpath and the High Command that gets all the credit.

Since Rahul Gandhi is upset with the High Command syndrome one should ask him perhaps to lead those who have been fighting the High Command. In the sixties those who fought the High Command included Chandrashekhar others were labeled as the Syndicate because as Rahul Gandhi should have realized the High Command then symbolized the family.

Is it any different now ? Far from it. Sonia Gandhi's ten years were celebrated with much fanfare and she was lauded for her efforts to get the Congress back to power to effectively run the UPA coalition and for sacrificing the Prime Ministerial post.

Years ago a prominent member of the party confessed to me that there was an opportunity for the Congress party to say goodbye to family rule. This was the Congress session in Tirupathi. For the first time organizational elections were conducted in a free manner with no hint that the Gandhi family was in favour of anyone. This was because the Gandhi family was nowhere there. But it was apparently Narsimha Rao- worried about heavyweights like Sharad Pawar and Arjun Singh, who made it clear that he was the High Command.

Old timers also explain that the party had got used to looking towards the High Command-red Gandhi family- for directions. That was the way the party functioned then and that is the way it still functions. The Gandhi family inspite of its fading charisma continues to be the only uniting force in the party. Take that away and the edifice falls.

Under these circumstances Rahul Gandhi's statement about the High Command deserves more scrutiny. Was he actually questioning the style of those around his mother ? Or was he pleading for more dissent to be allowed in the CWC meetings. Every insider knows that most members speak keeping only Sonia Gandhi's sentiments in mind. You wish is our Command, Madam High Command.

Can Rahul change that mind set ?

His father tried to change the power broking system. But he ended up by getting his own brokers in place.

Will we see Rahul Gandhi have his own High Command in place ? Even if his statement were a wardrobe malfunction there would be many left wondering whether the ‘‘slip’’ was deliberate.

Indo Russian Nuke co-operation

By T.K. Krishnamurthy

The game plan attempted by the Russians for reversing the falling trend in military commerce is to give the emerging nuclear power sector, the same 'bear hug' they once gave India's steel and military sectors. Russia has started leveraging its old 'friends' in the different 'left' parties of India. The comrades have always been loyal to the erstwhile superpower and share a fine equation with highly placed bureaucrats in Indian PSUs (Public Sector Units).

Russia is ready to sign the nuclear agreement any time which suits India, and Moscow is willing to "go as far as India was willing and ready for" in civilian nuclear cooperation. The Russian confidence stems from the high status still being enjoyed by powerful bureaucrats in the AEC (Atomic Energy Commission) and the monopoly enjoyed by the nuclear power utility, NPCIL (Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd) despite pathetic performance. The said bureaucrats, who shifted their loyalty from the Congress party to the BJP during the late 1990s, now have the comrades to back them up and protect them from competitive forces.

In an obvious attempt to create an atmosphere conducive for signing big deals with the Russians, Dr. Anil Kakodkar, chairman of India's AEC has said that the first 1000 MW unit of the Koodankulam nuclear power project would begin power generation in March 2008. If one is to share his optimism and that of S.K. Jain, chairman and managing director of NPCIL, the Russian company ASE (AtomStroyExport) will complete the second unit too by the end of 2008. Going by records, these claims have to be taken with tonnes of salt, not just a pinch of it! AEC is not known to be in the habit of keeping its promises!

The Russian company has recently signed a $ 5.8 billion contract with NEK (Nationalna Elektricheska Kompania) of Bulgaria to build two VVER reactors for the first time in Europe. The plant will be built at the existing but vacant site at Belene in northern Bulgaria. According to World Nuclear News (WNN), the Belene reactors will be AES-92 model VVER-1000 reactors boasting of a "unique combination of active and passive safety systems." They will be operated using control and automation systems from an Areva/Siemens consortium called Carsib.

The Koodankulam project in India is the first project of ASE to feature the AES-92 model VVERs. Its previous model AES-91 VVER reactors began operations at Tianwan in China in 2007; it is close to finishing the Bushehr nuclear power plant in Iran. The reactors supplied for the Koodankulam project, however, cannot have Carsib control and automation systems, because NSG (Nuclear Suppliers Group) has not given its approval to export the equipment to India. Moreover, the fuel supply will come under the IAEA safeguards (International Atomic Energy Agency), which will insist on full safety. In the absence of control and automation systems, it is anyone's guess if these reactors costing over $ 4 billion will ever go on-line. India's decision not to sign the agreement during Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Moscow in November 2007 raised a few eyebrows. The delay in signing the agreement pushed back the preparation of the contract for the supply of the reactors. Construction work for the additional reactors can only start after a contract has been signed. But before the contract is drafted Russia and India must first sign or initial an inter-governmental agreement. Had India signed a full-fledged agreement with Russia instead of a memorandum of intent during President Vladimir Putin's visit to India a year ago, the commercial contract for the four reactors would have probably be ready by now.

Last year, Russia launched an ambitious expansion programme aimed at raising nuclear power's share of its electricity grid from 16 per cent today to 25 per cent by 2030. It should also enable Russia to increase its presence in the global nuclear market. Under the plan, more than 80 nuclear-related firms will be consolidated into a single state-owned giant that will control every stage of civil atomic engineering from uranium mining to construction and export of power stations to fuel enrichment to decommissioning old reactors.

Beginning in 2010, Russia will commission two nuclear reactors a year. It also plans to supply at least 40 reactors to foreign customers till 2030. To cope with this, the country has embarked on large-scale cooperation with foreign manufacturers of nuclear energy equipment. Recently, Russia's nuclear engineering giant Atomenergomash set up a joint venture with France's Alstom, a leading producer of nuclear power equipment, for the manufacture of "Arabelle" low-speed turbines of high capacity.

The Angarsk centre operating under IAEA control will provide low-enriched uranium (LEU) to countries that have their fuel supplies cut off as a result of some sort of political pressure.

It is essentially a last-resort fuel tank. If India faces problems getting fuel from the market it can procure a supply of LEU for one load of reactor active zone from Angarsk, and either process it into pellets and fuel rods itself or get the job done by some other nuclear fuel manufacturer under agreement with IAEA. As for the nuclear reactors Russia has supplied or will supply to India in future, they are all assured of life-long supply of fuel. INAV

Army faces shortage of officers

By Brig. (Retd.) S.N. Sachadeva

The Indian Military Academy's course capacity of 250 in recent times was subscribed with just 85. When juxtaposed with the Army's ongoing shortage of over 10,000 officers in the field rank, the rank that really gets to grips with the enemy on the battlefield, the overall scenario is highly disconcerting. Why is it so?

A story has been doing the rounds that at a social function the host introduced a guest Army officer to a civilian invitee by saying: "Meet Major so'n'so, an officer and a gentleman." To which the invitee quipped: "Oh! One of those Jekyll and Hyde types, eh?"

The quip can surely be substantiated by two wholly unsavoury incidents that Kolkata witnessed wherein Army officers behaved in most un-gentlemanly manner at local nightclubs. This pattern of behaviour-it is gradually becoming a pattern throughout the country-was simply inconceivable earlier.

This writer, who served the Indian Army with pride for over three decades, found a disturbing trend towards the end of his service some 10-years back, in that the quality of the incoming officer cadre was gradually declining by the day and a corresponding parallel was also noticed among the rank and file.

A founded fear got vindicated: when an applicant for a career failed to make it to the professions of his choice in terms of priority and his chosen avenues were closing up one after another, he ultimately joined the Army telling himself that this "job at least assured him with regular pay and meals!"

How has the once renowned Indian Army come to this sorry state? What has gone wrong? Can this negative positing be corrected? An incisive introspection is called for in order to provide the answers. The government has to introduce such measures as to induce good officer material to join up. The age-old maxim, "An army is as good as its officer cadre" is very pertinent.

The first point is what precisely is the job content of an Army man today? Sadly, it is far removed from what it was in the old days. An individual joins the Army-once considered a noble profession-to experience regular war and there is no gainsaying that we have had a number of such wars since Independence with the soldier of yesteryear laying down his life for the nation as a matter of duty and proudly at that. Unfortunately, today's scene is way different to what it was.

The scene today is, a soldier is expected to get himself killed or maimed for life at the hands of a terrorist in Kashmir or in the North-east and the most galling thing is this terrorist is protected by our political system. There cannot be a greater proof of this unpalatable truth than the Mohammad Afzal story. Even the Kargil skirmish-by no means can it be termed war-showed up the country's devious nature by not permitting our troops to cross the Line of Control and thus save casualties.

There is an unwritten belief that a soldier today has forfeited his life to the dirty hands of a politician whose sole aim is to use the uniformed community as a convenient scapegoat for bolstering his vote-bank.

The opening lines of Field Marshal Sir Philip Chetwode's priceless credo for officers enshrined in the main auditorium of the Indian Military Academy: "The safety, honour and welfare of your country come first, always, and every time…" has become meaningless today.

Youths who otherwise would have eagerly opted for the Army are today seized of the unwritten belief mentioned and thus shy away from joining. The Navy and the Air Force are better off and still draw decent entrees because their personnel do not have to sacrifice themselves as target practice for terrorists.

Families should inculcate correct values in children. It is axiomatic that without such values no proper leadership is possible and it is always the officer who provides this leadership.

Let us now discuss some of the items that, if appropriately addressed, could entice worthy officer cadre applicants to the Army. Right on top is service contract in terms of the period that an officer is required to serve. He should have the option of leaving after serving for an obligatory minimum of four years. Subsequently, he should be allowed to leave after every additional three-year multiples with proportionate full terminal benefits as applicable. This means he can opt to leave after 4,7,10,13 years and so on and pursue a civil profession as he would amply have age in his favour. There would of course be a handful that might like to complete their entire career tenure and they would be most welcome to do so.

Second, he must have a cause to serve since presently he has none, which in turn has given rise to fragging among the men. Woe-betide the country as and when this scourge afflicts the officer cadre. The government must settle the Kashmir problem unilaterally if need be, together with those affecting the North-east. National disgraces like betrayal of the Army at Tashkent and Shimla must never happen again.

The government must ensure that married accommodation to full requirement is available at all places of posting. One of the biggest grudges among the officers presently is non-availability of this extremely essential aspect. Marital discord has reached unprecedented proportions due to married couples being unable to live together. This adversely affects an officer's output in his duties and also precludes aspirants. The present unrealistic concept of "field area" where families are forbidden needs to be drastically revised.

The promotion system for the officer cadre needs to be altered radically. It is indeed a matter of shame that a huge number of promotion related cases is currently burdening our courts of law in the country. Beginning right at the top, a Chief of Defence Staff must be appointed immediately and the rank of an officer commanding a cardinal Army command-Eastern, Western and the like-must be upgraded to four stars. Lower down the ladder, a greater number of horizontal level promotions need to be introduced so that a reasonable balance can be achieved between this level and the more important vertical one. Also, we might consider instituting two separate career channels, namely, Command and Staff. It is a fact of life that a good staff officer does not always make an equally good field commander and vice versa.

The government does not appear to be serious enough in coming to grips with the problems that have become the bane of our Army officers. This is definitely not a good omen. INAV