Making for image changeover

By Amulya Ganguli

There has been a remarkable turnaround in L.K. Advani's political fortune. When he was forced by the RSS to give up the presidentship of the BJP over the Jinnah episode, which caused widespread confusion in the party and the parivar, few would have believed that he would become the BJP's Prime Ministerial candidate for the next general election.

But the reason for his recovery is simple. Neither the party nor the RSS could find anyone else to fit the bill. The man chosen by the paterfamilias of Nagpur to step into Advani's shoes - Rajnath Singh - was too uncharismatic to find immediate acceptance within the party, let alone the country. So, the RSS finally had to give its assent to Advani's return to the top although even before the Jinnah affair, K.S. Sudarshan had called for the retirement of both Atal Behari Vajpayee and Advani.

What Advani has been saying in connection with the release of his book, My Country, My Life, indicates that he has regained his composure. For one, there is no longer any doubt about Vajpayee's departure from active politics. There is unlikely to be a repetition of the circulation of an unsigned letter on the eve of a party conclave expressing the former Prime Minister's desire to remain in public life.

For another, the earlier speculation about Narendra Modi moving to the national stage is no longer being aired. Advani can afford, therefore, to say that Modi will be his successor - a claim which is bound to be resented by not a few ambitious men and women in the BJP, but that is another story. For the present, what is clear is that Advani will claim to lead the baraat to the Delhi durbar, as Rajnath Singh had once wanted to do.

But even as Advani prepares to lead the BJP and the NDA, he cannot be unaware of several difficulties. Among the minor ones is Bal Thackeray's preference for Sharad Pawar as the Prime Minister, a mischievous view suggesting that the NDA is not as united as it may pretend to be. But while Thackeray can be expected to fall in line at the right moment, what may pose a bigger problem is Advani's own image.

As he has admitted, he has had to carry the albatross of a hawkish reputation round his neck ever since the rath yatra of 1990. Although much water has flowed down the Ganga in the last nearly two decades, Advani's image hasn't changed with the result that in the ultimate analysis, not all the "secular" constituents of the NDA, such as the Janata Dal (United), will be too happy with Advani at the helm, especially after his assertion that Modi will be his replacement. Evidently, the Muslims and the Christians will not be delighted at the prospect of one hardliner yielding place to someone even more hawkish.

True, Advani has been trying over the past few years to modify his image. The unexpected praise for Jinnah was one such attempt, albeit a botched one. That he survived the faux pas is more a reflection of the paucity of leaders in the BJP than the outcome of an intensive internal debate. The attempt itself was an indication of the forced nature of Advani's search for a gentler, kinder face. Unlike Vajpayee, Advani is not a moderate by nature. He may not be a man with two horns, as he once said about himself in the post-rath yatra period, but he is essentially in tune with the pro-Hindu outlook of the party and the parivar. Vajpayee, in contrast, is more conscious of the pluralistic nature of Indian society.

So, while Vajpayee can get away by saying that one of his cherished memories is waking up in the morning to the sound of the azaan, any such comment by Advani will invite ridicule. And he will not find it easy to shed this image because issues such as the Ram sethu, the anti-conversion laws, the role of Indian Muslims in the Pakistan-sponsored acts of terrorism, the illegal Bangladeshi immigrants, etc are bound to come up over and over again during the run-up to the polls. And Advani is usually at his best when he dwells on these subjects while Vajpayee scores when he hints at India's composite culture.

In the book itself, there is little to indicate that Advani believes in the country's multicultural destiny. Instead, he speaks of the "jubilation" he noticed on his way back from Ayodhya after the destruction of the Babri masjid on the "saddest day" of his life. Perhaps he should have added that the joy of the people was not reflected in the U.P. assembly elections a year later when a SP-BSP combination emerged victories. The fact that while Vajpayee contemplated resignation on Dec. 6, 1992, Advani noted the supposed happiness of the people tells its own tale.

It is doubtful, therefore, whether Advani can be Vajpayee Mark II even if he desperately wants to be for the sake of the BJP's and the NDA's electoral success. Cosmetic surgery is even more ineffective in politics than in real life. For all his attempts at a makeover, Advani will remain a hawk in the public eye. That will be his advantage where the BJP's core supporters are concerned, as well as in the eyes of those who are displeased with the indecisive nature of the Manmohan Singh government's functioning. But not for the minorities and the liberal Hindus. (IPA Service)

Growing interest in theatre

By Makhan Lal Saraf

It was from May 27th, 1973 to June Ist, 1973 that a congress of International Theatre Institute was held in Moscow (15th Congress) where in delegates from 25 countries took part to deliberate on sensitive issues like composition of Theatre audience and alarming decrease in its numbers.

Westerners, in particular expressed their worry as to how they would get the people to come to the theatre. The worry of the American delegate in particular was genuine in view of the fact that in 1973 only 3.5% people out of whole population of America see a live - play while as in France, Germany, Poland, London and India it is quite encouraging. For Soviet citizens every day living is unthinkable without cultural activities in every form and the level of the composition of theatre goers in Moscow is surprising. It is essentially the working class of soviet society that has sustained the Theatre in entire Soviet State and the ruling class feels obliged to construct and operationalize new theaters to catch up with public demand.

To substantiate this fact, during five year plans 1966-1970, 46 new theatres were opened and by the end of 1975 ( 9th five year plan) 30 more theaters were added.

As per reports of 1973, theatre in 45 languages was in vogue in Moscow itself. In 25 dramatic repertories in Moscow only there are 30,000 full time actors, who work all the year round with staff of 5000 people and 2000 part time actors. This does not, however, include 3500 actors and the staff who work in Balshoi Theatre at Moscow.

As per details pertaining to the year of 15th Theatre congress, 500 plays are annually offered to Moscow audience alone.

And, if for a general comparison, we look at Indian State of affairs managed by Government and autonomous organizations in the field of Theatre, figures of 2008 can not in any way stand a comparison to what existed in 1973 in Moscow, France, Germany, Poland and London.

India is not short of Theatre audience. Kolkatta, Manipur, Cuttack, Bhopal, Ahmadabad, Kanpur, Allahabad, Pune, Chandigarh and New Delhi constitute a considerable chunk the total percentage of theatre audience in India. Theatre lovers in India can not afford to diwindle the audience by offering sub-standard productions or accepting irrelevant scripts and scum to the socio-political pressure in accommodating non-theatrists in the field of ethics and aesthetics, could prove disastrous. However, it is heartening to watch acceleration in the movement of the dramatic activity in the northern states of India-particularly the theatre and its connected activities in the capital which feed to varied audience with varied lingual and cultural background. The beauty of Indian Theatre lies in its varied forms in ethnic flavour that endears it to the global audience.

In northern India, Jammu is gradually assuming Metropolititan character in so far as the cultural sphere is concerned. Unpleasant socio- cultural situation in the valley for more than 18 years now has turned Jammu city in a cultural hub and every day is abuzz with one or the other cultural programme on, in Kala Kendra or Abhinav Theatre besides almost regular activities in the University campus. The population of Theatre - goers has considerably grown in Jammu and a feeling is afloat that the present Auditorium alone can not cope up with the growing viewership in days to come, unless a properly lit, open air auditorium is conceptualized and a rehearsal space is created within the area.

Jammu city will have more pressure in coming years if the acceleration as of now is to be sustained and maintained with still better programmes brought into the state from within and beyond the confines of the country. Number of people getting attracted to the theatre activities, workshops, District and regional festivals, seminars and conventions together with literary programmes, painting competitions, camps, music, music competitions, book releases and on the other side institution of private visual channels, has not only created a cultural phenomenon but has drawn a number of cultural organizations from Kashmir to perform at Jammu. Though Kashmiri theatre has not yet been revived in Jammu city by those who are still sitting-out and contemplating, the pressure on performing, space shall amount further.

District and regional drama festivals, Rang Pratibhas, workshops and remergence of old Tsars in the field of Dramatics has proved auspicious for the performing artists and new Theatre generation in-making with a dynamic President and an astute secretary who has been looking after the cultural life of the subjects of Jammu and Kashmir through Cultural Academy and the first result of efforts made is evident from the efforts which are afoot to revive the theatre activity in Kashmir region. While toiling to resurrect it one has to keep in mind that theatre is in it self a 'revelation' and therefore one can not afford to watch plays in parables. Theatre would once again grow in Kashmir if we are true to our-selves and reflect the reality and attract esteemed theatre audience to ponder upon. With new production concepts in vogue it has to be better than what it was in 1990. With visible gradual transformation, we are not distant from the day when Jammu city would assume the complete characteristics of a Cultural Capital of the state.

Neglected victims

By Sridhar Naik

Twenty plus year old Masud (name changed), hangs around the lanes and by lanes in the vicinity of the Gateway of India in Mumbai. The area is a popular tourist haunt, and his livelihood is supposedly ‘‘showing tourists around’’.

‘‘I do take some hash occasionally in the evenings’’, he admits sheepishly and nods hesitantly when asked whether he even supplies it to tourists. Masud's abode is the street, where he has spent most of the best years of his life, since he was nine or ten years old.

For only a brief spell of three or four street children set up by an Englishman, Duncan Grant, Grant and his associate, Alan Waters are now behind bars, convicted for paedophilia, which includes as the principal crime ‘‘having unnatural sex with minors.’’

In March 2006, Judge P S Paranjape of the Sessions Court in Mumbai sentenced the duo to six years' rigorous imprisonment. In addition, they were asked to pay a fine amounting to 20,000 pound sterling, a part of which would go towards rehabilitating the two victims who stood by their statements in court.

Their Indian accomplice and manager of the shelters, William D'soza was sentenced to three years' rigorous imprisonment for aiding and abetting the crime. The judgement no doubt, evoked tremendous jubilitation among child rights activists and NGOs.

The convicted have challenged the sentence in the High Court, while the state has filed a counter appeal asking for the sentence to be enhanced to life imprisonment. These appeals are now being heard.

The crux of the matter is that Grant, a retired officer of the British Navy came to India in 1995 and founded the Anchorage Shelter on the third floor of an old building in Colaba, south Mumbai, supposedly to provide the street boys with an address and a shelter to spend the night.

A few years later he bought a place in a slum nearby where another shelter was opened for older boys who could take up jobs. One more shelter was opened in an isolated villa at Murud, on the mainland in Raigad District. Murud was projected as a regular home for boys where apart from other things, formal education would be taken care of.

Sometime in September or October 2001, five boys, former residents of the Anchorage shelter but by then back on the streets, spilled the beans. Guided by Childline, an NGO working in the area of welfare of street children, which they had approached, the five victims lodged an FIR with the local police station, and later made a statement before a magistrate. It was this statement, made individually by each of the five, that nailed the offenders, culminating in a Red Corner notice and ultimately their extradition to India.

Allegations were made of not only sexual abuse but physical absue as well. So bizarre was the testimony that the victims while testifying, on their own accord asked all women present lawyers and journalists and court staff included, to leave the court room.

Naturally food and shelter became a priority criteria. A helping hand extended by any individual, however nefarious or dubious the intention, provided a straw to cling on to. Also petty crime seemed the easiest way to earn a livelihood.

In the environs of the Gateway of India, an area brimming with international tourists, sex tourism offered an easy way for many runaway children of making a quick buck. Behind the face of the Anchorage Shelter, set up supposedly to rehabilitate street boys, many reportedly continued with their undesirable activities.

The five victims, in their testimony before the magistrate, claimed that gross abuse took place within the shelters as well. The shelters they claimed, were frequented by foreign tourists, who made generous donations. The underlying implications are abundantly clear.

While the NGOs were elated and the elite public lauded the judgement, a crucial issue apparently found little place of priority, namely the welfare and future of boys formerly housed in the Anchorage Shelters.

The very NGOs that have been crying foul over the activities of the likes of Grant and Waters, have done precious little to solve the problem of the rehabilitation of the one time residents of the shelter. The same can be said about the machinery of the state which was equally loud and vociferous in voicing its protest against the rising incidence of child abuse in the country.

The judge's decision to set up a three person committee to look into the rehabilitation of the children at the Anchorage has come a little too late. Moreover, nothing further has been heard about the findings or recommendations of the committee. In reality, this issue should have been given top priority the moment the police investigations began.

The truth is that today, a large number of the boys housed in the shelter have been forced to return to living on the streets, taking up odd job has for bare survival. What is worse, many of them are back into drug peddling and sex tourism, the very evils that the so called NGOs led by Childline prided themselves in having rescued the boys from.

The victims in particular are back to the streets and to the various anti social activities they were forced into even before he entered the Anchorage Shelters. The question is whether any socially conscious citizen or organisation is even aware of the plight of the boys. Has any thought been given to why they have degenerated to such a pathetic state ?

A trust for the Anchorage Shelters comprising local individuals was registered some five years after the shelters were first started. Grant and Waters were not trustees. The President of the Board of trustees did at some point make a press statement that he used to visit the shelters once in a way and hence was not aware of what was going on. He also emphasised that he had cut off all contact with Grant.

As a trustee, does his role end here ? Was it not his moral resposibility to see that the life of the boys was properly channelised, their welfare taken care of, education and vocational training imparted, and that rehabilitation was underway. This could easily have been achieved in partnership with various NGOs as well as with the support of the Government.

At the end of the day, the question remains whether the street children have got ample and appropriate justice. Looking at their plight, observers can not but agree that the boys have supposedly been ‘‘delivered safely’’ from the clutches of the so called abusers, only to be plunged into a life more uncertain, insecure, and in many cases, perhaps worse.

Is this the true justice our society desires ? The question remains unanswered. (PTI)