EDITORIAL
How
do we react to
PPP's realism?
Indeed, Pakistan People's
Party co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari has struck a realistic
note in a recent television interview. He has expressed
readiness to set aside the Kashmir issue to focus on
other aspects for improving relations with India. His
observation is noteworthy that the ties between the two
neighbours should not be held "hostage" to the
Kashmir issue. In his view the two countries "can
wait" so that future generations resolve the dispute
in a mature manner in an atmosphere of "trust".
He has expressed determination to break the barriers and
mindsets that are deterrents to trade between New Delhi
and Islamabad. To quote him:
"The idea is that we
feel for Kashmir. The PPP has always felt for Kashmir. We
have a strong Kashmir policy. We always had one
having said that, we don't want to be hostage to that
situation. That is a situation we can agree to disagree
on." He has cited United Nations resolutions as one
area on which the two nations can maintain their
differences. His suggestion is: "We can wait. We can
be patient till everybody grows up further. Maybe the
coming generation grows up even further and then let's
interact as human beings and come to a position of
love." His words hold out promise: "I want to
take the relations to a stage of such confidence-building
that the fear factor diminishes from both angles.
People-to-people contacts should be improved, then trade,
inter-dependence of trade,,......more
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Holes
in the budget
By Dr Bharat Jhunjhunwala
The ability
of the budget to garner votes for the Congress will
depend upon whether the opposition can expose the many
holes present therein. Much hope lies in the political
impact of writing off loans of farmers. There is doubt
whether this will deliver. The Government had similarly
written off loans of farmers two decades ago under the
leadership of Choudhary Devi Lal. That measure did not
beget votes then...more
Can
Maya's Social
Engg work?
By Pradeep Kapoor
Chief
Minister Mayawati has already taken a lead over other
political leaders by addressing rallies in all major
state capitals in an attempt to make the BSP's presence
felt in other states well before next Lok Sabha polls. . .......more
Coalition
era in Pak
By Wajid Shamsul Hasan
The
announcement by Pakistan Peoples Party's Co-Chairperson
Asif Ali Zardari and PML-N's Mian Nawaz Sharif that the
two parties would form a national coalition government is
another step forward towards completion of Benazir
Bhutto's incomplete mission of establishing undiluted
democracy in the country with pronounced supremacy of
Parliament over all other institutions. There . .....more
|
EDITORIAL
How do we react to
PPP's realism?
Indeed, Pakistan People's
Party co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari has struck a realistic
note in a recent television interview. He has expressed
readiness to set aside the Kashmir issue to focus on
other aspects for improving relations with India. His
observation is noteworthy that the ties between the two
neighbours should not be held "hostage" to the
Kashmir issue. In his view the two countries "can
wait" so that future generations resolve the dispute
in a mature manner in an atmosphere of "trust".
He has expressed determination to break the barriers and
mindsets that are deterrents to trade between New Delhi
and Islamabad. To quote him:
"The idea is that we
feel for Kashmir. The PPP has always felt for Kashmir. We
have a strong Kashmir policy. We always had one
having said that, we don't want to be hostage to that
situation. That is a situation we can agree to disagree
on." He has cited United Nations resolutions as one
area on which the two nations can maintain their
differences. His suggestion is: "We can wait. We can
be patient till everybody grows up further. Maybe the
coming generation grows up even further and then let's
interact as human beings and come to a position of
love." His words hold out promise: "I want to
take the relations to a stage of such confidence-building
that the fear factor diminishes from both angles.
People-to-people contacts should be improved, then trade,
inter-dependence of trade, if Indian industry depends on
Pakistani energy and I depend on the Indian market for my
product to be sold, we are both inter-dependent,
financially integrated industry-wise." He expects a
wider support to his perception on his home turf: "I
think the economical dependency that I'm talking about,
nobody has really made the Pakistanis aware what position
they are in and what they can gain. When they realise
that they can change, the world will change.
Economically, it's a thousand per cent leap we'll get
into and the benefit of the thousand per cent leap is
going to have an effect across the board." In fact,
he hopes that all top leaders would "walk
behind" the new Pakistan Prime Minister as and when
he visits India. His optimism is boundless: "I think
we should go further than that. Just not visiting and
meeting. Let's hit the road running, let's meet with
concrete steps, let's talk about SAARC (South Asian
Association of Regional Cooperation), modern
technology." Obviously he does not apprehend any
backlash in Pakistan in the wake of his present stance:
"That's what leadership is all about, that's what
popularity is all about. The fact that I do something
with the will of the people is my plus, not my
minus."
Undoubtedly these are
significant utterances on more than one count. First,
they are made by the leader of a party which is calling
the shots in Pakistan at this moment and would continue
to do so if the neighbouring country keeps up its
dramatic fervour. Secondly, they reflect the will of a
substantial segment of Pakistan's masses who have voted
for the PPP in the recent polls. Thirdly, they also
confirm that the PPP and its ideological adversaries
(notwithstanding their current relationships) are
unanimous on this issue (during the last one decade the
process of friendship with India was first adopted by
Pakistan Muslim League leader Nawaz Sharif and then after
initial reluctance endorsed and taken to a new high by
Pakistani army chief-turned-President Pervez Musharraf).
There can't be any two opinions that the furtherance of
such well-intentioned approach with the support of a
broad spectrum of Pakistani society may usher in durable
peace in the sub-continent sooner than expected. Any
solution that crops up with the participation of people
is likely to be lasting than the one backed by uniformed
men. Mr Zardari is right to the extent that an army on
its own can't resolve a problem. From our point of view
we can easily notice that the PPP has well understood the
dramatically altered global and sub-continental
realities. It is now talking of "a thousand per
cent" economic leap thus abandoning the pugnacious
line of its founder Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto to wage "a
thousand-year war" for Kashmir. In a lighter vein
one can't fail to see the PPP's undiluted fascination for
the number 1000. However, the record needs to be put
straight that the PPP had given up its hostile public
postures during Ms Benazir Bhutto's lifetime itself. In
her self-imposed exile she had spoken in favour of peace
between New Delhi and Islamabad on a couple of occasions.
Now that her husband has picked up the mantle he has
vigorously toed the line. If he has attracted wider
notice it is because of the PPP's return as a party that
matters.
It is a reality that a
governing apparatus in Pakistan can ill afford a
confrontationist stance vis-à-vis its neighbouring
countries at this juncture. Pakistan is in the vicious
grip of triple evils of terrorism, extremism and
sectarianism. Already it has faced at least 13 suicide
attacks in the first two months of 2008 in which about
200 persons have lost their lives. Al Qaeda and Taliban
are menacingly haunting the land. Pakistan's army and
other security agencies have their jobs cut out for the
moment. In plains words it means they have no time for
persisting with bad blood with other countries. However,
Pakistan's internal discomfiture should not be any reason
for us to shut our eyes to its friendly tones and
gestures. We should fully reciprocate every positive move
as we have done so far whether it concerns observing
cease-fire, facilitating road travel across the Line of
Control (LoC) or giving a boost to sport and other
exchanges. At the same time, we should keep our eyes and
ears open and zealously guard our national interests.
History teaches us that our neighbours hurry to bury
their own pious sentiments when it comes to pursuing
expansionist designs. Panchshila, Tashkent, Shimla and
Lahore have followed 1962, 1965, 1971 and 1999,
respectively. Long before that in 1947 the Standstill
Agreement was torn apart by a Pakistani invasion. We
should keep this in mind even as we welcome the PPP's
ear-pleasing tune.

Holes
in the budget
By Dr Bharat Jhunjhunwala
The
ability of the budget to garner votes for the
Congress will depend upon whether the opposition
can expose the many holes present therein. Much
hope lies in the political impact of writing off
loans of farmers. There is doubt whether this
will deliver. The Government had similarly
written off loans of farmers two decades ago
under the leadership of Choudhary Devi Lal. That
measure did not beget votes then. Perhaps the
contradiction is not clear to the readers. The
Finance Minister has promised to double the flow
of credit to farmers in the next two years. He
has told the increase in such flow of credit as a
major achievement of the Government. More flow of
credit means that farmers are burdened with more
loans. The Finance Minister is increasing the
indebtedness of the farmers and telling this as a
major achievement. On the other hand, the Finance
Minister is writing off debt of the farmers also
telling this as a major achievement. If debt is
good, then there was no need to write off the
same. If debt is bad, then there was no need to
double the same. The Finance Minister is like a
doctor who gives iron tablets to the patient to
increase his blood count only to extract more
blood from his veins. He wants to keep the
farmers locked in the viscous cycle of more
loans, more debts, more loss and more write offs.
The
farmer's problem is that of price of his produce.
There was a bumper crop of bajra in Rajasthan few
years ago. Farmers were very happy. However, this
euphoria did not last. Soon the price of bajra in
the market declined from Rs 5.50 per kg to Rs
2.50. It became difficult for farmers to even
retrieve the cost of harvesting. Let us not
forget that agricultural productivity has
continuously improved in the last fifty years yet
the farmer's fate has been downcast. Reason is
that the gains from increased production are
wiped off by a decline in prices. Note the
Finance Minister has not said a word on the need
to raise prices of agricultural commodities in
his budget speech. This silence is ominous. It
indicates that the Finance Minister is interested
in keeping farm prices on the lower side. In
consequence, the gains made by farmers from write
off loans will be small and soon forgotten while
loss incurred by them from low prices will be
large and perpetual. This policy will not beget
votes for the Congress if the opposition can
raise the question of declining prices.
There
is a positive aspect for the farmers, however.
Prices of agricultural commodities had been
declining in the last three decades. They have
started looking upwards in the last two years.
There is a fundamental shift in nature of world
agriculture today. Previously agriculture was
mainly producing food and fibers like cotton.
Less rise in world population limited the demand
for these products. Lately, agriculture has
become a source of fuel. Corn is being converted
into bio-diesel in the United States. This is
leading to shortage of this crop for feeding
purposes and increase in its price. Brazil is
converting sugarcane juice directly into ethanol.
This is leading to less availability of sugar in
the world markets. India is planning to grow
jatropa on dry lands in a big way. This will lead
to less production of bajra and ragi. The
diversion of agricultural land to production of
bio fuels is leading to an all-round increase in
prices of agricultural commodities. Write off
loans will truly provide relief to farmers in
this situation. They will be relieved of interest
burden and benefit from rising prices. Yet, this
may not translate into votes for the Congress
because large farmers will benefit from this
price rise while large number of voters will
suffer. Small- and marginal farmers, agricultural
labour and urban people buy their food from the
market. They will have to pay higher prices for
this. The gain in votes from farmers will be more
than nullified by loss of votes from these
constituencies. Truly, the Congress faces a
dilemma. If it pitches for votes of the farmers
and allows prices to rise, then it looses the
votes of the poorer workers. On the hand, if it
keeps the prices low then it looses the votes of
the farmers.
The
Finance Minister could have adopted a different
policy. He should have allowed the prices of
agricultural commodities to rise and first
secured votes of the farmers. Then he should have
got an increase in wages of the workers and
alleviated the pain of high food prices. He could
have made a scheme of providing low rates of tax
on companies that employ large number of workers.
Condition can be imposed on government contracts
to do works by manual labour rather than by
tractors and excavators. Machines that eat away
jobs like harvesters could be taxed highly. Such
policies would lead to higher demand for labour
in the market and to increase in wages of the
workers. Presently, the worker buys wheat flour
at Rs 12 per kg and earns Rs 100 in a day. He
would have no difficulty in buying wheat at Rs 15
per kg if his daily wages rise to Rs 200 per day.
Such a policy would reach benefits of high price
to the farmers and benefits of high wages to the
workers. Unfortunately, the Finance Minister has
not faced this contradiction head on and left the
matter to the vagaries of the market. My hunch is
that we will see a huge increase in prices of
food items in the coming months. This will
totally undo the political advantage of write off
loans.
The
fate of myriads of other pro-poor schemes is
likely to be no better. The Finance Minister has
increased expenditures on education, for example.
This is unlikely to beget votes. The government
teachers will benefit more and people less. In a
survey of schools in Uttarakhand I found that
Government teachers were paid salary of Rs 10,000
while private teachers were paid only Rs 2,500
per month. Yet only 23 percent of students in
Government Schools were able to solve maths
questions against 46 percent in private schools.
Clearly, education is suffering not from lack of
funds but from lack of competition and
accountability in Government schools. This
failure of the Government system is being
camouflaged by giving out free mid-day meals. It
is as if the Government is providing incentives
to students to enroll in Government Schools so
that they do not pass the exams. People are
disillusioned with Government Schools. Increased
expenditures on this will not beget votes. The
condition of other schemes like Employment
Guarantee and Insurance for the unorganized
workers will be no better because they all suffer
from the same bureaucratic hurdles. The need was
to provide education vouchers to the people that
they could encash at Government- or private
schools. In my assessment, this budget will not
beget votes for the Congress if the opposition
raises these issues.
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Can
Maya's Social Engg work?
By Pradeep Kapoor
Chief
Minister Mayawati has already taken a lead over
other political leaders by addressing rallies in
all major state capitals in an attempt to make
the BSP's presence felt in other states well
before next Lok Sabha polls.
Mayawati
has made it clear that her ambition is to become
the Prime Minister. The running theme of her
speeches has been that if she becomes the Prime
Minister, she would implement reservation in the
private sector as well.
The
BSP supremo has been asking the people of
different states to make her Prime Minister to
realise their dream for 'sarvjan hitai sarvjan
sukhai". She is also keen on expanding the
experiment in UP where Brahmins joined hands with
Dalits which brought her to power.
She
believes that if her party wins around 60 seats
in the event of a hung Lok Sabha, she would be a
powerful candidate to become the Prime Minister
Political
scientists, however, are not sure whether
Mayawati would succeed in getting the desired
number of seats to achieve her goal.
Prominent
political scientists who gathered at Lucknow
University recently were of the view that
Mayawati has been given a mandate to ensure good
governance and inclusive development.
They
believe that as the caste equations are different
in other states, it would be difficult for
Mayawati to repeat the 'social engineering'
formula elsewhere.
Prof.
Anand Kumar of the Jawaharlal Nehru
University(JNU) while participating in a seminar
on 'Emerging trends in UP politics"
organised by the Political Science Department of
Lucknow University, opined that the BSP will have
to find a solution to the problems of Bijli,
Sadak and Paani fast. She will also have to look
into the problems of farmers who would become the
main agenda for all political parties.
Commenting
on Mayawati's plan to win seats in other states,
Prof. Anand Kumar said it was good that after a
long gap there was single party government in the
state. But much would depend on the development
agenda of the government which alone would decide
whether she would succeed in other states, too.
Prof
Anand Kumar said BSP was supported by upper caste
people because they were fed up with corruption
and deterioration in law and order situation and
not on account of social engineering as is being
propagated by certain BSP leaders.
Senior
journalist Naveen Joshi said it was a matter of
study whether Mayawati succeeded because of any
social engineering or owing to the misrule of the
Mulayam Singh Yadav government.
Prof.
Sudha Pai from JNU, who is known for her work on
Dalit politics, said the victory of Mayawati
brought the focus back on the development agenda.
She
said that there was awakening among the Dalits as
was evident from BSP's success in UP polls.
Support from upper castes would help Mayawati if
she made inclusive development growth the main
focus of her government, she added.
Prof.
Ramesh Dixit, who is also the state president of
NCP, said that there was no social engineering in
UP, adding that Mayawati secured the support of
upper castes only because they wanted a share in
power.
Prof
Dixit said Mayawati came to power because she was
able to convince to voters that she would make UP
a crime-free state.
At
the same time, Prof Dixit asked the Chief
Minister to remain vigilant against those upper
caste people who believe in only getting tickets
and not being loyal to the ideology. Such persons
could leave the party any time, he warned.
Another
prominent scholar from JNU, Joya Hasan, who is
known for her research on caste politics in UP,
said it would be difficult for Mayawati to keep
her social engineering formula intact in the
absence of any anti-Brahmin movement in the
state. (IPA)
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Coalition
era in Pak
By Wajid Shamsul Hasan
The
announcement by Pakistan Peoples Party's
Co-Chairperson Asif Ali Zardari and PML-N's Mian
Nawaz Sharif that the two parties would form a
national coalition government is another step
forward towards completion of Benazir Bhutto's
incomplete mission of establishing undiluted
democracy in the country with pronounced
supremacy of Parliament over all other
institutions. There could not be a better tribute
to the late leader than this commitment to serve
the nation jointly and collectively.
The
rulers had killed Bhutto because she had posed a
challenge to them with the collective support of
the people. She was out there to uproot them to
consign them into dustbin of history. The
pre-poll rigging, machinations and manipulations
by the King's party on the election day, direct
campaigning by the retired General in its
favour-did deny Bhutto's party a land-slide
victory but could not stem Benazir tide in the
four provinces giving a clear verdict in her
favour by rejecting Musharraf's political
boot-lickers and partners in crimes against the
nation including frequent rape of the
Constitution.
Musharraf
never wanted Benazir to return home. He dreaded
her. Her very first step on the soil of Pakistan
had started rocking his boat. A failed attempt
was made on her life that did not deter her from
campaigning despite knowing well that her enemies
were hell-bent on eliminating her. She,
therefore, gave her blood to give a new lease of
life to a nation that had been castrated into a
deep inertia by oppressive rulers. It was her
supreme sacrifice that electrified the masses to
take on the General and to defeat him at his own
game. The decision by PPP and PML-N to combine
their strength to put the final nail in
Musharraf's dictatorship is the glorious
manifestation of the people's will and nation's
democratic aspiration.
When
Benazir Bhutto had opted for participation in
elections under Musharraf despite opposition of
many within her party and total rejection of
polls by other political parties including PML-N,
she had taken the risk on her firm conviction
that masses needed to be given an opportunity to
blunt the General's bullets with their ballots.
She had complete faith in her people and she
believed that dynamics of elections when
unleashed in their full fury and wrath-- will
surely change the course of his history. She had
also successfully convinced Mian Nawaz Sharif to
join hands by not boycotting polls.
Despite
the fact that she was denied landslide victory
yet the triumph of the moderate electoral forces
under her leadership has totally altered the
future course of history and the electoral
dynamics of change have hopefully sounded the
death-knell of dictatorship in the country. Had
the people not dared to come out to vote due to
stage-managed scare generated far and wide in the
country, people would have fallen hostage to fear
never to raise their head to free themselves from
the stranglehold of the dictator.
Benazir
Bhutto's most outstanding contribution has been
towards dispelling the perception that the
majority of people in Pakistan are pro-Taliban
and support religious extremism. Her challenge to
the Musharraf-hyped rise of Islamic militancy
threatening to take over Pakistan's nuclear
assets, has taken the wind out of his sails. She
shattered the myth so successfully conveyed to
the West by Musharraf that if he is removed
militants would take over-by offering democracy
as an alternate. She took on the religious
extremism risking her life leaving the General no
other option but to eliminate her. Since she
believed in dying for a cause that she had faith
in, she took on both the militants and their
behind-the-scene perpetrators.
By
their overwhelming rejection of the religious
parties the masses in the four provinces have
also sounded the death-knell for the obscurantist
forces that had continuously played a sinister
role in cahoots with the Praetorian establishment
for subverting genuine democracy. The sweeping
rejection of the PML-Q-the King's Party- and the
MMA--is an irrefutable indictment of Musharraf
and his nine-year long regime and those who
collaborated with him.
Pakistan's
survival lies in ushering in an egalitarian
socio-economic and political order that could
ensure greatest good of the largest number with
guaranteed equality to all its
citizens-irrespective of caste, creed or colour.
The February 18 vote was for moderation as
championed by Shaheed Bhutto and for an
enlightened Islam that professes peaceful
co-existence for all religions and communities.
The
logical and more so moral outcome of Musharraf's
humiliating defeat would have been for him to
quit instantly. Thick skinned that he is,
analysts believe, he will have to be shown the
door in a manner that should discourage all
Bonapartists from venturing into playing foul
ever again in future with the destiny of the
nation. His ultimate impeachment could surely
serve as a deterrent.
Battle
of the ballot having triumphed over the barrel of
the gun, the priority task ahead of the future
government would be to get down to finding the
real killers of Benazir Bhutto and punishing
them-irrespective howsoever powerful they might
be. Instantly it shall have to get down to
formulating short and long term policies for the
alleviation of the sufferings of the masses due
to high cost of living, shortages of essential
goods, unemployment, lawlessness, creating
climate for domestic and foreign investment.
Low
performance by Musharraf government has created
high expectations among the masses from an
elected government as the panacea for all their
problems. Though government-in waiting has been
left a legacy of an Augean stable to clean sweep,
its first and foremost task would be to ensure
revival of economic sustenance power of the
people depleted to zero level, to establish
violence-free society at home and to seek peace
with honour externally.
Zardari
and Nawaz have to go a long way in tailoring a
strong and viable government of national
consensus; they have so far sounded the right
notes. Zardari's stress on maximum provincial
autonomy to the federating units as the key to
sustaining Pakistan's integrity and federal
structure should form the core fundament for the
future when a new social contract is written
down. His categorical statement that PPP would
talk to even those fighting a war of independence
from the Baloch Mountains, give them respect and
meet their legitimate demands related to
allocation of resources-are surely reassertions
in the right direction.
Pakistan's
relations with the United States would also be
very important. In this context reciprocity
should be sought. It is also high time Washington
lends its ears to the message so forcefully
articulated by the people of Pakistan through the
Feb 18 ballot. Bush administrations would do well
to endorse the advice of Washington Post (Feb 21)
that "The administration should urge its
not-so-indispensable ally to step down".
(Syndicate Features)
(* a
former Pak diplomat based in London)
---Syndicate
Features
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