Mushrraf-Bank to the wall

MEN, MATTER & MEMORIES

By M L Kotru

I have lost count of the number of the political obituaries of Pervez Musharraf, retired Army Chief-turned civilian President I have read these past 12 days (at the time of writing), of his rejection by the people of Pakistan. One of these had mentioned a stand by aircraft ready to take off with Musharraf, his family and his pet dogs out of the country, probably to Turkey or was it Boston, where he was to have joined his son.

Another had pronounced that Musharraf the soldier, a man of honour, would live by his word to quit if his party the Muslim League-Qaid and assorted other supporters were voted out by the people. Some had even started reading into the growing wrinkles on his soldier's visage. Apparently, the cassandras forgot to note the chamleonlike qualities of the essential commando Pervez Musharraf which surfaced shortly before he sent Nawaz Sharif and his men packing into exile and which have indeed become a part of his persons these past eight years.

Not surprisingly, for such a man, who breathes sheer fire and brimstone at the very mention of the word politician, announced shortly after the immensity of his unpopularity began to worry some of his western supporters, notably George Bush, that he was willing to be the ‘‘father figure’’ of the new post-election dispensation once it acquired form and content. In other words he would stand by any future Government in Pakistan regardless of whoever gained the approval of the newly-elected National and Provincial Assemblies.

Musharraf did indeed look terribly hasseled as the results of the February 18th election were out. His principal cohorts from the party he fathered had fallen by the wayside and he wasn't even sure how long the Corps Commanders and the army would stand by him. On second thoughts it seems, though, that the former General need not be particularly worried about the role Gen Ashraf Pervez Kiyani, the new Army Chief, may play. Kiyani, took over the Chief's mantle from a reluctant Musharraf only after he had assured himself a fresh five-year term from the discredited outgoing National Assembly, has very successfully held his cards close to his chest ever since the election results were out.

Musharraf was simultaneously not wasting his time. He wasn't loath to impress on George Bush and his ilk how crucial his presence was to the Bush administration's war on terrorism. Even the three most important US Senators including Senator Biden, the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and now a retired. Presidential hopeful and Senator John Kerry, who lost to George Bush at the last US Presidential election, during the poll campaign, seemed willing to swear by Musharraf's commitment to fair polls, a not ‘‘very perfect’’ poll process that eventually went against Musharraf.

They had noticed a few aberrations here and there but the elections as they saw it had been fair by and large. From Washington and from his great African Safari where he was trying to woo some friendly nations from the Black continent, George Bush had words of encouragement to offer to ‘‘good friend and ally’’ Musharraf. In a different country and in different circumstances ‘‘good behaviour’’ certificates issued by the US President and Senators might have raised many eyebrows, unfortunately both Pakistani military and political establishments have over the years learnt to learn on American endorsement as a necessity.

It comes as no surprise to me when I read or hear of one or the other Pakistani leader, military or civilian, seeking US blessings before they embark on something new. Asif Zardari, the late Benazir Bhutto's husband, hardly lost much time in having lengthy pow wows with US Ambassador in Islamabad soon after his PPP emerged as the largest single party in the National Assembly. I have indeed mentioned in this space on a few occasions how Benazir, during her two terms as Prime Minister, was a regular visitor to the US Ambassador's house. Her second term saw the visits become more frequent.

Nawaz Sharif too has his American links, strong ones. Remember how he rushed to Washington to seek then President Bill Clinton's help around the time of the Kargil conflict ? Even his predecessors, both political and military, have somehow always turned to Washington, even when a solution may have been available at their very doorstep.

Musharraf, of course, falls into a different category. Some in Washington may find themselves bereft now of trusted collaborators in Pakistan but that hardly matters as long as the leader of Pakistan, regardless of who forms the Government, there toes the line. Bush may feel that his investment in Musharraf is in jeopardy but the Texan cowboy knows better than most: Mush is his man and he does believe that the Army is still with the retired General. Bush, like Mush at least on TV screens or at their Press conferences , are even at this late hour unwilling to believe that their actions over the past seven years and post 9/11- have undermined the civil society and the democratic process in Pakistan. Even polls conducted by US agencies suggesting that Musharraf has all but lost his popularity in Pakistan do not appear to have made much difference nor for that matter do the Americans realise that the anti-Musharraf sentiment has snowballed into plain anti-Americanism.

The only time they felt the need to slightly mend the fences, they cobbled together an alliance between Benazir and Musharraf. That is no longer an option. And if the late Benazir's concerns about her own security in the pre-poll environment is any indication Musharraf or his men consciously undid that option by letting her be killed in Rawalpindi.

And Musharraf, the never-say-die man of Pakistan has not quite given up. His men have been sounding Asif Zardari and some others about the possibility of the retired commando striking an alliance. At the same time the President has asked his lawmen to revive the cases of corruption against Zardari and Benazir in the Swiss Courts. He can well afford to ignore his own ordinances withdrawing all the corruption charges against the Bhuttos. Apparently all is fair when the stakes are so high.

At the same you hear the MQM, Sindh-based party of nearly three crore Muslims who migrated to Pakistan at the time of partitioning of the sub-continent and an all of Musharraf in the earlier Government offering to bury the hatchet with PPP in Sindh. Even the one-time Nawaz Sharif crony and currently general secretary of Musharraf's Muslim League- Mushahid Hussain is offering his badly battered party's cooperation to Zardari. The effort in either case appears to allow the schism between Zardari and Nawaz Sharif to grow which may or may not happen. Sharif, whom Musharraf toppled and forced into exile, wants the President to go or face impeachment whereas Zardari believes that should be left to the National Assembly to decide whenever it is constituted.

Musharraf meanwhile has yet to undo his Provisional Constitution Order nor has he yet condescended to release the sacked former Chief Justice, Iftikhar Chaudhry who continues to remain under house arrest. Musharraf, frankly speaking, does not seem to have realized even now that his days as the country's unquestioned CEO have ended. He has lost the National Assembly as well as the provincial assemblies and even if he were to somehow survive the present crisis he will no longer be acceptable to the people as a whole and to the civil society in particular.

The continuing protests by lawyers, even after Musharraf's debacle at the polls, should serve as a reminder to him that he is no longer invincible. Indeed, if Pakistan's transition to democracy is to succeed, he must retreat to the shadows and eventually bow out to redeem himself and his country.

He should stop working out newer strategems to play one political party against the other or even to buy out the loyalty of lesser parties to earn a reprieve for himself. His eight-year rule has left Pakistan a deeply divided nation. And if the Feb 18 polls are anything to go by the people have clearly issued a warning to him that his divide and rule policy won't work. Nowhere does this reality become more clear than in the North West Frontier Province where the Pakhtuns have solidly booted out the rightist parties and instead voted for more tolerant forces such as the National Awami Party.

Transformation in Nepal

By Padmaja Murthy

Jana Andolan II of April 2006 came with a promise of change for the people of Nepal, sought to be made through holding elections to a constituent assembly (CA). The core aim of CA elections is to draft a new constitution which would undo the concentration of power - political, economic, social l- in a few and make society inclusive and democratic in the widest sense. Two years down the lane stability still seems elusive to Nepal. The twice postponed elections to the CA are scheduled to be held on 10th April 2008. However, given the difficult law and order situation, especially in the Terai, doubts are cast if elections will be held as schedule. Even if they are held, it is unlikely to be a peaceful one.

Where did the promise of change go wrong? It is seen that Jana Andolan II of April 2006 unleashed three important developments in Nepal. First, the clipping of the powers and privileges of the monarchy drastically and declaring Nepal a secular country; second, the process of bringing the Maoists into the political mainstream with mixed results; third and the most unexpected, the assertion of rights by the marginalised sections for an inclusive society. Seen in the context of the evolution of Nepali polity, the changes sought to be made through the CA elections will be real as the marginalised - madhesis, janajatis, dalits - will now participate as an awakened people. Jana Andolan II has shown that the marginalised have been politicized and realize the importance of their organised power. However, the intensity of these developments, the rigid positions being held and the violence associated with it were not expected and factored in while charting the course to normality.

The maoists maintained an obstinate stand that the issues of republic and proportional representation be settled before the 22 November, 2007 CA elections. An inability to do so led to the postponement of the elections. The issues were finally settled in December through the third amendment to the interim constitution. As a result Nepal was declared a federal republic and the number of CA seats increased to 601 from the existing 497 -- 240 members to be elected through first-past-the-post and 335 from proportional electoral system and 26 other members to be nominated by the government from among special personalities and indigenous community, that were not included under the previous system, Only after this, did the Maoists re-enter the cabinet which they left in mid September 2007.

However, it did send a wrong signal to other agitating groups like the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) who had come to an understanding, with the government in August 2007. They were accommodative so that the elections could be held in November. Since the postponement of November elections Madhesi politics has entered a decisive phase. In December 2007, Nepal witnessed the resignation from parliament of Mahantha Thakur of Nepali Congress, Mahendra Yadav of UML, Hirdayesh Tripathi of Nepal Sadbhavana Party (A), and Ram Chandra Raya of Rastriya Prajatantra Party - all Madhesi parliamentarians.

Presently, with the announcement of an indefinite agitation in the Terai by the newly formed United Madhesi Democratic Front (UMDF) - a tripartite tie up of Nepal Sadbhawana Party, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) and Terai Madhes Loktantrik Party (TMLP) - Nepal has entered another phase of uncertainty. The UMDF demands include constitutional guarantee of autonomous Madhes Region with the right to self determination, immediate implementation of constitutional provision regarding equal representation of all marginalized groups in all sectors of governance and immediate recruitment of Madhesis in Nepal Army. Recognition of martyrdom for all 45 Madhesis killed during the Madhes movement, state funded treatment and compensation for the injured and genuine efforts to bring armed outfits of Madhes to a negotiation table are also their demands.

However, there is no clarity on what exactly 'self determination' and 'autonomy' means. While some of the leaders have talked in terms of independence and sovereignty, there are others who have put forward demand of 'one Madhes , one province'. These are issues which need detailed discussions and cannot be resolved just before the polls scheduled for April 10th. Infact the leader of the Tarai-Madhes Loktantrik Party, Mahanta Thakur has said in an interview, " … If the government continues to suppress the Terai, then it is the people's right to warn it that they have a right to self-determination. Till now we have been talking about living together. But if you suppress us any longer, we have a right to declare independence and live separately."

Similarly dissent and disapproval has been expressed by many groups including the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN); the National Front for federal Republic (NFFR); United Republican Front which is an alliance of seven ethno-political groups and many other organizations representing the dalits, janajatis and madhesis.

As regards the Maoists, the United Revolutionary People's Council of the Maoist party had decided to resurrect the party's people's government which were operational in villages and district level as parallel forms of government undermining state authority during the conflict period. They had been dissolved following the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the seven political parties and the Maoists two years ago. The maoists have rejected accusations that they have resurrected 'parallel government' but that these councils will help in easing problems faced at the local level as the local bodies have not been re-constituted and help in elections to the CA. What is disheartening is the observation made by the Maoists that they believe that they should win the elections for the progressive political agenda was set by them. Clearly indicating that they are not ready to be the losers gracefully like it should be in a democracy if such an eventuality happens.

In such a scenario, even if elections are held, it will be a violent one and the process of drafting a new constitution will be a daunting task for it will be a huge assembly to discuss and reach a consensus. In a scenario where elections are not held one could possibly see pockets of influence of different groups in their respective areas. One could then witness a scenario where there is a weak centre with these comparatively powerful centrifugal tendencies operating.

Those at the helm of affairs should go all out to convince the marginalised the importance of the CA elections for in its absence they will be the biggest losers throwing away major gains they have made. Jana Andoaln II had come with process of conflict resolution. However, what Nepal is witnessing is a phase of conflict escalation.-CNF

Strategies for girl education

By A.K. Sengupta

Girls’ Education in India: Strategies, Interventions and programmes

India has made remarkable progress since independence in various aspects of girls’ education like greater access to and enrolment in schools, decline in drop out rates and in the number of out of school girls, greater transition to upper primary level and special help provided to disadvantaged sections of the society. We have also in place the constitutional and policy framework enshrining the vision of girls’ education that enabled the Government to design different strategies, interventions, schemes and programmes with specific objectives that impinge on girls’ education.

Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan

Foremost among these, is the programme for the Universalisation of Elementary Education (UEE), called Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), launched at the turn of the century (2001). This national flagship programme has a clear focus on bridging and eliminating gender differences in enrolment, retention and quality of learning. There is a thrust and special focus on girls’ education in the planning and provisioning for UEE, in SSA. Some of these are listed below:

· Free textbooks to all girls upto class VIII

· Separate toilets for girls

· Back to school camps for out-of-school girls

· Bridge courses for older girls

· Recruitment of 50% women teachers

· Early childhood care and Education centres in/near schools in convergence with ICDS programme etc.

· Teachers’ sensitization programmes to promote equitable learning opportunities

· Gender-sensitive teaching-learning materials including textbooks

· Intensive community mobilisation efforts

· ‘Innovation fund’ per district for need based interventions for ensuring girls’ attendance and retention.

A range of strategies and interventions have been evolved that are designed to improve girls’ participation in education, at building systemic responsiveness, motivating girls and their parents and forging partnerships with community based groups for girls’ education. Efforts are also made to address issues within the classroom to enable a conducive learning environment and monitor progress along key indicators in girls’ education.

Strategy Focused Equally On ‘Demand’ And ‘Supply’ Sides

The Government interventions towards girls’ education are not only targeted to address enormous infrastructural deficiencies but also centuries-old cultural and psychological problems. The two broad stands on this strategy has been to focus equally on the ‘demand’ and ‘supply’ sides.

On the supply side the government aims to make the education system responsive to the needs of girls to serve as the pull factor.

Gender Perspective

While designing programmes for girls’ education, the education administrator addresses both ‘generic’ and ‘specific’ issues. The gender perspective is sought to be integrated in all the programme components and the ‘specific’ interventions such as incentives to offset economic disadvantage, relaxation of norms for tribal areas etc. are contextualized interventions required to address various factors of disadvantage. Intensive and innovative efforts are taken up at the micro-level to retain focus on girls’ education and mobilize women/women’s groups for girls’ education.

NPEGEL Scheme

The NPEGEL scheme is meant for the educationally backward blocks (EBB) where both girls who are in ‘in’ and ‘out’ of school, are targeted. The out of school girls include never enrolled and drop out girls. In the case of girls in elementary school, the thrust is on girls with low attendance rates and girls with low levels of achievement. Ensuring a positive self image and to eliminate gender bias in the classroom is also in the design of the scheme. According to latest (upto 30.09.07) available data, the reach of NPEGEL includes 3272 block, 40,171 clusters, 35,254 model cluster schools, 25,537 ECCE support, 24,387 additional rooms, 9,67,063 remedial teaching, 1,53,324 bridge courses, 1,85,494 gender sensitization of teachers and 71,46,300 uniforms and other incentives.

Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya Scheme

The second major initiative, in the EBBs, is the Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya (KGBV) scheme that provides for setting up of residential upper primary schools for girls from SC, ST, OBC & Muslim communities. This scheme targets areas of scattered habitations, where schools are at great distances and are a challenge to the security of girls. This often compels girls to discontinue their education. KGBV addresses this through setting up residential schools, in the block itself.

The KGBV scheme very specifically targets

* Adolescent girls who are unable to go to regular schools.

* Out of school girls in the 10+ age group who are unable to complete primary school

· Younger girls of migratory populations in difficult areas of scattered habitations that do not qualify for primary/upper primary schools.

As the KGBVs specifically targets communities where girls are more disadvantaged, such as SC/ ST, OBC and Muslim minorities, the scheme provides for a minimum reservation of 75% of the seats for girls from SC/ST/OBC and minorities communities and 25% to girls from families that live below the poverty line.

The reach of the KGBV’s include –

· 2180 sanctioned – of these 270 are in EBBs with 20 percent Muslim population

· 1564 KGBVs operational

· Of total enrolment (25% SC, 32% ST, 26% OBC, 5% Muslim and 10% Below Poverty Line).

· About one fourth of the girls enrolled in the EBBs with Muslim concentration are Muslims.

India is deeply committed to Universalization of Elementary Education of satisfactory quality by 2010. Greater focus and efforts are now being made to extend the gains to the "last mile" and to ensure that not only all girls are in school but they also complete the cycle of elementary education with quality education. (PIB)