Daily Excelsior... Editorial

EDITORIAL

By Pallab Bhattacharya

German Chancellor Angela Merkels recent visit to India in October last year was an emphatic pointer to Europes growing recognition of New Delhi's economic and political significance in the international arena and diversification of Germanys Asian policy beyond China. ..more

National shame

By Aarti

Molestation adversely impacts the physical, emotional and mental condition of the victim(s). Further, it also violates moral codes of trust and societal expectations of responsible human behaviour. On the flip side, many of our cities are in news for their mushrooming call centres and picturesque malls. At the same time, the cause for . ...more.

Mayajaal under strain

By P. Raman

We have two extreme views about the rapidly spreading Mayawati phenomenon, the most significant political trend of the decade. Her political adversaries, including the two pan-Indian parties, take her as a serious challenge for years to come. The BJP had initially hoped the BSP to wean away the traditional dalit votes from the Congress. Now her forays into the upper caste votes seem to hurt the BJP as well. The latest revelation is that in Gujarat and Himachal, Mayawati had sna ..more

EDITORIAL

Secessionist blues:
pendulum swings

After a long time there is some activity on the secessionist spectrum in terms of forging unity. While Mirwaiz Moulvi Umar Farooq and Democratic Freedom Party (DFP) leader Shabir Shah have spoken about the necessity of forming a common platform Sheikh Abdul Aziz of the People's League (PL) has actually gone a step further. Mr Aziz has joined the Mirwaiz-led Hurriyat Conference. A pro-Pakistan leader he has thus distanced himself from veteran separatist leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani. There is a complete turnaround in his stance. Some time back he had put his weight behind the Geelani-led Hurriyat flaying the Mirwaiz-headed conglomeration for having "deviated from the Hurriyat constitution and entered into talks … a futile exercise." He had then stated: "History is witness that dialogue between Kashmiri leadership and the Government has concluded in sell-out." He had advocated tripartite Kashmir-centric talks between India, Pakistan and "representatives of the people of Kashmir." He had described the Geelani faction as the "real Hurriyat" and declared that its leadership worked "in accordance with the wishes and aspirations of the people." Now he has undergone a change of heart: "I and my colleagues have always supported a dialogue between India and Pakistan, as in our opinion this dialogue will help in resolving the Kashmir issue." Previously he had claimed that the Jammu-Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), DFP, Bar Association and the Jamaat-e-Islami were supportive of his stand. For the present he has advised all groups to shun their ego and move ahead together without getting embroiled into petty differences. Since Mr Aziz's personal clout in terms of popular appeal is not much proven it will be too early to say the impact his joining the Mirwaiz camp would make. The PL itself has been divided and sub-divided over the decades. Two of its erstwhile best- known faces namely Mr Farooq Rehmani and Mr Shabir Shah head the People's Freedom league (PFL) and the DFP, respectively. Mr Rehmani is now based in Pakistan. In fairness to Mr Shah he has always pleaded for the unification of separatist forces. Ironically, however, he has been the first to taste that the amalgamation of distinctive individual characteristics is easier said than achieved. He was the first major top leader who was made to leave the Hurriyat Conference when it was a united body. At that time he had invited the ire of his other colleagues when he chose to meet then United States Ambassador Frank Wisner in violation of their decision to stay away from him. He is expected to join hands with the Mirwaiz shortly.

As and when Mr Shah makes the move there will be at least half a dozen former PL leaders again sharing the same stage after a long time. They include, besides him and Mr Aziz, Mr Nayeem Khan (National Front), Mr Khalil Ahmad Khalil (People's Conference of Mr Bilal Ghani Lone) and Mr Bashir Tota who retains the PL as the banner of his outfit. How will they react to each other especially Mr Shah and Mr Khan whose parting had been rather acrimonious? How does it help the secessionist leaders to shift from one bloc to the other? The answer is simple: they want to establish their relevance in a milieu in which they are increasingly losing their ground. The space for a considerable majority of them has shrunk to a large extent. Arguably, there are two reasons responsible for this development: one, the ordinary masses have turned away from them finding the talk of secessionism tiresome and their own ethos and economy both at peril; and two, there has been a sharp decline in militancy which had in the past created an illusion about the separatists' actual strength. It is too obvious that only a few of them have been able to retain their conventional individual strongholds. It is to their apron stings that the rest of the crowd is clinging in the hope of surviving politically even though at times it means strengthening a regime of fickle loyalties. Outside the Mirwaiz camp there are leaders like Mr Geelani and a younger JKLF chief Yasin Malik. Both of them are unlikely to risk compromising their well-preserved identities by playing a second fiddle to anyone anywhere. Mr Geelani has taken a rather hard position by rejecting the dialogue between New Delhi and Islamabad. He is insistent that the implementation of the United Nations resolutions by exercising the right to self-determination is the only key to the Kashmir dispute. Mr Malik, on the other hand, has followed an extensive signature campaign with a long "freedom march" in order to press his demand for a role for the people of the State in deciding their future. Though he maintains his own standing he has alienated some of his closest associates. The Mirwaiz group's point of view is considered in tune with the existing realities. It has held talks separately with the leadership in India and Pakistan and backs a similar exercise between the two neighbours. Unfortunately for it the process has come to a halt chiefly because of the tense and unpredictable situation in Pakistan.

The ground situation has changed fast in the State especially in the Valley. The Assembly polls in 1996 and 2002, apart from occasional by-elections held till now, have brought mainstream parties particularly the National Conference (NC) and the People's Democratic Party (PDP) to the fore as major players. There is no doubt that their tussle has drawn the people enthusiastically back into electoral course. It is not for nothing that off and on one keeps getting reports about one section or the other of separatists also planning a plunge into the poll arena. Nobody can say with certainty the part they may play vis-à-vis the elections scheduled this year. Had the tacit participation of at least one of their key constituents in the 2002 elections not hastened their divide? One can't, therefore, be faulted if one views every development even on the separatist front at this juncture in the context of the coming polls: it can also be aimed at organising a resistance against them. History shows us that like in other spheres of life political pendulum always keeps swinging not essentially guided by the most honest of intentions or deference to public opinion.

Indo-German ties

By Pallab Bhattacharya

Germany has remained focused on China since long and Merkel herself had visited that country twice so far in her tenure as Chancellor. However, India is clearly emerging in Germany's radar and foreign policy priority, something aptly summed up by her pre-visit remarks in Berlin when she said that India is a dramatically growing country with a great economic perspective. In fact, during her interaction with Indian corporate captains, the German Chancellor said her country needs to pay as much focus on India as it has to China.

The economic component of Merkels visit was underlined by the fact that she was accompanied by a 30-member delegation of German business honchos including German Industrial conglomerate Siemens AG Chief Peter Loescher and senior officials of Pharmaceutical multinational company BASF, insurance giant Munich Re and the Deutche Bahn railroad firm.

The two main issues that came up during the German chancellors visit were climate change and bilateral and the evolving international trade structure. But the overall thrust was on big business.

Markel said India could play a constructive role in clinching the Doha round of World Trade Organisation talks which have remained stuck since their inception six years ago in the capital of Qatar mainly due to the standoff between the developed and developing countries over eliminating barriers to agricultural trade and cut in agricultural subsidies by rich nations. What was implied by her is, needless to say, that Germany, which holds the current Presidency of the Group of Eight developed countries, wanted India to take the lead in showing flexibility to break the impasse in WTO negotiations.

At the bilateral level, German companies are looking forward to a head start in the rapidly emerging Indian market of 1.1. billion people. As the head of the India-Germany Chamber of Commerce Bernhard Steinrueche said ahead of Markels trip to India, Germany would not like to lag behind the United States and France in grabbing a slice of the Indian market. The Germans are certainly not unmindful of the fact that it has a stiff competition in hand as the US frequently sends strong business teams to India and President George W Bush was in India in March last year. French President Nicolas Sarkozy is expected to visit India in January next year pushing for contracts in defence and atomic energy fields.

Two way trade between India and Germany has doubled in the past three years to 15.1 billion dollars and a joint statement issued after Merkels talks with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said that the two countries agreed to increase it to 28 billion dollars by 2012.

It is with business in mind that the issue of climate change figured in the talks between India and Germany during the Chancellors visit. As India, along with China, comes under growing pressure from European Union, of which Germany is a key member, to undertake greenhouse gas emission cuts after 2012 when the Kyoto Protocol expires and switch over to green technology, the developed countries view India as a lucrative market for transfer of technology.

No wonder why Merkel chose her interaction with the Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry to talk about the problem of climate change and how it loomed large on the international agenda. India has made it clear that it would not accept any binding commitment on GHG emission cut and compromise its economic growth.

Although Merkel asked developing countries not to avoid the mistakes committed by the developed world while industrializing, it failed to convince India much as New Delhi contends that developing countries cannot be expected to atone for the mistakes of developed nations. India, on the other hand, wants clean development technology and fund for acquiring to flow from developed countries to developing countries.

Accordingly, Germany announced it will contribute 210 million dollars to promote energy efficiency and renewable energy projects in India in an attempt to protect the climate, the Indo-German joint statement said.

Significantly, Merkel pointed to India's need for nuclear energy as another business opportunity if deal with the United States which will integrate it with international atomic trade.

From the point of view of Germany, we would like to see Indian incorporated in the international (nuclear regime), then Germany and India can do a lot together, she said. No doubt, Germany wants to join the race with US, Russia and France to acquire a pie of India's potentially huge nuclear industry.

The Chancellor also said Germany was prepared to help India in energy, science and technology sectors as well as in building roads and further developing railroad services. As Indo-German Science and Technology Centre would be set up to facilitate cooperation in Industrial and basic research.

It was business and security cooperation in mind that the two countries signed a defence cooperation agreement in areas of defence research, general defence technology and armament procurement.

Through her visit, Merkel has sought put behind years of Berlins neglect of India and bolster trade and strategic links between Europes largest economy and the Asian elephan. (PTI)

National shame

By Aarti

Molestation adversely impacts the physical, emotional and mental condition of the victim(s). Further, it also violates moral codes of trust and societal expectations of responsible human behaviour.

On the flip side, many of our cities are in news for their mushrooming call centres and picturesque malls. At the same time, the cause for concern is the increase in crimes against women. Are our women really safe and secure?

The manner in which a mob pounced on two California-based NRI women, on wee hours of this New Year’s Day in Mumbai depicts complete erosion of cultural values and utter disrespect for women.

The victims, accompanied by two men, were molested and groped by a crowd of over 70 men on exiting from a five-star hotel in suburban Juhu. Two press photographers who happened to be at the spot had clicked pictures of the incident. Indecently groped and pinched by the hooligans, just visualise the trauma of one of the women. She had just got married just the day before and was in the city to enjoy the New Year.

How dreadful the woman's husband must have felt when the mob tried to get at his wife and cousin. Apparently, very few in the crowd came to the rescue of the women and more specifically, only one man is said to have helped them by calling the police.

It took about 38 hours for the police to finally register a case of sexual molestation. Initially ‘liberated’ Mumbai women were blamed for the incident. The media was also rapped for ‘blowing the happening out of proportion’. Film stars joined and many of them made public their unsavory experiences. Then, ‘outsiders’ were held responsible for spoiling the reputation of the city. Finally those apprehended were found to be local boys.

Twelve of the 14 arrested have denied any involvement in the incident, while one claimed he was not even in the city that night. All are out on bail after furnishing a surety of Rs 10,000 each. Charged with using force to outrage a woman’s modesty and illegal assembly, if convicted, the offences can respectively bring jail terms of up to two years and six months.

Molestation Malaise

1 January 2008. Two women groped and molested by a mob of 70 to 80 men in Mumbai’s Juhu. On the same day, in Kerala, a Swedish tourist's 15-year-old daughter molested by local revelers at Kochi Fort.

4 January. A 15-year-old girl in Tiruchirapalli, upset after being molested by a gang of boys, committed suicide by pouring kerosene and setting herself on fire.

5 January. Two sisters abused and molested near Delhi University's north campus by a crowd of 25 men.

6 January. A group of about a dozen men, aged between 20 and 25, attempt to molest a woman, after thrashing her husband in the basement parking lot of a Gurgaon mall.

7 January. A 27-year-old Russian tourist in Goa and a 14-year old daughter of an IAS officer in Bangalore molested.

8 January. Two minor girls from Canada holidaying at Kumarakom, Kerala molested by the hotel’s security guard. In Pushkar, a 28 -year young American molested by a 35-year-old priest.

The Juhu incident perhaps attained much publicity as it happened in the country’s commercial capital. But it has yet again brought into sharp focus the safety of women at public places.

It is not uncommon for many women to be groped in public transport or felt up in crowded spots like railway platforms etc. But who is to be blamed? Some seem to blame women for titillating men by sporting western clothes.

Last September, some candidates who appeared for an entrance exam for employment with Delhi Police pulled out a teenaged student who was travelling with her mother in a rickshaw near the Delhi University campus and allegedly tore her clothes. It was after several demonstrations by the students’ that action got initiated against the accused.

Most women are afraid of reporting attempts of molestation and rape for fear of the stigma attached to such crime. That is precisely why many cases of molestation go unreported. After all, who wants to be further humiliated?

Those who choose to report their ordeal risk social stigma. Last March, a 48-year-old woman who was sexually assaulted near Kapurthala got police protection after media took up her case. Even as the victim had earlier reiterated that her life and dignity were at danger, nobody bothered to listen to her. She was reportedly dragged out of her house, paraded naked with many neighbours watching and then allegedly gang raped.

According National Crime Records Bureau statistics, crimes against women (IPC cases) have gone up from 1,31,112 cases in 2002 to 1,54,158 in 2006 registering an 8.2 per cent increase. Particularly, incidents of molestation in the country have increased by 7.1 per cent over the previous year.

Cases of molestation in the country are booked under section 354 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860 which provides two years’ imprisonment or fine or both to whoever assaults or uses criminal force against any woman, intending

A global menace

Molestation, a wrongful act, recognised both civilly and criminally, that includes viewing sexual materials, genital, breast fondling etc., is dealt quite strictly in many countries.

In the UK, molestation includes behaviour which amounts to such a degree of harassment that the intervention of the Court is required. The Family Law Act, 1996 and the Protection from Harassment Act, 1997 enables the Court to issue orders protecting individuals from the unlawful acts of other people. Commonly referred to as injunctions, the Court has the power to make ‘non-molestation’ orders and ‘occupation’ orders.

In 2006, a-30-year-old bogus exorcist, on a visit visa from India, was sentenced to 9 months in jail and three strokes of the cane for molesting a 33-year-old housewife in Singapore. The accused convinced the victim that she was possessed by a demon. He insisted that in order to cure her he must perform a prayer ritual. Taking her to a secluded spot, he tried to rub a lemon on the woman’s breasts, stomach, navel and genitals.

In 2005, a 55-year-old Indian business executive was sentenced by a Massachusetts Court to seven years in prison for sexually assaulting a sleeping woman seated next to him on a Delta Air Lines flight from Dallas to Boston. The accused laid a blanket over the 22-year-old woman, unbuttoned her pants and assaulted her by touching her genitals. After his release, the accused is required to pay a fine of $25,000 and would be supervised by authorities for two years.

In 2001, a 41-year-old Indian businessman who molested a cabin crew aboard a Malaysian Airlines plane was sentenced to 10 years in jail. The man was alleged to have caressed the thighs and buttocks of one of the stewardess while being served his food onboard the India-Kuala Lumpur flight.

Safety tips:

· At night, never be alone on a dark deserted lane

· Exercise utmost care while interacting with strangers

· Seldom walk close to a parked or moving vehicle

· Refrain making eye contact with passers-by

· A pepper spray and a mobile can be handy

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Mayajaal under strain

By P. Raman

The other view comes from the old school political pundits who argue that the very inherent debilities of the Mayawati model will wreck it from within. Her style of party management is more personalized and arbitrary than that of Mulayam, Thackeray, Mamata and Jayalalitha. Mulayam and Thackeray have experienced political aides at hand for advice and restraint. Mayawati's aides are all third rank disposables. Much of her troubles flow from the ill-advised moves from colleagues and due to her own proclivity to scams and fraud. Mayawati's bhaichara (alliance with upper castes) politics, the pundits argue, can work wonders in the Hindi hinterland. But beyond a point, such caste-to-caste deals will end up in diminishing returns.

There seems to be substance in both the interpretations of the Mayawati phenomenon. But her undoing has been that despite all bright signs, she finds herself under siege. In UP, her flagship state, things are turning sour with Mulayam Singh Yadav making deep dents in her image. After politics of Ambedkar statues and Kanshiram parks, most of her initiatives have turned unpopular. Farmers' protests against her express highways, ban on colleague elections and various administrative bungling -- all shows her luck is running out earlier than expected. The customary honeymoon with the voters seems to have waned. Missteps like police firings will quicken the process. Her election defeat in Ballia has been an indicator of her losing hold.

For her rivals, what is more crucial will be the kind of strains her latest caste concoction is undergoing. This happens at two levels. Soon after the Ballia debacle, Mayawati squarely blamed the Brahmin allies for the letdown and announced the disbanding of Brahmin and Vaishya bhaichara samitis. In some cases, she angrily replaced the upper castes by Muslim leaders. Her subsequent corrective steps did not help things mucg. Apparently, it is easier to win polls by pooling the votes of the dalits and upper castes. But it does not necessarily mean social (or caste) engineering in its real sense.

Recent spurt in attacks on dalits - assaults, rape and murder -further prove this point. In dalit bastis, there are grumblings against the behenji's tilt towards the upper caste allies. In many cases, she is being misinformed by the officials that the dalit victims were all habitual criminals. Dalit elders, perhaps for the first time, lament that their condition is worse under the bahujan rule than even under Mulayam.. The growing discontent is more discernible among the BSP's middle-level Dalit workers, Mayawati's core strength.

Under the bhaichara regime, traditionally resourceful Brahmins and other upper castes have grabbed crucial positions in both organization and government. Often, her old dalit colleagues are kept waiting by the Brahmin staff while builders and contractors freely meet her. Every time she makes a point in favour of strengthening BSP's alliance with the upper castes, it leads to suspicion among her hitherto dumb followers in bastis. Her case for reservation for upper castes is being misinterpreted, albeit wrongly, as harming the chances of the dalits. In many regions, higher castes have grabbed election tickets and the dalits had to bear the burden. The behenji has not been able to address such loud rumblings from the below.

Right from N.T. Rama Rao, provincial politicians had nursed grandiose ideas to conquer outside territories. But Mayawati is the only one who has come out with a credible game plan. True, her tireless attempts to organize her kinsmen outside met with resistance from the local dalit leaders. She had even failed to hold on to the bases built by Kanshasi Ram in regions like Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan. If suddenly she is emerging as a big force outside UP, it has been due to her skillful use of the new bhaichara formula to build a springboard.

But there is a crucial difference. In UP, her mainstay is the dalit block votes. But in her 'new world' outside, she relies more on the upper caste rebels from other parties and ticket rejects than dalits. She readily gives the BSP franchise to the dropouts and rejects in the name of dalit-brahmin alliance. For this, her deputies from UP headquarters have been making talent hunts even in faraway states. She tried Chiranjeevi in Andhra Pradesh and Narain Rane in Maharashtra. In the past few months, she has addressed huge rallies in all the four southern states, Maharashtra, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Punjab. However, the actual dalit content in her BSP outside UP is negligible.

Her apparent shift of emphasis from dalit base to the ragtag of sarvajan (as against bahujan) shows the limits of India's caste politics. Elections in Karnataka and later in MP, Rajasthan and Chhatisgarh will give an idea about the kind of challenge her bhaichara caste cocktail can pose to others. Mayawati can surely get franchisees in most Lok Sabha constituencies. In some places she can hurt others. This can also provide a foothold to her in faraway provinces. But can she build on such a shaky foothold? There is no one-line reply. After all, many provincial bosses in India have survived without the backup of a caste niche and party machinery.

However, the key to her network outside lay on her government's stability in UP. Will the upper castes ditch her as they did twice? Will the frustrated dalit bastis turn against her bhaichara formula? All such queries beg answers from India's most unconventional politician. She is bold and brash, and without any ideological baggage and obsessions of political nicety. She is ever ready for political experiments. She treats the polity as it is, and asks the upper caste groups to negotiate with her for sharing of power.

Lalu, Mulayam, Nitish and Paswan have all borrowed the bhaichara formula from her. She appointed Maurya as party convener because his sub-caste is dominant all over UP. She has no qualms about saying so. She uses her birthday as both for district-level worker mobilization and fund raising (aarthik sahyog diwas). The fund (like PM's relief fund) will function as a parallel relief institution under BSP at the village-ward levels. And she does all this without the support of a stable hierarchy.