EDITORIAL

Command respect,
don't demand it

Does it really matter if there is simply one police man in charge of law and order in one street housing 1000 persons? Will he be more effective if he has to look after just 100 of them? Is his capacity and capability to enforce the rule of law linked to the numbers he has to manage? The answer is no. His hold depends upon the respect he is able to command. The same analogy applies to those placed in positions higher than him. It includes everyone from deputy commissioners to ministers as well. Their mere appearances can command respect which does not come from the posts they occupy but from the confidence they are able to generate among ordinary citizens whom they claim to serve. They trip the moment they demand respect. If they throw their weight around then they would invite isolation. Their demonstration of superiority complex is actually a camouflage for their inferiority mindset. They keep finding fault with others. Often we can hear them grumbling about the shortage of staff at their disposal. That this also happens in our State is indeed surprising. Who does not know that over the decades our government apparatus has become a white elephant? This is because there have not been many private avenues of employment. One government after the other has been compelled to accommodate growing mass of educated young persons thus buying heavy strain in return on its limited financial resources. Well-intentioned schemes like monthly honorariums have been devised to keep qualified professionals engaged. .more

Development fails
to pickup

By Ashok Thakur

Biharis who have gone for employment in different parts of the country are being very often ill treated. What is even more shocking is that not for once has "sober" chief minister taken the pain to visit the victim Bihari families in those states and apply at least a verbal balm on their wounds. Instead, Mr. Nitish Kumar washed his hands of this responsibility by just sending......more

PM goes to China

By Atul Rama

The success of India’s ‘Look East’ policy, it may not be wrong to say, depends a great deal on New Delhi’s relations with Beijing. So far, they have looked to be moving in the direct direction despite some disturbing media reports—denied by the government—of Chinese incursions into Indian borders. But then the border dispute was for years the main hurdle in improving relations between the two giant Asian neighbours, till they de...more.

Rising Food prices
hit the poor

By Nantoo Banerjee

If good rainfall, higher agricultural production, huge inflow of foreign direct investment (FDI), improved performance of the manufacturing, core and infrastructure sectors, and the record high stock indices, Sensex and ..more

EDITORIAL

Command respect,
don't demand it

Does it really matter if there is simply one police man in charge of law and order in one street housing 1000 persons? Will he be more effective if he has to look after just 100 of them? Is his capacity and capability to enforce the rule of law linked to the numbers he has to manage? The answer is no. His hold depends upon the respect he is able to command. The same analogy applies to those placed in positions higher than him. It includes everyone from deputy commissioners to ministers as well. Their mere appearances can command respect which does not come from the posts they occupy but from the confidence they are able to generate among ordinary citizens whom they claim to serve. They trip the moment they demand respect. If they throw their weight around then they would invite isolation. Their demonstration of superiority complex is actually a camouflage for their inferiority mindset. They keep finding fault with others. Often we can hear them grumbling about the shortage of staff at their disposal. That this also happens in our State is indeed surprising. Who does not know that over the decades our government apparatus has become a white elephant? This is because there have not been many private avenues of employment. One government after the other has been compelled to accommodate growing mass of educated young persons thus buying heavy strain in return on its limited financial resources. Well-intentioned schemes like monthly honorariums have been devised to keep qualified professionals engaged. The underlying objective evidently is that idle brains don't become devils' workshops. The amount paid is hardly commensurate with their educational background, ability or effort. However, the intention is honest: something is better than nothing for boys and girls who have spent years burning midnight oil but are unable to get jobs or establish their own enterprises for one reason or the other. Does that mean, however, that they don't deserve the respect due to them by virtue of their being government functionaries? One can perhaps overlook them in this regard. After all, strictly speaking, they are either part-time or ad hoc workers and don't have a role in decision-making. What is inexplicable is that even those who have their status and salaries well protected are unable to invite high opinion of society? Why should it happen? We find it rather amazing that only recently we have come across officials grumbling about a big gap between one traffic police man and the number of vehicles. This is a problem of logistics.

The bigger issue is whether a traffic police man musters influence enough in the area under his charge to ensure that his word is heeded by one and all. He will be saluted if he is honest. He will just be ignored and have his palm greased if he is corrupt. The number of drivers and vehicles will not matter at all in either case. The errant people will not take the route if they know that they have one honest cop waiting for them around some corner. They will, however, dance all the way handled by scores of unscrupulous uniformed men. They know they can buy the passage. They will mock at anyone suggesting that authority founded on injustice is never of longer duration. Lest a wrong impression was created we wish to make it clear that we are not talking of credibility of police men alone but of one and all that are part of governance. Several reports on police and administrative functioning have made this point. The National Police Commission has observed: "The basic role of the police is to function as a law enforcement agency and render impartial service to law, without any heed to wishes, indications or desires expressed by the government which either come in conflict with or do not conform to the provisions contained in the Constitution or laws." Instead, what we come across is a tendency to do the bidding of ruling politicians in utter contempt of the law. It is one thing to follow the discipline of hierarchical order. It is quite another to bend when asked to crawl. Albert Einstein has aptly remarked: "Unthinking respect for authority is the greatest enemy of the truth." So far as public administration is concerned the situation is no better. Indira Gandhi had said her major failure was that she could never improve it. "Ram Rajya" and Mahatma Gandhi's "Su-Raj" remain on paper. One can compare their plight with that of Greek's Utopia. The State Government has been striving to achieve corruption-free administration. Do we have it in sight? At the Centre, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) has shown its concern in its Common Minimum Programme: "The UPA will set up an administrative reforms commission to prepare a detailed blueprint for revamping the public administration system. E-governance will be promoted on a massive scale." Pious words in themselves unfortunately are not enough. The proof of the pudding is in the eating.

It needs to be understood that leaders and bureaucrats have to earn their respect. They can't claim it as a matter of right. They are also mistaken that they can draw it merely from the offices they hold. How they conduct themselves is very important. They have to do the right thing by upholding the law instead of indulging in sycophancy, favouritism or bribery. There is a clear distinction between the law and the person in charge of implementing it. Only military regimes and dictatorships can't see this difference. That is why they tend to associate the law with the person at the helm. This is something that is prevalent even in our environment despite many of its strong points. Fear of transfers and postings, for example, dissuades the majority of government functionaries from standing up and being counted. The common man per force prefers to swim with the current. He desires to seek necessary correctives by evoking the judiciary's intervention but is mostly deterred by the very thought of delayed justice. A silver lining is that those who show the courage to be different draw wide admiration. Every act of honesty and exceptional daring is applauded. This proves our point. Only they receive popular esteem who merit it. Such honour can't be measured in terms of either election victories or numbers of subordinates or personal security officers popularly known as PSOs at one's disposal.

Development fails to pickup

By Ashok Thakur

Biharis who have gone for employment in different parts of the country are being very often ill treated. What is even more shocking is that not for once has "sober" chief minister taken the pain to visit the victim Bihari families in those states and apply at least a verbal balm on their wounds. Instead, Mr. Nitish Kumar washed his hands of this responsibility by just sending a team of helicopter-riding ministers to such places, unlike RJD chief Lalu Prasad who at least visited them personally.

Crime in Bihar is at its worst and this has damaged the already poor reputation of the state.

A Patna High Court report prepared on the basis of data collected by the district judges says that an alarming number of 4,849 cases of kidnapping took place in Bihar in the last one year (between July 2006 and June 2007) yet the entire state machinery goes on saying that everything is "fine". The CM sings a different tune now: "Crime has been an integral part of the society since time immemorial and that no one can check it fully."

Previously, we were at least able to get our children back by paying up ransom to the kidnappers, but today we are getting skeletons and bodies of our children. In no way, this could be described as an improvement in law and order, though everyone, from officials to ministers, goes on likening it to sushasan (good governance).

How the law and order situation has deteriorated can be understood from the fact that except for one, all gates of the Bihar Legislature were kept locked for security reasons this time, forcing the lawmakers to wait in a long queue to enter the Assembly premises. This has resulted in a ruckus in the state legislature in the current session almost everyday. Not only the Opposition but the ruling party members too have taken a strong exception to such a move by the law-enforcing authorities.

What's more funny is that the state police repeatedly goes on highlighting its "achievements" while comparing the crime figures with that of the previous regime, obviously to escape immediate criticism by the media and the Opposition, instead of assessing its own performance independently. Nothing is complete without making a comparison with the previous RJD regime, although many governments, including those of the Congress, have ruled Bihar since Independence.

Every time the courts made scathing observations over the functioning of the previous RJD regime, the Bihar CM exulted and made it a point to criticise the previous regime; when the same court came out with those kidnapping figures, the government differed, nay contradicted, the court's report.

While the High Court report has said that close to 5,000 people have been abducted by criminal gangs in the last one year, the government report claims only 74 (seventy four) persons have been kidnapped in the last 10 months since January this year! If that is not enough, the state police has invented a peculiar idea of "honeymoon kidnapping" to play down the abduction cases through which it has tried unsuccessfully to explain that many of the kidnapping cases turned out to be elopement for marriage!

However, the official figures regarding murder and road robberies remain as alarming as was witnessed during the previous regime and the Government has no answer for its failure. If the official figures are to be believed, a whopping 2,506 cases of murder were reported between January and October this year as against 2,753 in 2006, 2,864 in 2005, 3,243 in 2004, 3,062 in 2003, 3,096 in 2002 and 3,071 in 2001 in the corresponding period, indicating only a slight improvement on the law and order front. Likewise, 133 cases of road robberies were reported between January to October this year against 176 in 2006, 177 in 2005, 233 in 2004, 207 in 2003, 202 in 2002 and 202 in 2001 in the corresponding period. Remember, these are "official" figures. The opposition says the ground realities were even more alarming.

According to a Government report, a total of 189 government officials have been caught red-handed while accepting bribe, whereas corruption cases have been filed against 231 officials in the last two years. This explains how corruption has spread in the administration and the Government has failed to check it.

What is peculiar is that majority of the staff trapped by the anti-corruption bureau are just "small fries" like clerks, BDOs, peons, engineers and Anganwadi sevikas while the "big fishes", the lone exception being a promoted IAS officer, still continues to go unpunished.

Worse, the Government is yet to initiate any action against party leaders like Anand Mohan and his wife Lovely Anand, both ex MPs, and Munna Shukla, party legislator. They were convicted in Gopalganj DM G. Krishnaiah lynching case by a local court. While Anand has been given death sentence, the rest two leaders were given life term.

The opposition says the double standard in initiating action against the guilty party leaders "exposes" the hollowness of the NDA's much-trumpeted "good governance" in Bihar.

In Bihar everyone, from ruling party to Opposition leaders have been accusing the Government of allowing the bureaucrats to grow too big. "They don't listen to our requests. They ignore our demand for transfer of local officials or with regard to disposal of certain cases relating to the common man. Why then will people vote for us in future when we can't meet their small demands?" This is the most common refrain of the ruling party legislators. The issue has rocked the state Assembly in the past and this time again has figured in the current session of the Assembly but the government continues to play it down.

Kumar with over 30 officials and ministers went on a week-long tour to Mauritius to woo investors in a country that is as small as some of Bihar's district and that too at a time when almost entire North Bihar was submerged in flood-waters. Everyone blamed the Government's lack of preparedness as well as little or no preventive flood measures, but the government blamed "nature".

Till date, the country's top industrialists like Mukesh Ambani, Ratan Tata, Anand Mahindra, Sunil Bharati Mittal are still to decide about investments in Bihar, although several of them have visited the state more than twice. But the State Government has not been able to present a blue print to investors to put their money in the state for the development of infrastructure like electricity. Out of 24 hours the capital city of Patna receives electricity for only 10 hours, and rural areas are in dark in the night. Whatever goes by the name of industry in the state doesn't work as it is starved of power. INAV

PM goes to China

By Atul Rama

The success of India’s ‘Look East’ policy, it may not be wrong to say, depends a great deal on New Delhi’s relations with Beijing. So far, they have looked to be moving in the direct direction despite some disturbing media reports—denied by the government—of Chinese incursions into Indian borders. But then the border dispute was for years the main hurdle in improving relations between the two giant Asian neighbours, till they decided some years ago not to let that stand in the way of their efforts to become bhai bhai’ gain. The pace of cultivating good bilateral relationship may have been slow but the two sides have stuck with that resolve for close to three decades.

In this backdrop the two-day (January 13-15) visit of the Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, to Beijing can well be expected to be yet another step for closer bilateral relations. The Chinese government spokesperson said days ahead of Dr Singh’s visit that bilateral (India-China) relations had kept a ‘good momentum’ in 2007, the year of ‘friendship through tourism’ and strengthening of cooperation in various fields.

Though the spokesperson, Jiang Yu, did mention that China expected the prime minister’s visit to help find a ‘fair and rational’ solution to the boundary problem, the emphasis in her statement was not on this seemingly intractable bilateral problem. After noting that the special representatives of the two countries had had three rounds of ‘good, helpful’ consultations on the boundary question, she suggested that the more positive expectation from Dr Singh’s visit could be talks on promotion of strategic cooperation partnership ‘in the long term and in a healthy way.’

During the year just gone by there were really no serious hiccups in our bilateral relations. Both sides were able to display ‘smooth coordination’ in international and regional affairs. The bilateral trade increased by 54 percent in one year. The Congress president, Sonia Gandhi, visited China and met the top Chinese leadership after which it was agreed that the two countries should upgrade their relations to a strategic level that would ‘change Asia and the world in a profound way.’

The Chinese desire, if it is indeed so, to seek strategic ties with India in order to change ‘Asia and the world’ is laudable. But looking at the present situation in South Asia, the pious Chinese expression would look more meaningful in seeking a better world if it takes a hard look at its old friend and ally in India’s western neighbour that is very clearly in a big mess. China had started cultivating Pakistan as anti-dote to India when New Delhi and Beijing had shed their ‘bhai bhai’ mask.

Helping Pakistan militarily, diplomatically and economically China came to be looked upon by Pakistan as its patron. There can be no doubt that it is China, and not the United States with all the billions of dollars it spends on Pakistan, that commands the most powerful ‘outside’ influence on Pakistan. There were a few moments when the United States felt the urge to display its displeasure towards Islamabad, leading to some savouring of relations between the two. But China never gave any occasion to Pakistan to complain. After the so-called US sanctions against Pakistan following its 1998 nuclear test, China was the only major world power that stood by Pakistan.

Now time has come when the Chinese should use their influence over Pakistan for stopping its inexorable march towards chaos and mayhem that can, so say all experts, pose danger to the whole world. It is not that China has never given its solicited or unsolicited advice to Pakistan. Indians would remember that China had advised some time ago Pakistan stop raising its Kashmir problem with India at every global fora and pin its faith more on bilateral dialogues with India.

There is an urgent need to stop Pakistan from plunging into a burning pot of civil strife and radicalisation of its society, largely because of obstinacy of the country’s ruler, Gen (retd) Pervez Musharraf. It is apparent to any outside observer that he has become the symbol of disunity and disharmony in Pakistan.

Thanks to their persistent mollycoddling, Musharraf pays at best only selective heed to what the US president George W. Bush or the leaders of other leading Western nations tell him. But he keeps stumbling from one grave folly into another, pushing his country further towards the brink. Despite doffing his uniform reluctantly, he has kept all the powers in his hands but failed to stop his country moving towards a dangerous path, instead of the desired path of democracy. The eight year rule of Musharraf has seen the rise militancy and radical Islam and his alienation with the civil society is nearly complete.

The situation, as Western observers might say, is so bad that the ascendancy of the fanatic elements as rulers of Pakistan looks only a step away. The consequences of that event may be disconcerting to the outside world but in India that will be seen as a real and imminent threat to its security, especially when even the so-called responsible leaders of that country have never shied from threatening India with their nuclear bombs.

Dr Manmohan Singh during his visit to China will and must talk about bilateral matters with his Chinese counterpart. But when he takes up matters of ‘mutual interest’ or regional affairs with the hosts, it is imperative that he raises the issue of Pakistan’s instability and its ruler’s refusal to encourage restoration of democracy and genuine civilian rule in his country.

Despite the arrogance that he has been able to show towards his Western benefactors, Musharraf is not in a position to dismiss cautious words of advice from China. And China cannot assume that it will face no danger from a ‘rogue’ Pakistan.

(Syndicate Features)

Rising Food prices hit the poor

By Nantoo Banerjee

If good rainfall, higher agricultural production, huge inflow of foreign direct investment (FDI), improved performance of the manufacturing, core and infrastructure sectors, and the record high stock indices, Sensex and Nifty, were some of the high points of Indian economy in 2007, the outlook for the year 2008 appears to be less positive. The soaring food prices in both the local and global markets, rising costs of energy and the lack of political consensus on development issues threaten to play the spoilsport and affect the economic growth in 2008.

The country's current political scene marked by a growing antagonism among the national as well as regional parties, the rise of ultra-leftist and fundamentalist elements, social and communal tensions and the increasing menace of the Pakistan-sponsored cross-border terrorism is likely to put the economy under pressure in the pre-Lok Sabha election year. In fact, the political scene is so uncertain, especially after the massive debacle of the Congress in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh Assembly elections, that the rift among the members of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and their Left supporters, constantly indulging in blame game, may widen further leading to even an early national election around November this year.

Domestic food prices are ruling at all-time high levels. The year-end Indian tender to import one million tonnes of wheat for delivery in March 2008 and the news of the precarious wheat and rice stocks position of the state-owned Food Corporation of India jacked up the prices of these food grains in both the domestic and international markets. The new arrival of kharif crops has failed to ease the prices of rice, which is normally cheaper during this time of the year. The trading in commodity futures and the growing tendency towards forging a price linkage between the local and global markets by speculators are likely to keep the prices of agricultural commodities firm at higher levels throughout the year.

The retail prices of rice have gone up by 15 cent to 25 per cent. The edible oil price per litre (910 gram) is inching towards the Rs. 100 mark. The popular brands of sunflower oil now cost around Rs. 93 per litre, over 20 per cent higher than the price a year ago. The prices of bread, butter, Cheese and other daily-use processed foods are at their all-time high levels. This is bound to raise the inflationary pressure on the economy during 2008. Further, a weak monsoon will only add to the problem.

A food shortage in the world's second most populous country could rock the global food prices. This is already taking place in anticipation that an economically wealthier India will be required to import more cereals, pulses and edible oil during this year as well as in the coming years unless there is a radical change in its agricultural policies and practices. Experts feel that food prices may reach crisis levels by the middle of 2008.

Simultaneously, global food prices too have reached a record high. At the Chicago grains exchange, wheat and rice prices for delivery in March have jumped to an all-time peak level. Soybean prices are at 34-year high. Corn prices are at an 11-year peak. According to Advanced Economic Solutions, a US consultancy firm, the food prices increase is "their fastest since 1980s, but the full brunt of those increases will begin in earnest in 2008." High demand, poor harvests and low stockpiles are primarily responsible for the global rise in food prices. High cereals prices are here to stay, feels Morgan Stanley. This is bad news for India, where food, fuel and fertiliser traditionally continue to be the most compelling and dominating areas of import. With crude oil prices peaking at around $ 100 a barrel, higher food prices are bound to increase the inflationary pressure on the economy and, as a result, slow down its growth.

The power position is already tight. The peak hour power shortage in the country is over 15,000 MW. The quality and availability of power in smaller towns and rural areas continue to be poor. The rural business and agriculture are getting increasingly dependent on diesel generation, which is expensive as well as polluting. Even in modern industrial complexes such as Noida in Uttar Pradesh and Gurgaon in Haryana, more and more companies are going for high-powered diesel sets for a 100 per cent auxiliary power back-up to keep their establishments running during frequent and often prolonged periods of power cuts. Most of the ongoing power projects are running behind schedule.

Although the Securities & Exchange Board of India (Sebi) has cleared the controversial mega-issue of Reliance Power with riders in December, it will take at lease three years for the ambitious Anil Ambani project to see the light of the day. Most of the new mega-thermal power projects are based on gas to be made available from the fields in the Krishna-Godavari basin at prices which the electricity generating companies are finding uneconomic. Power shortage may turn out to be the single biggest hurdle to high industrial growth during 2008.

The political factor during the pre-election year may also slow down the pace of industrial growth as some of the regional political parties are joining extremist forces and realty sharks to make land acquisition for mega-projects more difficult in 2008. The prospective promoters of special economic zones (SEZs) may be forced to defer their projects by another year or so until the new government, hopefully with a strong public mandate, takes charge of the situation and plays a more effective role in industrial promotion and economic governance. Some 400 SEZs have so far been cleared by the government. The combined land requirement for these projects is over 80,000 hectares. The total investment lined up is close to Rs. 3,00,000 crore. These proposed SEZs, which are targeted to be ready by 2009, are expected to create some 21 lakh jobs directly. But, the growing political opposition to land acquisition may seal the fate of most of these SEZs. For instance, the government of Goa has already surrendered to its political opposition and local activists to denotify 12 out of the 15 proposed SEZs in the state.

The present government is unlikely to take its political opponents head on in order to pursue the sensitive issues such as land acquisition and the entry of the organised sector in the retail trade. At stake are huge investments in the infrastructure, core and services sectors. Indecision on such matters is bound to delay new power projects, including nuclear projects, steel mills, new airports and sea ports, expansion of national highways and development of mines. Unfortunately, this is a price the nation has to pay for its political indifference to developmental issues, in general, which is reflected on the polity through fractured election mandates, successive multi-party governments at the Centre and increasing power play by regional parties in the matters of national interest. Long-term economic goals are being sacrificed for short-term political gains. The results of the next Parliamentary election hold the key to the growth and progress of the Indian economy. (IPA)



|
home | state | national | business | editorial | advertisement | sports |
|
international | weather | mailbag | suggestions | search |
subscribe | send mail |