MEN ,
MATTERS AND MEMORIES
By M L Kotru
Redefine
Indo-Pak relationship
I
am a Kashmiri Pandit born
and educated in Srinagar.
My sentimental attachment
to the Valley is second
to none. I have been a
journalist and for over
half a century among
other preoccupations kept
close touch with affairs
in Kashmir. There is no
dearth of people in my
State who would testify
that throughout my career
I have had the most
cordial family
relationship with my
Muslim brothers in
Kashmir. In my long
career I have been
witness to the unfolding
drama and have interacted
with Pandit Nehru, Sheikh
Abdullah, Indira Gandhi,
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed,
and indeed with all the
leaders who played a role
in the unfolding Kashmir
drama. I have seen many
ups and down in the
fortunes and prospects of
my State. But never, not
even in its darket
moments, have I
experienced the despair
and gloom that pervades
Kashmir today.
It
is not the violence or
anger that disheartens
me. It is the degree of
alienation that is truly
shattering. If after all
these decades the
sentiment and personal
rapport created through
shared experience even
among political
adversaries disappears
altogether - then truly
there is something
seriously amiss. Forget
the fate of the Amarnath
Shrine land, of the
future electoral
prospects, or even of the
ensuing dialogue with
Pakistan. The crisis is
bigger than all these.
The boils and rashes on
the body politic are mere
symptoms of the poison
flowing in the nation's
life stream. We need a
fundamental reappraisal.
We must go back to the
basics. I am impelled to
recall what some of my
Punjabi friends claimed
and what I had dismissed
earlier. In the crisis in
Kashmir the problem or is
it the mere symptom of a
much deeper malaise?
These
colleagues from Punjab
pointed out that even the
undivided state of Jammu
and Kashmir emerged from
a historic accident. In
truth the cultural divide
between the several
segments of Kashmir has
always been sharp. "
You keep moaning about
the division of
Kashmir" , one
taunted me. " Do you
ever reflect the
emotionally far more
traumatic division of
Punjab and Bengali just
months before Kashmir was
divided? How even after
Independence innumerable
illustrious Punjabis,
including Inder Gujral's
father and Bhimsen
Sachar, wanted to stay in
Pakistan but were forced
to flee because of riots
engineered by the British
to affect the transfer of
populations? How during
the phoney 1947 war
between India and
Pakistan over Kashmir
British Generals as
British citizens led both
the armies of India and
Pakistan?"
I
could brush aside these
taunts earlier. Now it is
time to reflect. It is
all right to think about
the identity of Kashmir.
Is it also time to think
anew about the identities
of India and Pakistan?
Can we resolve the
contradictions in Kashmir
and continue to ignore
the contradictions in
India and Pakistan? Can
we establish peace in
Kashmir without creating
stable peace between
India and Pakistan? Must
people continue to act as
unwitting tools of
cynical politicians on
both sides of the Time to
reflect on the divide
between the Muslims of
the Valley and Hindus of
Jammu which the raging
controversy over the
Amarnath land dispute has
brought into bold relief.
Time also to remember the
nearly half million
Kashmiri Pandits who had
fallen victim to
religious bigotry
unleashed by Pakistani
sponsored terrorists and
their local cohorts less
than two decades. How
about their space in the
land of their birth, the
valley, now when the
pro-Pak, pro-Azadi and
even the so-called
mainstream parties are
talking in terms of a
Muslim Valley, a Hindu
Jammu and a separate
Ladakh.
If
the out of the box
settlement, which both
Manmohan Singh and the
former and Pakistani
President, Pervez
Musharraf, were still
talking of when the
latter lost hold on
Pakistan, has any
relevance anymore,
shouldn't that box be
opened up a little more
to resettle the Pandits
of the valley in a part
of the valley, obviously
away from the majority
Muslim part of the
valley?
The
Pandits call it a home
land of their own, which
it may or may not turn
out to be, but in the
name of the myth called
Kashmiriyat don't they
deserve some space in the
land which they and their
forbears have inhabited
long before the Muslims
appeared on the scene
many centuries back.
And,
how come everyone seems
to be talking of Kashmir
when they should in fact
be talking in terms of
the entire State of Jammu
and Kashmir ? The most
raucous voice among the
mainstreams, the PDP's
Mehbooba Mufti, has said
that " We can longer
shut up people consensus
needs to be built. There
is an uprising and you
not only have to engage
people but unlike in the
past, find a
solution".
She
is evidently speaking of
the valley. Do Kashmiri
Pandits fit in a anywhere
in her scheme of things ?
Or, do we have to guided
by one of her
observations in a TV
interview soon after her
father became the Chief
Minister. Whey are your
worried about the
Pandits. They can always
turn to India of which
Jammu and Kashmir they
presumed was a part.
To
this add the separatist
Sajjad Lone I respect
Indian public opinion but
Kashmiris (read the
valley Muslims) would
have the final say,
" adding that"
pro-Azadi rallies of the
past few weeks are a
referendum on what people
want." Omar Abdullah
of the National
Conference sounds very
reasonable in contrast
when he blames the media
for having brought Azadi
to the table but adding
that the solution to the
problem lies in
restoration of pre-1953
autonomy. His part had
won the 1996 elections on
the autonomy plank but
New Delhi had just
ignored it.
As
an eminent political
analyst had put it"
a model often proposed at
Washington encouraged
meetings has been a
Kashmir valley delinked
from Jammu and Ladakh,
over which India might
enjoy at best a
face-saving, limited
sovereignty. Trifurcation
is the first step towards
an autonomous or
quasi-independent Kashmir
valley, while Jammu and
Kashmir and Ladakh,
unleashed from Article
370, integrate fully with
India".
This
was the thrust of the
Musharraf plan as well,
one that was
wholeheartedly embraced
by Omar Farooq of the
Hurriyat. Not one word
there, once again, about
the fate of the Pandits
hounded out of the valley
If
India provides an
opportunity which it
appears willing to do ,
one feels confident that
the quarrelling
politicians who have
taken over from Musharraf
in Pakistan would seize
the opportunity to alter
the status of Kashmir
valley. Hasn't there been
talk already of joint
Indo-Pak mechanism to
overseas the happenings,
once the Musharraf plan
was adopted.
Given
the current divisions
within the Indian polity
it is hardly likely that
the UPA government will
dare implement any plan
which erodes the State's
links with the Indian
union. And yet there can
be no peace given the
deep divide between Jammu
and Srinagar and the hard
feelings it has aroused
among Hindu right in the
country. Delhi is
unlikely to fall for any
compromise on the legal
and territorial status
quo.
The
Pakistani leadership of
the day is even less
equipped to handle any
talk of a compromise. The
philosophical view would
be can we resolve the
contradictions so obvious
in Indo-Pak ties. Is it
not time, speaking in the
same vein, we think anew
about the identities of
India and Pakistan just
as we are asked to find a
new identity for the
valley. It is not time to
ask can we establish
peace in Kashmir without
creating stable peace
between India and
Pakistan ? Must people
continue to act as
unwitting tools of
cynical politicians on
both sides of the border
.
These
thoughts and doubts are
not original. Do recall
that Pandit Nehru's death
aborted his efforts to
make Jammu and Kashmir
the bridge between India
and Pakistan. I remember
a tearful Sheikh Abdullah
at Teen Mufti recalling
how close he had come to
striking a common chord
between Ayub Khan and
Nehru. The Sheikh just
out of the Indian jails
then would love to recall
the useful dialogue he
had with the then
Pakistan ruler. To strike
a different note, the
time may have come to
redefine the basic
relationship between
India, Pakistan and the
State of Jammu and
Kashmir. That should be
the agenda for meaningful
talks that could provide
South Asia peace and
stability. If the
Europeans can unite
without sacrificing
sovereignty, why can't
the South Asians do the
same.
Monsoon
session after the
monsoons!
By Amba
Charan Vashishth
By
calling the Monsoon
Session (after the
monsoons are over with
winter almost knocking at
the door) of Parliament
on October 17 to continue
till November 21 the UPA
leadership in a masterly
stroke of its strategy
has ruled out the
possibility of a mid-term
poll to the Lok Sabha
coinciding with the
elections to five
assemblies in Delhi,
Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh,
Madhya Pradesh, and
Mizoram due in
November-December this
year
It
has served many political
purposes for the Union
government which, though
won the vote of
confidence in Lok Sabha
on July 22, seems to have
lost self-confidence to
face Parliament so soon.
It was all the time
trying to, somehow or the
other, to wriggle out of
the requirement of
following the age-old
practice of the Monsoon
session in the present
political and economic
scenario emerging in the
country. Inflation is
rising to a new high
every week. The internal
security situation has
never been as dismal as
it is today. Jammu &
Kashmir is in turmoil
once again, worst in the
last 17 years with
Government blindfolded
what to do and what not
to do. Above all is the
anxiety of the present
Government to honour its
commitment to President
George Bush to see that
the Indo-US Civil Nuclear
deal becomes a reality
before both Bush and
Manmohan demit office.
Some UPA detractors take
a dig that Dr. Manmohan
Singh and Mrs. Sonia
Gandhi seem more worried
and anxious about their
word to US President than
they are to the solemn
pledges and promises made
to the people of India at
the time of Lok Sabha and
after formation of this
Government.
In
spite of this, the
government is not
expected to have a smooth
sailing in Parliament
during the session. Going
by the present
indications, it may
hardly get respite on the
price and economic front
by that time. The
Opposition - BJP as also
the Left parties and UNPA
- are likely to be on
their toes to make the
going tough for the
Government. The important
legislations pending
consideration of
Parliament for long and
the new ones UPA may be
planning are likely to
get a rough weather.
Still
more severe may turn the
headache to fulfill the
promises the UPA made to
political parties and the
individual MPs in
exchange for the support
during Vote of
Confidence. Samajwadi
Party is already yearning
to snatch its pound of
flesh in power. As
reports suggest, Congress
leadership is finding
increasingly difficult to
satisfy the ever
increasing thirst for
more and more political
power, privileges and say
in government. The stark
reality is that today it
is the SP that needs the
Congress and the UPA and
not the vice versa.
Therefore, if Dr.
Manmohan Singh and Mrs.
Sonia Gandhi fail to come
up to SP leaders
expectations, that may
spell a danger signal for
the coalition and make
its continuance
untenable.
The
Election Commission has
yet to announce the
schedule for election to
the five State
assemblies. In all
probability, it may do so
in the second-third week
of September if not
earlier. Therefore, even
the worst comes to worst
and the UPA Government
either falls or dissolves
the Parliament in the
latter half of October or
first week of November
during or after the
session, it will become
impossible for the
Election Commission to
club Lok Sabha elections
with that of the five
State Assemblies. That is
what the UPA has all the
time been trying to
achieve because if a
session of Parliament was
convened in September and
a situation arose when it
may not be possible for
the Government to
continue, EC could have
held the elections for
Lok Sabha and the
assemblies together in
December.
UPA
expects to fare much
better in the coming
State assembly elections.
Therefore, it hopes to be
better placed to take on
the opposition challenge
in Lok Sabha. That is the
crux of the present
exercise to skip the
Monsoon Session. If the
proposed session ends in
November, as scheduled,
there would be no winter
session for the first
time in the parliamentary
history of the country.
In
the event of a show of
strength between the UPA
and the Opposition, there
may, once again, be a
repeat of the scene
witnessed during Vote of
Confidence in July when
the UPA and the
Opposition had to marshal
all their money and
muscle power to garner
strength. The nation
could, then, witness
another "note for
vote" scenario to
the benefit of our
honourable public
representatives who have
to face elections in just
another eight months, if
not earlier.
Fake
currency portends
By J N
Raina
Fake
currency, amounting to is
currently afloat in the
Indian banking system.
Fake Money Detector
Machines (FMDM) have
become a common sight at
show rooms, multiplex
counters, post offices,
petrol pumps and even
fast food joints across
the country. When people
come in large numbers,
checking each Rs.500 note
(most 'nakli' notes are
in five hundred
denomination) is never
easy. So no surprise
'nakli' notes are
swelling in number.
Official estimates are
that Rs 1, 69,000 crore
worth of fake currency is
in circulation in India.
If
one is found in
possession of the bogus
notes, he/she will be
penalized or even jailed,
in case he/she fails to
identify the source of
the fake notes, because
this is the law of the
land. Instead of tackling
the main offenders, it is
the general public who
are at the receiving end.
One is not sure if the
money withdrawn from an
ATM of any nationalized
bank or SBI or RBI is
genuine. So we are face-
to- face with a near
panic situation.
Frankly,
there exists a huge gap
between the 'seizure' and
the actual circulation of
the fake notes, being
'imported' into India
through the borders along
Pakistan, Bangladesh, and
Nepal and from the Gulf
region. Most if not
significant percentage of
this 'parallel money' is
pumped into the real
estate market noticeably
in Mumbai, Delhi and
Pune.
In
recent months
Pakistan-trained
terrorists have been
caught red-handed with
huge amount of fake
currency. Passengers
travelling from Pakistan
and Nepal into India have
also been found carrying
wads of bogus notes.
Police brass familiar
with the menace say that
initially the circulation
of the fake currency was
limited, and was noticed
in the troubled state of
Jammu and Kashmir, where
it went almost undetected
because of the
administrative
procrastination and
corruption. Those
responsible for the
nation's security and
connected with the
unearthing of the problem
were corrupted to hush up
the matter. For years,
the racket remained even
unreported.
Now
the 'naklis' are spread
all over the country. In
one recent case, fake
currency, amounting to
nearly Rs three crore was
found stashed in chests
of the SBI and ICICI bank
in Uttar Pradesh. Police
have also recovered Rs
7.21 lakh from the
residence of a cashier,
which included
counterfeit notes worth
Rs five lakh. The
investigating officials
believe that the
'recovery' is only a tip
of the iceberg. Their
conjecture is that
banking system is being
used by 'insiders' to
circulate fake currency.
And it is another ISI bid
to bleed India profusely.
ISI's
game plan is to finance
terrorism in India at
almost zero cost or to
say at India's cost. The
main expenditure for the
ISI is the printing
machine. And this cost is
recovered when fake notes
are exchanged for a
genuine currency at 30 to
40 per cent discount on
the face value.
Interrogation of
suspected people in
Mumbai and Delhi has
revealed that at least
one printing press
operates in Pakistan
under the ISI,
'exclusively for printing
fake Indian currency'.
There might be several
such machines- some even
in India.
Jaish-e-Mohammad
(JeM) has been investing
in commodity markets and
'prospecting' in real
estate, to fund its
operations. This is known
to the government long
before the US sent its
cautionary advisory last
year. National Security
Advisor M K Narayanan has
also gone public with the
warning that stock
markets were being
'manipulated' by the
terrorist outfits to
raise funds for their
operations. Stock
exchanges in Mumbai and
Chennai have reported
that 'fictitious or
notional companies' were
engaged in stock market
operations. Some of these
companies were later
traced to terrorist
outfits.
If
according to Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh
"Naxalism is the
single biggest internal
security challenge ever
faced by our
country
" the
counterfeit currency in
circulation in abundance
is more serious and
worrisome. It can lead to
a disastrous situation.
The question is: can we
expect 'deliverance' from
a government which has
admitted the dire fact
that its 'writ' no longer
runs in parts of 160
districts affected by the
Left-wing extremism, with
naxalites converting them
into 'liberal zones' and
taking upon themselves
functions of the state
administration and
police.
Says
P C Alexander, former
Maharashtra Governor:
"A state is not
considered a failed one
merely because its record
in socio-economic
development may be poor.
The category of failed
states would include
countries whose
institutions of
governance have become
incapable of discharging
the basic duties expected
of a state, such as
ensuring peace and
security
"
Anyone listening on the
Raisina Hill
.
(Syndicate Features)
|