EDITORIAL

Boom or doom?

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad can't be faulted if he is in no mood to consult India and China on his latest fad these days. He is too pre-occupied with the United States' sword hanging over his head. He has found a way to meet the challenge. He has called for a baby boom in his country to almost double its population to 120 millions. According to him, this will help Iran "to threaten the West" and "triumph over them." He wants to scrap birth control policies (endorsed by Islamic clerics) that discourage Iranian couples from having more than two children. He has reminded women that their "main mission" is to raise children. Mr Ahmadinejad may be happy to note that his views will make the followers of Stalin jump with joy. Not only that. There is an entire generation of baby boomers in the US that is likely to applaud him. Incidentally American President George W. Bush is one of them! His successor Bill Clinton is another. Is this not a sort of delicious irony? A perusal of records will show that the boom in births in America began after the end of World War II and continued until the early 1960s. It is interesting to let a baby boomer tell how and why it had happened: "…husbands had just gotten back from World War II and wanted to settle into the old and safe routine that involved hearth, home and children, lots of children. Their wives, our mothers, were in full agreement. The amorous burst that followed World War II became a freak occurrence caused by the conjunction of youthful optimism, material affluence, victory in one war and fear of loosing .....more

Let PoK have political and financial self-governance

By Samuel Baid

A BBC (Urdu) report of October 24 says Pakistan has described "Azad" Kashmir (occupied Kashmir) as its "province" in the identification documents ...more

Challenges before
Afghan Government

By Mahendra Ved

The basic problem before the Afghan people is to get engaged in the task of nation building and nurturing democratic institutions amidst constant threats to their political stability and well-being. Unfortunately, most reasons that . . .......more

Afzal Guru exposes all !
TALES OF TRAVESTY

By Dr. Jitendra Singh

Whatever the merits of the judgement in Afzal Guru case, it has helped serve atleast one important purpose. It has inadvertantly exposed the real agenda or the hidden agenda of key players on the Kashmir scene.... from ......more

Agriculture extension
functionaries

By Dr. Narinder Paul

The agricultural production technology generated by the State Agricultural Universities (SAUs) and research institutions of Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) will be of little use ......more

EDITORIAL

Boom or doom?

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad can't be faulted if he is in no mood to consult India and China on his latest fad these days. He is too pre-occupied with the United States' sword hanging over his head. He has found a way to meet the challenge. He has called for a baby boom in his country to almost double its population to 120 millions. According to him, this will help Iran "to threaten the West" and "triumph over them." He wants to scrap birth control policies (endorsed by Islamic clerics) that discourage Iranian couples from having more than two children. He has reminded women that their "main mission" is to raise children. Mr Ahmadinejad may be happy to note that his views will make the followers of Stalin jump with joy. Not only that. There is an entire generation of baby boomers in the US that is likely to applaud him. Incidentally American President George W. Bush is one of them! His successor Bill Clinton is another. Is this not a sort of delicious irony? A perusal of records will show that the boom in births in America began after the end of World War II and continued until the early 1960s. It is interesting to let a baby boomer tell how and why it had happened: "…husbands had just gotten back from World War II and wanted to settle into the old and safe routine that involved hearth, home and children, lots of children. Their wives, our mothers, were in full agreement. The amorous burst that followed World War II became a freak occurrence caused by the conjunction of youthful optimism, material affluence, victory in one war and fear of loosing another. You want to blame the baby boom on one person? Blame Adolph Hitler. His activities in Europe distorted the family cycle in America. To that you might add a dash of Stalin. Because in the 50s, the Cold War with its emphasis on family strength - and Mom at home, pregnant and in the kitchen - sustained the boom well into the 1960s." Both Mr Bush and Mr Clinton were born in 1946. Stalin, however, had different ideas as well. He awarded the title of "Mother Heroine" to the Soviet women giving birth to ten or more children. It was virtually a religion in the Communist Soviet Union to treat motherhood and children with reverence. The State gave huge funds to help mothers with large families and unmarried mothers. Besides the "Mother Heroine" the titles like "Motherhood Glory" and the "Motherhood Medal" were introduced. There were cash awards with high premiums for third and fourth child. The likes of Stalin were motivated by considerations like the need for strengthening nationalism and finding loyal subjects for enormous territory.

With this background in view Mr Ahmadinejad can claim that he is merely following past precedents. Both the US and Soviet models establish that population explosion in one way or the other is linked to war --- its launch or aftermath. What the Iranian President has overlooked, however, is that over-population strains development. That is why a Communist China has controlled it with an iron hand. A democratic India seems to be succeeding in doing so by educating people. The citizens of the US have not revived the "baby boom" phase. The rulers of the Soviet Union have failed to prevent its collapse despite it. The outcome of a war today is dependent upon knowledge, technology, wisdom and affluence a country possesses. These virtues have more to do with the quality and capacity of human beings rather than their quantity.

Let PoK have political and financial self-governance

By Samuel Baid

A BBC (Urdu) report of October 24 says Pakistan has described "Azad" Kashmir (occupied Kashmir) as its "province" in the identification documents given to Afghan refugees camping in this held territory. There are 350 Afghan refugees in PoK. Questioning the description of PoK as a province of Pakistan, BBC radio pointed out that PoK has its own constitution, Prime Minister and President.

If the description of PoK as Pakistan’s province is to be taken seriously, then this country’s 60-year old stand on Kashmir makes no sense. It also makes General Pervez Musharraf’s oft-repeated talk of self-governance for Kashmiris on both sides of the LOC ridiculous and hypocritical.

In a series of TV interviews in Pakistan last week, the General reiterated his proposal of self-governance for Kashmiris. He told Pakistani private TV channel Geo TV on October 23 that since India would not accept the redrawing of borders and Pakistan would not accept the LOC as a permanent border, his proposal for self-rule and joint management of Kashmir as a via media would make the LOC irrelevant. This proposal has been welcomed by some people but the Government of India has given it short shrift.

To make his proposal attractive for New Delhi, General Musharraf may have to take some practical steps. One of them may be to allow self-governance to the people of PoK for a trial period of five years. This means for so many years they should be allowed political, administrative, legislative and financial self-governance. During this period, Pakistan will have to eschew its traditional practice of interfering in PoK’s politics and starving it of funds by denying it of billions of rupees each year accruing to it as royalty from Mangla Dam and the remittances from Kashmiris working abroad. The PoK people are also denied rent from Maharaja Hari Singh’s property in Pakistan. In other words, thee can not be a political self-governance if there is no financial independence. If PoK is given all its dues by Pakistan it will not have to abjectly depend on Islamabad even for the salaries of the Government servants.

As a first step towards political self-governance, the people of PoK should be allowed to frame their own constitution to replace the present 1974 constitution which was imposed on them by the Government of Pakistan. This constitution makes allegiance to Pakistan’s claim to Kashmir mandatory for anybody who wants to fight for an election or seek a Government job. Thus voters’ choice remains restricted to pro-Pakistan candidates while nationalist aspirants are kept out. The 1974 constitution also empowers Islamabad to remove any PoK Government if in its (Islamabad’s) view it is not taking care of Pakistan’s interests.

After PoK Kashmiris frame their own constitution there should be fresh elections to the Assembly allowing all those nationalist political parties, who do not believe in the ideology of accession of Kashmir to Pakistan, to participate in the elections.

But this constitution and the resultant Government cannot work if the Pakistan Army and the ISI continue their obtrusive presence in PoK. If once the Army and the ISI stop their activities in PoK in reverence to General Musharraf’s idea of self-governance, the activities of jehadi groups will automatically die of fund starvation. The Army and the ISI support these groups to suppress resurgence of nationalist forces who are opposed to Pakistan’s occupation of this part of Kashmir.

PoK Kashmiris should be made the owners of the Mangla Dam. Pakistan should have no right to raise the height of the Mangla Dam submerging villages and uprooting villagers. The decision to raise the height of the Dam was taken about two years ago to ensure water and power to Punjab. Kashmiris’ objections did not move anybody.

Millions of dollars are sent to PoK by Kashmiris working abroad. The main chunk of these remittances come from Mirpuris working in Britain. These Mirpuris were uprooted in the 1960s when the Mangla Dam was being constructed. According to Pakistani newspaper reports, General Ayub Khan, then President of Pakistan, did not give them compensation or even small jobs on the Mangla project. It was then that hundreds of them migrated to England. The dollars they send go to Pakistani banks from where their relatives withdraw in Pakistan money.

For years PoK leaders have been demanding that they be given Mangla royalty and be allowed to open their own bank so that these dollars can come straight to PoK. If that is done, they say, PoK will be more than self-sufficient and in a position to do development work. That will free PoK of the obligation of annual Pakistani allocations of funds to it which provide Islamabad a big handle to keep Muzaffarabad under control.

General Musharraf’s proposal of self-governance sounds romantic unless he is bold enough to give it a trial in the part of Kashmir occupied by his country. If we believe whatever he has written about his bravery in his autobiography "In the Line of Fire", he can certainly do it. But if he cannot, it is clear that by floating the idea of self-governance he is trying to score a Kashmir-related propaganda point over India. Incidentally, in India the Government has decided to set up a committee to deliberate on the demands for autonomy and self-rule.

Challenges before Afghan Government

By Mahendra Ved

The basic problem before the Afghan people is to get engaged in the task of nation building and nurturing democratic institutions amidst constant threats to their political stability and well-being. Unfortunately, most reasons that caused instability over the last three decades are almost there in entirety to be tackled.

All that has happened in the last five years is that Afghanistan is no longer the fountain of terrorism as it was during the Taliban era. But the Taliban are there, and there is no wishing them away.

As noted earlier, the battle lines are a terrible mish-mash. Taliban will not allow anyone other than themselves to settle down- but they must be tackled politically and socially by the Karzai Government, partly due to domestic compulsions, but mainly because that is what the US/UK want.

Secondly, Pakistan, the celebrated "frontline State" in the war against terrorism, remains the principal source of trouble. Karzai and Musharraf have had public spats. The US think tanks and media and NATO officers on duty in Afghanistan are in possession full of details of Pakistan's complicity in providing safe heavens.

The agreement that the Musharraf Government signed with tribal representatives of North Waziristan in the first week of September 2006 is a deceptive, half-hearted answer to the problem in that it will have the Army and the Rangers only on the border and not carry out the searches for Taliban and foreign mercenaries as has been done in the past many months. Indeed, these two groups, if they "live peacefully", would be allowed to do so, Pakistan's official spokesman have said.

Afghanistan's three daunting problems can be summed in the form of three "Rs": Reconstruction- the process of economic development to "leap frog" into the 21st century; Reconciliation, a nationwide process of various ethnic groups learning to live together. This is easier said than done, that with the major tribes inhabiting Afghanistan spilling over to their neighbourhoods, causing divided loyalties and a fertile ground for outside interference.

Poor security situation affects the third "R"----- the continuous regrouping of forces opposed to the US-backed Karzai Administration does not allow for political stability in large parts of the country. Democratic institutions cannot function effectively in such a situation.

The Taliban and the Hizb-e-Islami (HeI) led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, continue to be active not only in the Pashtun belt in the Afghan territory across Pakistan's border with Afghanistan, but also in and around Kabul. Their forays into southern and eastern provinces have become more frequent. In the post-9/11 while helping the US to put an end to the Taliban's rule in Afghanistan post- 9/11, the ISI has ensured that the Taliban's organisational capability and terrorist infrastructure remained undecimated so that Pakistan could use them to protect its strategic interests in the future.

The US/NATO campaign through the summer of 2006 has led to hundreds of Taliban killed. NATO is getting more reinforcements and has vowed to end the Taliban run. But the situation on the ground remains largely unchanged.

As for making democracy and democratic institutions work, it is something that would need to evolve, as has been true of democracies elsewhere in the world. Afghanistan's problem has been both psychological and institutional: people who are elected-among them are known warlords with private militias- will take some time to revive their old "jirga-like" democratic instincts. That they have been using arms, and not words, or fled their homes to become refugees in distant foreign lands, are factors that would take much time reconciling. Life in Afghanistan, even in large cities, remains so unsafe that it would be long before citizens think of turning of their elected representatives for redressal of their problems.

As detailed above, democracy remains under threat from outside forces. A landlocked Afghanistan cannot wish away the politico-economic influence on its people from neighbours- Pakistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Iran- since historically, there have been movements across the political borders. What is called "Afghaniyat" will take very long to evolve.

By being accountable to the Afghan people it can demand accountability of the presidential Government. However, the success of this fledgling institution remains delicately poised, particularly because of the absence of a formal role for political parties, essential for mediating internal tensions.

President Karzai has done all he can to marginalise these parties, leaving him isolated and dependent on unstable alliances in a fragmented body. He probably can win votes of confidence by relying on Pashtun conservatives together with pro-government moderates and members of the smaller minority communities.

The rules of procedure allow these as mechanisms- called parliamentary groups in the lower house (Wolesi Jirga), and political groups in the upper house (Meshrano Jirga)- to facilitate efficient parliamentary operation. However, many impulses for their creation- regional, linguistic and tribal-are barred, rendering them all but meaningless.

That the legislature contains warlords, commanders and drug traffickers is undisputed, but it is institution, not the individual members, that is important. Their presence must not be used as an excuse to marginalise the body, which in this sense is not unique among the branches of the Afghan state. A policy of co-option over the last four years has entrenched notorious figures in the executive, from the highest central Government posts of district level.

Those who have committed and are still committing atrocities- in many cases with remarkable continuity- are not held answerable, highlighting the urgent need to reform the third branch, the judiciary.

But for the legislature and democratic values to take root, domestic recognition and international support are required. This is not just about finances, resources and training, but also its interaction with executive branch and the international community. National Assembly leaders as well as the emerging moderate voices need to be given appropriate recognition and encouragement.

Thus far President Karzai's Government does not seem to have learnt the lessons of the past, appearing instead to calculate that a weak, fragmented legislature would mean more power for itself rather than a lost opportunity for the country. It is imperative that the executive and legislative branches do not approach their relationship as a zero sum game.

The National Assembly's creation was just one further step in the country's political transition, certainly not its end. A well-established, accountable and respected legislature would add to stability by allowing a wide spectrum of voices to be heard at the centre and to participate in setting the country's future course. The considerable goodwill and energy that is at hand now needs to be harnessed. —CNF

Afzal Guru exposes all !
TALES OF TRAVESTY

By Dr. Jitendra Singh

Whatever the merits of the judgement in Afzal Guru case, it has helped serve atleast one important purpose. It has inadvertantly exposed the real agenda or the hidden agenda of key players on the Kashmir scene.... from Farooq Abdullah to Mehbooba Mufti, from Yasin Malik to Syed Ali Shah Geelani, from Ghulam Nabi Azad to Lal Krishna Advani. Simultaneously, it has also exploded the myth of vain idealism that thinly masks the timidity and chicanery of socalled ‘‘freedom fighters’’ or ‘‘Mujahideens’’ apparently championing the cause of Kashmir's independence. And, incidentally, it has also left bare a pathetic lack of reasoning on the part of certain sections of press as well as certain socalled intellectuals associated with local media or local universities.

It offers an interesting case study to scan some of the following statements in the light of Afzal Guru follow-up.

First, the stand taken by Farooq Abdullah, the irrepressible National Conference patriach who had only three years ago made a serious bid to secure mandate for becoming the President of India whom the constitution acknowledges as the Supreme Commander of Armed Forces as well as the custodian of Indian constitution. According to Abdullah, the Hon’ble Judges, who followed the law of land in delivering death sentence to Afzal Guru, run a serious risk of being assassinated by Pak sponsored militants and this should be a reason enough to commute Afzal Guru's sentence.But, would Dr Abdullah explain why, as stated by him only a month ago, he was opposed to the NDA Government's decision to release Masood Azhar after the Kandhaar plane hijack and what is his compulsion today to favour liniency for Afzal Guru when he didn't favour any liniency for Azhar? And, why did Dr Abdullah not oppose Azhar's release as long as his son was a Minister in the BJP-led NDA Government and why does he today come out in support of Afzal Guru when his party is vying for upmanship with PDP in a bid to get back to power ? The firebrand PDP Chief Mehbooba Mufti wants clemency for Afzal Guru in the interest of socalled peace process in Jammu and Kashmir. But, would Ms Mufti ever explain to what extent the release of hardcore militants to secure release of her kidnapped sister Rubaiya 17 years ago had helped restore peace in Kashmir Valley ?

Syed Ali Shah Geelani appeals to the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) to stop oil supply to India in order to pressurise the Govt of India. But, would Mr Geelani answer whether he has ever paid from his pocket for the oil that runs a fleet of staff and security vehicles provided to him by the Govt of India ?And, a word about Afzal Guru himself. If he is a true ‘‘Mujahideen’’, why should he not, like Sardar Bhagat Singh, gladly accept the death sentence and take a pledge from his little son that the latter would also grow up to become a ‘‘freedom fighter’’ like his father ? Can Kashmir ever win independence or ‘‘Azaadi’’ through timid ‘‘Mujahideens’’ like Afzal Guru who sends his wife to the President of India to plead for mercy and prompts his son to request the President of India to help him become a doctor ?

Lal Krishna Advani, the BJP veteran and leader of Opposition, vociferously demands hanging of Afzal Guru. But, would Mr Advani recall that he made a vehement suggestion to bombard terrorist training camps in Pak occupied Kashmir when he was in the Opposition last time but no sooner did he become the union Home Minister he facilitated release of several hardcore militants including Masood Azhar? Mr Ghulam Nabi Azad favours liniency for Afzal Guru because now his constituency is Kashmir. But, would Mr Azad recall that as union Minister he had day in and day out called for stern action against Pak sponsored perpetrators of violence over Kashmir ?

The problem with media commentators and socalled intellectuals is that most of them are either guided by their own vested and pecuniary interests or subjugated by militant's gun. It is thus at a certain personal risk that a piece like this is written to lend voice to the mute common man taking cue from Umapathy's   undefeated desperation which gathers strength from Kaifi Azmi's verse ‘‘ Agar Doobna Hi Hamaari Kismet Hai To Zaroor Doobenge, Magar Lekar Rahnuma Ko Saath ......’’

Agriculture extension functionaries

By Dr. Narinder Paul

The agricultural production technology generated by the State Agricultural Universities (SAUs) and research institutions of Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) will be of little use unless taken to the farmers’ field by the agricultural extension machinery. The basic function of agricultural extension functionaries is to take the knowledge of the improved agricultural technology from the source of its origin to the farmers and feedback for the same. He acts as a link between the technology generators and users. He has a very vast public dealing with the farm families in the area of jurisdiction and has direct link with the farmers. The grass-root level agricultural extension professional is designates as Junior Agriculture Assistant (JAA) in J&K. He frequently keeps liaison with the farmers, farm families and involves personally with the farm activities of the farmers.

Convincing farmers to make use of a new agricultural practice or intervention seems to an easy task to a layman but it is an intricate one. Farmer is psychologically involved in deciding about the new agricultural practice or idea and this set of processes is termed as "innovation decision process" by the extension professionals. Farmers have to take decision keeping in perspective his past experiences, marketing trends, financial conditions, family and household needs etc. During innovation decision process, farmer judges the information very succinctly and credibility of the extension worker becomes the first criterion to weigh the effectiveness of the agricultural technology/innovation being introduced. In simple words, credibility of the extension worker is the degree to which the farmers perceive him as trustworthy and competent.

An extension functionary wins the trust and confidence of the farmers with a very hard work. The field extension functionary achieves the credible status with the dent of work. While working with the farmers many constraints come in between; as it is not easy to work with the humans and that to of variable attributes of education, social status, economic aspects etc. Farmers trust the extension worker so long as he perceives his/her message credible in terms of what they say and what actually happens in terms of technology. But all the set credibility is shattered many times either due to the improper technology or due to other reasons. A very simple example is that sometimes farmers report the poor crops due to the seeds provided to them through the public sector extension delivery system. Generally when the seed or other technological input is introduced, extension functionaries are told to diffuse it among the farmers. Extension functionaries take the information provided to him by the input-introducing agency to the farmers. Extension worker is not an agency to check with the information. He cannot assess the quality parameters particularly of genetic attributes. There are some other specialized agencies for determining the quality parameters of the agricultural technological intervention. But extension worker in the front and producing agency is behind the scene. So, whenever something wrong happens to the introduced technological intervention, farmers think it is the fault of extension worker and not of some other agency. Many times extension workers have to hear the abuses of the farmers under such conditions. If a poor technology is introduced by labeling it as good then who is at fault? Obviously not extension functionary. But strange whose credibility is eroded? ……of extension worker.

Carrying out extension work needs specialized assistance to the extension functionaries. Methods of teaching, of presenting information, and of organization as well as the subject matter, are some of the kinds of specialized help required. The specialists in the various subject matter fields give such specialized help. These subject matter specialists must keep the grass-root level workers informed on research developments and interpret the data/information so that it may be properly applied towards the improvement of farm, home and rural conditions. But when specialist fails to provide the authentic information, to the workers below, the basic extension workers are left in lurch.

An extension worker acts as a two-way bridge and conveys the message regarding the technology to the farmers Framers have nothing to do with the person behind the scene. They only know the extension worker and in case of any mis-happening to the technology, they go to the extent of blaming the extension worker. Extension workers are made scapegoats and what happens to his/her trustworthiness among the farmers is an open story. The concept of salesmanship is quite different from that of extension. The representatives of different seeds and pesticide companies are misleading farmers for a short time to achieve their targets by providing them hollow promises of high yields. In short run they manage to mislead farmers but in ling run the credibility of other extension worker in the same area will be questioned, as the farmers will consider of their previous bitter experience. The agricultural input supplying agencies in a bid to get maximum return from their products bring low standard things in the market. How they manage to bring their products in the market by violating the set standards of quality parameters is better known to the concerned agencies. But in this entire game plan of befooling farmers, the worst sufferer for long run is extension worker.

There are many financial and credit schemes which are implemented through the extension functionaries. These schemes are actually a set back to the credibility of the extension workers. Currently Kissan Credit Card (KCC) scheme is one of such scheme. Extension workers persuade the farmers to go for availing KCC and they are filling their application forms as they have been assigned the targets by the department. They inform regarding the scheme to the farmers. But Banks are hesitating to give cards to the farmers. Many applications are dumping in the offices of either revenue department or in the banks. KCC will be made or not is another question but farmers frequently ask the extension workers when our cards will be made? This entire mean to say whose credibility eroded here once again extension workers credibility was put at stake. Bans act in their own way. But farmers have started not to trust the extension workers as he failed to provide them credit as promised.

Another reason is the elevation of the professionally less qualified personnel from the department to the rank of extension professional who does not have the requisite skills of dealing with the farmers. Right personnel having proper extension proficiency and professional in public extension and management system should be assigned the job of agricultural extension work. If by chance such persons are not included, proper training can induce the extension management skills. But it is sad commentary that the agricultural extension functionaries are seldom provided any such training to hone their skills. What ever is new today turns obsolete tomorrow. So maintaining the trust among the farming community requires induction of professionally qualified personnel and their regular trainings. We have to see that the credibility of the extension worker is maintained and the crisis through which the extension functionary of the day is passing be overcome.



|
home | state | national | business | editorial | advertisement | sports |
|
international | weather | mailbag | suggestions | search |
subscribe | send mail |