EDITORIAL
Make it happen
Mere pious sentiments are
no substitute for concrete action. This is underlined all
the more in the case of bilateral relations between India
and Pakistan. Scores of treaties and accords between the
two neighbouring countries have not prevented four wars
if one takes into account 1947 and 1999 (Kargil) as well.
Therefore, one is a little hesitant in extending a
forthright welcome to the conclusions of foreign
secretary-level talks held recently in the national
capital. The proof of the pudding is after all in the
eating. For the time being it looks good that New Delhi
and Islamabad have decided to set up an anti-terrorism
mechanism in pursuance of their joint statement in
Havana. It would be headed by fairly senior officers of
the level of additional secretaries. They would consider
counter-terrorism measures including through the regular
and timely sharing of information. Likewise a few other
decisions have been taken. Experts will coordinate for
joint survey of Sir Creek and adjoining areas
"without prejudice to each other's position, as well
as to simultaneously conduct discussions on the maritime
boundary." This joint survey is targeted to be
completed by February 2007. It sounds almost like music
that some progress has been made in the direction of
reaching an agreement on "reducing the risk from
accidents relating to nuclear weapons." The two
sides are apparently satisfied with the implementation of
the previous "agreement on pre-notification of the
flight testing of ballistic missiles." There is
concurrence of views on enhancing interaction and
cooperation across the Line of Control including the
early operationalisation of truck service for trade on
agreed items. On humanitarian ground it has been accepted
to set free by December 26 this year "all fishermen
and prisoners whose national status stands confirmed and
who have completed their sentences." The same spirit
dominates the resolution to examine the release of
prisoners who are detained on minor charges. The other
positive features are: early finalisation of updated visa
regime, expansion of the list of shrines under the 1974
bilateral protocol, early signing of revised protocol on
shipping services and fixation of the next round of
foreign secretaries' meeting in Islamabad in February
next year.
Who will deny that these
decisions if translated into reality will go a long way
in strengthening mutual goodwill and bonhomie in the
sub-continent? We in this State especially will be the
direct beneficiary if there is total peace along the LoC
and the International Border. One can't, however, wish
away certain intriguing developments that pose a
question-mark about the climax. It is extremely odd that
Pakistan's Foreign Secretary should meet the State's
secessionist leaders in New Delhi. One also finds it
unbelievable that he should strive to forge unity among
them. Will our Foreign Secretary be permitted to conduct
a similar exercise in Islamabad? Will he be able to meet
the Baloch leaders, for instance, and tell them to rip
Pakistan apart? It is also glaring that the neighbouring
country never makes any commitment to switch off the
terrorism on its turf.
The only satisfaction at
this juncture is that the two countries have again
started talking to each other. Any day it is a better
option than the armed combat. How long will it continue
like this? What will eventually count are the results.
Same old tune
Nobel laureate and Myanmar
political heroine Aung San Suu Kyi's observation is very
appropriate in this instance: "It is not power that
corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those
who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts
those who are subject to it." At least the first
part of her advice is relevant so far as the leaders of
"Azad" Kashmir (as the occupied territory
across the Line of Control is known) are concerned. They
sing one tune while they are in the opposition and quite
another when they assume authority. It is only recent
history that Sardar Abdul Qayum had been calling for
people-to people dialogue among all regions of the
undivided Jammu and Kashmir as it had existed in 1947.
This had marked a significant departure from his avowed
philosophy of the entire State's merger with Pakistan. He
sounded so sincere that few thought that it was his way
of conveying a subtle message to the Pakistan Government.
Indeed, it was a calculated effort on his part to tell
Islamabad that it could afford to rub him and his family
on the wrong side only at the cost of losing his support
and loyalty. It is too early to say whether Pakistan
President Pervez Musharraf had got the hint or whether he
wanted to expose the duplicity of the Sardar's stance. He
and his administration posed no hindrance in the way of
the Sardar's politician-son Sardar Attique Ahmad Khan
becoming the "Prime Minister" of
"Azad" Kashmir. It is too much of a coincidence
that the elderly Sardar has since assumed a back seat. No
more is he is as vocal on the issue of peace and
consensus in the pre-1947 State as he was before his son
got the coveted post. So far as Sardar Attique is
concerned he keeps sending fidelity notices to Gen
Musharraf from time to time. He has reverted to his party
Muslim Conference's fundamental pro-Pakistan stand. His
latest utterances are in the same line. According to him,
"liberation of Kashmir and its accession to Pakistan
is part of our faith and Allah willing we will soon
achieve this goal
Pakistan runs in our veins like
blood and it's primary responsibility of every Kashmiri
to defend this fort of Islam." He wants young
persons of his region to "inculcate the ideology of
Kashmir's accession to Pakistan, apart from other good
things, so that they could utilise their energies to
translate this thought into a reality." Thus he and
his ilk are back to the pernicious two-nation theory
based on religion. What is worse is that he has
conveniently overlooked the mischief being played by
Pakistan in this part of the State. He has instead harped
on the theme of "organised resistance movement"
through "an armed struggle by the Kashmiris."
His slogan "for the last 16 years" has been
"long live Pakistan army."
Does Sardar Attique think
that the people are too naïve to see through his ploy?
His predecessor Sardar Sikandar Hayat Khan had drawn fire
in Muzaffarabad from a visiting delegation of journalists
from this State for "getting innocent boys
killed" on this side of the LoC. It was in 2004.
Sardar Attique seems to be oblivious of this incident as,
of course, of other realities.
 |
Delhi of
today
Men,
Matters, Memories
M L Kotru
For someone who has
lived in Delhi and lately in
neighbouring Gurgaon, for the
last 60 years and more I wonder
sometimes if this was the Delhi
which I came to as a teenager in
1949. Yes, there were very
visible traces of partition still
around. Like you saw some people
still sheltered in the alcoves of
the granite walls in Kashmiri
Gate, some where still reluctant
to leave their abodes in Purana
Qilla. But simultaneously I had
witnessed the coming up of not
particularly well laid out
"refugee" colonies.
Some were coming up in what is
now East. West and South Patel
Nagar, some others around Lajpat
Nagar. The Green Parks and Hauz
Khases were still on the drawing
boards as were the Gul Mohar
Parks, the Greater Kailashes and
Defence Colonies.
The Lutyens city was
verdant with giant neem trees
lining the well-planned roads
that cut across and along the
rows of bungalows; the barracks
built to accommodate the rash of
military offices and masses,
required for the Allied Forces,
mainly British, still stood in
orderly rows. These were
inherited after the British left
by various Government offices.
There, for instance,
was P Block, a barracks, that
served as the headquarters of the
Press Information Bureau. The
Jodhpur barracks, the Princess
Park, Central Vista barracks et
al had been taken over by Army,
the Navy and the Air Force to
serve as residential quarters and
the mandatory officers' mess. The
encroachments within the hallowed
Red Fort, enforced by the British
Occupiers, in the form of solid
granite barracks, were
appropriated by the Army which
even managed to stay put there
until recently with the officers,
mess in low. The Jama Masjid was
surrounded by a rash of temporary
wooden structures, shops built
overnight, some of these selling
priceless antique books and
records and gramophones left
behind by the departing Brits.
The Karol Bagh area,
particularly down from Arya Samaj
Road to Gurdwara Road was home to
hand-drawn carts which turned
into fried fish, seekh kebab,
halwa joints at night, a
pertromax providing the light for
the patrons. The main Daryaganj
Bazar was similarly infested by
hundreds of carts, including the
one which later converted itself
into the famed Moti Mahal
restaurant, presided over by its
legendary owner, the late Kundan
Lal whose hallmark it was to bow
down to every customer, trying to
reach for the visitors' feet.
Yes, the scene
looked chaotic but with all that
construction going around us one
had hoped that Delhi would grow
into a calmer, more organized
city. Reminds me of Sergeant
Buttons of the traffic police,
driving up and down the roads of
New Delhi, Lutyen's city
essentially, a one-man force
keeping the flow of traffic well
regulated. Since bicycles were
the principal mode of transport
for the city then, the DTC under
another nomenclature, was in its
infancy and for a population one
fifth of the present, Delhi
boasted of 8 lakh bicycles and it
was Sergeant Buttons who would
haul you up for the missing bell
on the handlebar, for the missing
flasher at the rear, for not
keeping to the cycle track or
driving erratically. Justice was
instant. No challans, no bribery;
simply your back tyre was
deflated which meant you had to
walk some 500 yards before the
roadside cyclewallah beckoned,
"Babuji 'do' paise puncture
ke-it became an anna later - and
hawa muft". (Two paise per
puncture and free air to inflate
the tube). If Button Sahab had
removed the valve of the tube you
were done; it cost another anna.
Incidentally, you could rent a
bicycle for Rs. 6 a month then).
Good-bye to
nostalgia, the following years
saw Delhi growing into a
megapolis, sadly built by myopic
men, who never visualized Delhi's
potential as the capital. You see
the consequences of their myopia
now. Each single or double storey
house in Greater Kailash has been
converted into five storeys plus
mansions thanks to the builders
who managed to build at least two
residential sets on each floor.
On an average each house now has
six to seven car owners and the
tiny lanes, which Gkeins call a
road can hardly take more than
one car and with cars parked on
either side of the narrow stretch
God save the visitor who
inadvertently chooses to take his
car to the doorstep of the family
he is visiting!
Add to this the
confusion which the politicians,
the municipal ward members, the
local MLAs have added to the
lives of ordinary citizens. The
Delhi Development Authority, and
the Municipal staff with their
ever growing appetite for graft,
most houses, smaller ones
included, in the capital have
created spaces for shops. The
bigger houses like those in
Greater Kailash have of course
converted what should normally
have been a residential place
into commercial complexes; these
complexes, mind you, are better
looking than some of the
so-called malls.
A whole house, all
three to five storeys of it, may
now be a jewellery shop or a
guest house or a car showroom or
may be offering the latest in
computers or music or even
foreign fabrics and imported
fashion gear. If the shoppers
occupy the better part of the
road by parking their cars
outside these establishments it
hardly matters to them. Who cares
if an ordinary citizen suffers as
a consequence.
That's what brings
me to the agitation by so-called
"60 lakh" shopkeepers,
who thanks to the electronic
media, have made lives of the
genuine 60 lakhs (we are a crore
plus in fact in Delhi) a living
hell). Yes, there are some 44,000
unauthorised shops which in the
first place should never have
been there and which as the
Supreme Court has repeatedly
stressed must shut down. These
shops are complexes are a menace
as much in the so-called posh
colonies as they are in the
smaller ones.
But the politicians,
in this case the Delhi State
Government and the BJP as well,
have joined hands with the
blackmailing traders and the
result is closing down of
schools, burning of buses by
people who say closure of shops
means death for them. Given their
frenzy they threaten to run
berserk yet again.
The three-day bandh
last month followed by another on
November 7 and once again two
days late may have paralyzed life
in the city but the shopkeepers,
acting like performing fleas,
never tire of threatening and
beating their chests thanks to
the bytes-hungry electronic
media.
You can any time, if
you are a Delhiwallah, see four
split images on your TV screen
each interviewing one of the
law-breaking traders. The Central
Government's role in this entire
episode has been extremely
questionable as much as that the
BJP's. Like the Congress - led
UPA Government at the Centre, the
Delhi Government and the BJP are
cannily assessing the
after-effects of implementing the
Supreme Court orders, an eye
always fixed on the upcoming
municipal, and State elections.
Anarchy obviously
gets priority over genuine
democratic functioning with
everyone showing no respect for
the law of land.
As a footnote I must
add what a friend with whom I
used to share a popular watering
hole in New Delhi. Said he:
"Last evening when I came
here (the club) it was teeming
with people and many of the faces
were the same I had been seeing
on TV, wailing over the Supreme
Court verdict.
Most of them were
happily drunk and celebrating
another "triumph" on
the streets of Delhi. Some
poverty! Some threat! Everyone
apparently is happy, the illegal
shopkeepers the BJP, the
Congress, the UPA. Except, of
course, the people and the
Supreme Court.
|
|
 |
Future
of BJP
By
Jagdish Dwivedi
Contrary
to political
spec-ulation, the Utter
Pradesh municipal
election results have
indicated that the BJP
and the Congress would
mark their presence in a
big way in the Assembly
election next year. In
view of the two parties'
journey downhill, many
observers felt that the
State would go the Tamil
Nadu way, with the
Samajwadi Party and the
BSP becoming the DMK and
AIADMK of Uttar Pradesh.
However, the BJP has
emerged as a much bigger
force which may compel
Chief Minister Mulayam
Singh to call for an
alliance of all secular
parties. He might even
join hands with the
Congress.
This
notwithstanding, leaders
of the third force would
like to see Mulayam's
boat sinking. The former
Prime Minister, V.P.
Singh, Raj Babbar, Sharad
Yadav and the likes are
drawing comfort from the
SP's drubbing at the
civic polls. They cannot
forget how Mulayam had
split almost every party
for his gains. Mulayam
Singh had used his
position to render all of
them totally irrelevant
in UP. Now V.P. Singh and
the company are eager to
forge a front without
Mulayam. The two
Communist parties and
Ajit Singh's Lok Dal are
trying to come together.
The BJP, on its part,
believes that the voters
who do not want to vote
for the SP and the BSP
might come to it.
Those
who thought that the
Congress in UP would rise
after defeating the BJP
at the Centre have been
proved wrong. Despite the
fact that the Congress
plunged itself headlong
in the election fray
under Sonia Gandhi and
Rahul, the party did not
gain. Union Minister of
State Sri Prakash Jaiswal
camped in his hometown
Kanpur, Mahavir Prasad in
Gorakhpur and Akhilesh
Das in Lucknow but failed
to win the mayoral
elections. How important
these polls were for the
Congress can be gauged
from the fact that many
meetings were held at 10-
Janpath; first to choose
the party candidates and
then to review the
results. Hoping that the
BJP would be nowhere in
the picture, the Congress
had chalked out a roadmap
to enter the Assembly
with a bang. Just the
opposite happened.
The
Congress lost sitting
Mayors in Kanpur and
Ghaziabad and in places
which had elected
Congress MPs. If the
trend is any indication,
the party may only retain
its present strength of
20-25 MLAs in the next
Assembly.
The
results have shattered
the Congress dream of
being able to play
kingmaker in the forming
the next government if
the BSP and the SP failed
to get a majority. That
the Congress candidate in
Kanpur lost by a huge
margin and independent
Muslim candidates secured
as many votes only show
that the party has not
been able to retain its
present electoral base,
let alone expand it.
It
can now be said that the
BJP, which was almost
dead in UP due to
non-functioning
leadership, swept the
polls courtesy the RSS.
The BJP bagging eight of
the 12 Mayoral positions
was no ordinary
achievement.
The
reservation issue and the
utterances of Muslim
leaders also contributed
to its success. From
Meerut to Ghaziabad in
the West, to Kanpur and
Lucknow in central UP,
the BJP fielded new faces
with clean image. They
got full support from
party president Rajanth
Singh who took
instructions from the
RSS. In Meerut and
Kanpur, the BJP
campaigners fully
exploited the minority
appeasement factor to
help polarize votes of
its supporters. Whatever
the Congress and the SP
did to woo the Muslim
votes ultimately
benefited the BJP.
Undoubtedly,
the strategy drawn up by
Rajnath Singh with the
blessings of RSS has
succeeded. It would not
only boost Rajnath's
popularity but also
enable the Sangh to
tighten its grip on the
BJP. It is evident that
the Hindu card would
bring more positive
results to the RSS-BJP
combine in reaction to
the increased efforts of
V.P. Singh, Congress and
Ajit Singh to win over
the Muslims. But it
cannot be taken as a sign
of BJP's revival.
The
two vital factors that
are going to trouble the
BJP in the coming years
are leadership crisis and
the growing influence of
the Rashtriya Sawamsevak
Sangh (RSS). Though Atal
Behari Vajpayee keeps
playing hide and seeks, L
K Advani is doubtless the
most acceptable and the
most capable leader in
the Sangh Parivar today.
The manner in which he
was pushed aside
indicates the saffron
camps confusion about the
very fundamentals of
politics. Vajpayee as
Prime Minister did his
best to restrict the
influence of the RSS in
matters of governance and
Advani had begun to
realise the importance to
moderation.
The
euphoria over UP civic
body polls
notwithstanding, ground
realities too aren't very
encouraging for the
party. It is not
important that the party
has won bypolls in Madhya
Pradesh. What is
important is that Ms. Uma
Bharti has sliced away
over a lakh vote without
the party's muscles. If
this trend continues, Ms.
Bharti will be soon in a
position to offer Madhya
Pradesh on a platter to
the Congress. There is
more bad news from
another stronghold,
Jharkhand. The astounding
victory of Babulal
Marandi from Koderma
means big trouble for the
BJP. INAV
|
|
|
|
 Small towns
fuel internet growth
By Arvinder Kaur
Internet users in
India reached 37 million in
September, up from 33 million in
March 2006. During the same
pe-riod the number of
active
users rose from 21.1
million to 25 million. According
to the joint research by the
Internet and Mobile Association
of India (IAMAI) and IMRB
International, youth are the main
drivers of internet usage in
India. College students and those
below the age of 35 are the
biggest segment on the Internet.
Both these segments have the
highest proportion of conversion
of Ever
Users
toActive
users of Internet.
Active
User is an
internationally accepted and
widely used category to define
users who have used the internet
at least once in the last 30 days
while Ever
User is the one who
has used the Internet at least
once.
Besides the youth,
the internet hungry small towns
are further fuelling the growth.
Smaller metros and towns are
increasingly embracing the
Internet evolution and are
pushing growth from below.
Smaller cities and towns have
shown a whopping 142 per cent
year-to-year growth and now
account for 25 per cent of all
internet users.
Experts say the next
round of growth will be driven by
new and innovative applications
such as blogs, video-on -demand
and online gaming, while the old
favourites such as email and Chat
will drive first time users to
the medium.
The study estimates
that the Internet User base is
likely to cross the 40 million
mark by March 2007, when the
Ever User
base is likely to hit 42 million
and the Active User base is
likely to hit 28 million. By
March 2008, the Ever User base
should cross the 50 million mark.
The active user base would reach
a staggering figure of 43 million
users by the same time.
While the US
continues to lead with nearly 200
million Internet users at the end
of 2005, China and India are now
in second and fourth place among
Internet users. Internet
penetration in India has been
facilitated by low rates for
broadband connections, now
available for Rs 199 per month,
and introduction of affordable
PCs priced at Rs 10,000, which
enables the common man to
overcome the first obstacle of
accessing the internet.
However, Cyber Cafes
or Public Access points with 39
per cent share of users continue
to be the most important internet
access points in India. It is,
however, doubtful as to how long
this dominance will continue,
since the share of cyber cafes
has been steadily declining from
a peak of 52 per cent in 2003.
Access from home
showed a marginal increase to 22
per cent from 20 per cent in
2003. It has steadily risen from
23 per cent in 2003 to 31 per
cent in 2006 and prima facie seem
to be gaining on the loss of
market share by cyber cafes.
According to estimates access
from schools and colleges however
remained insignificant at 6 per
cent. This remains a major cause
of concern since internet access
through schools and colleges not
only creates the next generation
of users but also goes a long way
in reducing digital and hence
socio-economic divide.
Nearly 53 percent
school going kids and 53 per cent
college going students access
internet from cyber cafes
followed by 47 per cent of
non-working women. Non-working
women, significantly, account for
the highest percentage of access
from homes (47 per cent) followed
by older men (39 per cent).
Access from offices is dominated
by older men and working women
(41 per cent and 38 per cent
respectively).
Around 38 per cent
of all internet users in India
are heavy users and on an average
spend about 8.2 hrs per week on
the internet, according to the
I-Cube 2006 report.
The report also
revealed that the percentage of
heavy internet users in India is
rapidly increasing: from 16 per
cent in 2001, 20 per cent in 2004
to 38 per cent in 2006 of the
overall internet users.
Similarly, the percentage of
light internet users has steadily
declined from 63 per cent in 2001
to 28 per cent in 2006.
Thus the average
time spent on internet in terms
of minutes per week increased
with the increasing age of the
user. The active internet users
exhibit a marked increase in
internet usage as they graduate
from school to college, and then
onto their professional lives.
The internet has surely stamped
its presence in the urban Indian
landscape.
It also shows that
internet has now penetrated
beyond the communication needs of
the active user population and is
no longer an avenue for exploring
their curiosity. The active user
population has found greater and
diverse uses beyond communication
and this is where the opportunity
lies for far greater growth and
adoption.
And it is not just
in India, but entire Asia Pacific
region where internet access
services will continue to see
increasing revenues, with
explosive growth in first-time
user markets like India,
Indonesia and Philippines being a
key source, according to Frost
& Sullivan.
It pegs the overall
Asia-Pacific Internet subscriber
base at 161.8 million (5.9 per
cent growth) as of 2005 end.
Covering 13 major Asia-Pacific
countries, it suggests that
revenues, amounting to $24.6
billion in 2005, could hit $40.3
billion by 2012 end.
Broadband is crucial
to fixed line service providers
in reclaiming lost fixed lines.
Also, with end users increasingly
migrating to broadband, it has
already outstripped (at 53.3 per
cent) the existing narrow band
subscriber base. This number is
expected to reach 40 per cent by
2012 end, growing at 12.7 per
cent. Southeast Asia, China and
India will stimulate much of this
growth, with China alone
accounting for more than 45 per
cent.
However, broadband
penetration in homes has not been
as favourable in the region. Poor
broadband infrastructure, lower
PC literacy and Internet usage,
affordability issues and slow
unbundling of the local loop have
inhibited this spread, except in
tier-1 markets like Japan, South
Korea, Hong Kong and Singapore.
As the broadband
access services market develops
and matures, market forces are
likely to lower the prices for
such services which could also
shoot up the subscriber base.
PTI Feature
|
|
|
|