Daily Excelsior... Editorial

EDITORIAL

Should Government stop financing higher education?

By R.S. Mishra

The Union Finance Minister, P. Chidambaram, has increased the outlay for education in the central plan by 17.6 per cent in 2006-07. But out of the total Rs. 3,632 crore the allocation for the University Grants Commission (UGC) is just Rs. 609 crore compared to the last year's niggardly sum of Rs 159 crore. Probably, in .....more

Terror proliferation

By Anil Bhat

The terrorist attacks in Varanasi, followed by the killing of Ghulam Yazdani and Kajol - both Bangladeshis in New Delhi and one more in Lucknow as well as the capture of Siddiqul Islam, alias Banglabhai, boss of Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB), following a protracted battle at his Mymensingh hideout in early March this year by Bangladesh security forces again bring into focus the involvement . .......more

Train hijack

By Tukoji Pandit

EDITORIAL

Straight talk

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has once again done well to place the entire scenario in the sub-continent including this State in correct perspective for Pakistan to understand and appreciate. He has ruled out redrawing the border between the two countries in Jammu and Kashmir. Instead, he has made known the extent to which the status quo can be changed. His proposal that both the countries should adopt a step-by-step approach is in tune with ground realities. According to him the two countries should begin a dialogue with the people "in their areas of control" to improve the quality of governance. The Line of Control (LoC) can be made irrelevant by enabling people "to move freely and trade with each other". He has no doubt that two parts of the State "can, with the active encouragement of the Governments of India and Pakistan, work out cooperative, consultative mechanisms." The Prime Minister has made these points while flagging off the bus service in Amritsar linking two historic Sikh shrines --- Golden Temple with the Nankana Sahib --- in the neighbouring countries. It is but natural that the state of relations between India and Pakistan weighed heavily on his mind on the occasion. He has envisaged the emergence of a situation in which the ongoing peace process can "ultimately culminate" in a treaty of peace, security and friendship between New Delhi and Islamabad. He has hit the nail on the head by pointing out that linking the normalisation of relations with finding a solution to the Kashmir issue will be "wrong". He clearly sees the possibility of a "meaningful agreement" on Siachen, Sir Creek and Baglihar dam. His remark is apt that "the time has come to leave behind the animosities and misgivings of the past and to think the unthinkable of moving together". Few will disagree with his observation that "a strong, stable, prosperous and moderate" Pakistan is in the interest of "both India and South Asia". He has reiterated India's commitment to "the prosperity, unity, development and well-being of Pakistan".

In yet another positive gesture the Prime Minister has complimented Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf for having taken "bold steps" to curb extremism. He has acknowledged a shared perception between the countries that "terrorism is an enemy of civilised societies" and it is necessary to keep "firm control" over it. It is true that he has also stated that Pakistan needs to do a lot more in this direction in common interest. But it is perhaps for the first time that New Delhi is somewhat soft in its criticism of Pakistan in this behalf. There is no familiar reference to Pakistan giving a boost to cross-border infiltration and terrorism. It is not immediately clear what has encouraged this change in perception. Has it been influenced by Pakistan's action in arresting Hizbul Mujahideen chief and a few other members of the Muzaffarabad-based United Jihad Council (UJC)?

Unfortunately, Pakistan's response has not been constructive. It has labelled as "unrealistic" the expectations of any forward movement without progress on Kashmir. One had thought that it would lap up the suggestion about ushering in economic prosperity on both sides of the LoC. It has instead struck a negative note which is extremely perturbing. Such stance nearly kills hope for lasting peace in the region.

Frail economy

Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad has minced no words while placing the existing health scenario in the State in correct perspective. Indeed, the picture is grim. If 13 new district hospitals were to be raised a huge cost of Rs 292 crores would have to be incurred. In reality while Rs 31 crores have been spent a provision of only Rs 12 crores has been kept for the coming financial year. At this rate it would take another 20 years to achieve the target. Likewise against a requirement of Rs 38 crores for constructing some primary health centres (PHCs) a paltry sum of Rs 5 crores has been made available for 2006-07. In fact, the Chief Minister's reply to the debate on demands for grants for health and education departments in the legislature shows how frail the State's economy is. There is absence of infrastructure in upgraded schools. Out of a total of 11365 primary schools, 2585 are without adequate facilities. As many as 423 middle schools don't have buildings. Seventyfive high schools and two higher secondary schools also don't possess buildings. It is true that these institutions constitute just a fraction of the whole but the issue is not that. The matter of concern is that schools at a certain high level are functioning in the open. Do they have teachers? How many classes are they able to hold in a year subjected as they are to uncertainties of weather? The reasons for such dismal state of affairs are not difficult to understand. It is doubtful whether the State would be able to function and progress at all without liberal Central assistance in every field. Its own resources are meagre and are consumed by a large workforce in the administration and growing number of pensioners. Even the euphoria about "a separate power budget" is misplaced. It is built on the foundation laid by Central Government's sound monetary help. The Chief Minister has applauded the previous governments for opening of a large number of colleges in recent years. He must have done so for generating mutual goodwill. He can't be unaware that this breakthrough too would not have been possible without the Centre lending a helping hand.

Mr Azad has advocated the privatisation of health sector. This comes close on the heels of the decision to throw open power sector to private entrepreneurs. Of course, privatisation is in keeping with the present trend in the country. People must pay for the facilities they enjoy. But it can't be ignored that they need basic health care and education as a matter of right. This is the least that any public-spirited Government can provide for its citizens. By all means multi-crore hospitals should be opened in the State. Their presence will lead to upgradation of medical skills and absorption of growing force of doctors. But they can't be substitutes for district hospitals or PHCs for, they will not go to far-flung Doda or Kupwara districts. The only silver lining in this hopeless milieu is the Chief Minister's assertion that the State should not look towards the Centre "every time". This is what his predecessor would also say. This is the goal that the State must strive to attain. It can be done by planning and executing a time-bound development profile.

Should Government stop financing higher education?

By R.S. Mishra

How the UGC is going to meet its commitments to 126 universities in the country, including the 10 central universities which solely depend on the UGC. The academic community has already started calling foul, and feels "cheated" as in its perception the centre has already abandoned its responsibility to finance higher education.

Last year when the 10 central universities were in dire straights, even unable to pay the salaries to the teaching and non-teaching staff, the Union education ministry released some funds to the UGC for disbursal averting a total bankruptcy of these institutions of higher learning.

However, this year's niggardly allocation to the UGC, and last year's interim release of some funds to meet the emergency situation, has failed to answer the important question: Will these universities and other technical and management institutes, which are sustained by government funding, be able to raise their own finances in the coming years. This question assumes significance in view of the fact that the primary and basic education is going to get the top priority in view of the mass illiteracy in the country.

The UGC provides funds to these institutions of higher learning under two separate heads: Plan and non-Plan or maintenance grants. The latter is used for paying the salaries of university staff, besides meeting the expenditure incurred on buying laboratory materials and equipment, stationery, restoration work on the campus etc. the plan money, in contrast to the recurring cost, is aimed at expanding existing departments or opening new ones.

The non-Plan expenditure accounts for nearly 90 per cent of the total UGC funds; the bulk of which, therefore, goes in paying salaries to teachers. All universities and technical, financial management institutes generate only 5 per cent of their aggregate expenditures through tuition fees, whereas every year financial burden goes on increasing on account of salary, annual increment, dearness allowance and terminal benefits.

Universities in the USA and other Western countries, except the UK, have been financing their academic activities on their own by levying tuition fees, and through generous donations from individuals and industry alike. Till 1989, all the universities in the UK, like in India, were funded by the government. But now they are self-reliant having raised the tuition fees, and established greater interaction with the industry in research projects.

The Jawaharlal Nehru University Vice-Chancellor, Prof. A.K. Dutta, says that the upward fee revision should not exceed 25 per cent over the existing rate. The UGC chairman agrees that tuition fees can cover only 30 per cent of the total cost. The problem of covering the shortfall will, therefore, remain.

There are others who have opined that certain "rich" colleges should be accorded financial and academic autonomy. The money earmarked for them, can be diverted to finance institutes dominated by the poor. But would this not further accentuate elitism already rampant?

In the absence of a consensus, sooner or alter a via media has to be found to reconcile the conflicting viewpoints. But what is apparent is that with the liberalisation of the economy, the old pattern of financing higher education in the country cannot be pursued beyond a certain point.

In terms of cost input, the government has to spend Rs. 40,000 for producing a graduate and Rs. 65,000 for producing a postgraduate. And, for an engineering graduate expenses go up to Rs. 1, 60, 000. In the absence of job opportunities within the country he migrates to the West, thus causing not only a brain drain, but also national wastage. In the long run, with universities becoming financially self-supporting, government funds can be safely diverted to the primary and secondary sectors of education. The availability of funds will help universities acquire appropriate infrastructure.

Hopefully, as the money starts flowing into the university coffer, the state government and the UGC should pool resources by setting apart Rs. 1,000 crore to be invested in what may be called "University Development Finance Fund." From the interest thereof, each university could be provided in proportion to its contribution to the fund, and the rest may come from the hike in tuition fees.

However, professional education should be distinguished from liberal education. It is because students with professional degrees have better career prospects, and earn higher salaries. Such students may be asked to pay the actual fee for the educational degree they are enrolled for. As for the needy, banks may finance their education as a loan, thus reducing the burden on the national exchequer.

Professional institutions run by private societies or trusts too have been governmentalised. This has been made possible through aids and grants. A debate is still going on what is called the capitation fee being charged by privately-managed technical and professional institutions.

It is granted that private educational institutions have come to stay. They provide for initiative and enterprise of individuals which should he harnessed for professional and higher education more adequately. Thus, the Government could gradually withdraw to discharge it responsibility towards primary education more adequately. After all, India after 58-years of independence has the largest number of illiterates.

The charge of "half-baked" education by privately-run professional institutions can be rectified by ensuring quality and accountability of affiliating universities. The universities have to monitor the academic standards of these institutions through an effective and judicious mechanism of accreditation and affiliation.

Private professional colleges should be given full autonomy on self-paying criterion. This brings us to the important issue concerning those students who fulfil the criteria for admission but would be deprived of admission on financial grounds in view of the realistic fee structure.

It should, however, be possible to work out a solution through studentships, scholarships and learn-now-pay-later schemes. This will also fetch an additional dividend in the form of a gradual and desirable change in the minds of the young that they should repay a part of what the Government has spent on their professional education. INAV

Terror proliferation

By Anil Bhat

The arrest of Bangladeshi terrorists of Pakistani groups in Hyderabad prior to the attack on Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore, and then in New Delhi only further confirm apprehensions about nexus between the banned outfits in India and some others of India's North-East based groups with terrorist groups of Bangladesh. The arrests in Hyderabad and Delhi could also mean that Bangladeshis, who have been in India for long may include 'sleeping agents' to be activated whenever, for attacks in India. Reports following arrests in 2004 and 2005 and interrogations only reiterate and add that Bangladeshis used by Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) controlled groups of Pakistan as well as Bangladesh not only for anti-Indian operations but for creating terror in Bangladesh too, as indicated by over 500 bomb-blasts in some of its districts within an hour on a single day in August 2005.

It is in fact one big bizarre circus, with al-Qaeda and Pakistan based Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) joining hands with Bangladeshi groups that are carrying out operations in the name of Jihad (Islamic revolution). LeT, in connivance with al-Qaeda, started recruiting Bangladeshi nationals through different Islamist organizations, since the formation of LeT in 1990 for carrying out operations in India. They have been sending groups of well-trained terrorists to Bangladesh to take part in the Jihad, with the aim of destroying its 'Bengaliat', or the Bengali cum Sufi ethos.

Indian intelligence agencies feel the al-Qaeda and LeT changed their strategy for two reasons - one being making a well equipped militant group build a stronghold of Bangladeshi terrorists to carry forward the ongoing Islamist revolution to destabilise the North-Eastern India until "Kashmir is liberated". The other being that Kashmir youth and terrorists from the Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Pakistan stand out because of their appearance. The LeT, which carried out 21 blasts in Delhi in 1997-98, had followed the same modus operandi of using Bangladeshi cadres, said intelligence sources. 'The Pakistan based LeT, formed in 1990 with the cooperation ISI and al-Qaeda, is the military wing of Markaz Dawa-u-Irshad (religious teaching and perching center).

According to reports, Bangladeshi, Pakistani and Afghan suicide bombers visited Bangladesh twice during the last one year (2004-05) to recruit members for militant training. They then split into smaller sub-groups that were capable of launching attacks.

While describing the training tactics of suicide-squad, Mohammad Abdul Awal, the son-in-law of Shaikh Abdur Rahman, arrested from Thakurgaon in 2004, reported by confessed that the outfit has sent several thousand youth from poor backgrounds in different Bangladeshi madrasas (there are 50,000 'Qaumi Madrassas' not under Government control, as against 7,000 Alia Madrassas run by the Government), to training camps of militants groups, while some 'selected ones' have been assigned to camps of LeT in Kashmir and of al Qaeda in Afghanistan. In the training camps, recruits are put through an intense indoctrination programme to motivate them for suicide attacks and taught the mechanics of bomb-making. After selecting the target, members of the suicide squad are brought there and asked to go for Tahajjud (midnight prayer), and after Fazaar (early morning 5 a.m. prayer), bombs are tied neatly on their bodies before going into operation. There is provision to pay monthly allowance to the families of suicide bombers after their deaths.

Intelligence agencies are certain that the trained extremists from Bangladesh have been using Indian territory as transit to visit to Pakistan, a fact confirmed by an arrested militant in May '05 and who admitted during his interrogation that he visited Pakistan via India several times to take training from Lasker-e-Toiba."

Shahidul Islam, who was arrested from Khagrachhari during a police drive in '05 and also received training from the same camp, said the two sector commanders, two sub-sector-commanders and 19 trainers of Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh were deployed-in Dighinala of Khagrachhari in Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) for providing training to the cadres. The two sectors of JMB in Khagrachhari had provided training to at least 500 JMB cadres till the time of this capture, he said, also adding that there are no ideological differences between the outlawed groups and even Ahle Hadith, another Islamist outfit, as all leaders believed in religious extremism to establish rule of Allah. Jamaat-e-Islami and Islami Oikkya Jote, partners of the four-party alliance patronised all the four organizations by providing recruits, he said.

While the judiciary in Bangladesh has particularly been targeted their other targets are foreign diplomats, embassies and key installations. The hunt for the seven-member Majlis-e-Shoora, the top tier of JMB, which is reported to have supervised the August 17, 2005 serial bomb-blasts has so far yielded only two successes so far-that is, Bangla Bhai and Rahman.

While the Action by Bangladeshi security forces is indeed good news and an encouraging sign of its Government's concern, the drive to round up these elements, albeit too late and two little so far, must be carried out relentlessly to try to undo the damage of Bangladesh becoming the Eastern hub of terror and a base for exporting it towards South-East Asia.

India will have to do much more than merely sealing its 4,200 km border with Bangladesh to check infiltration. One of the aims of mass infiltration is vast extension of 'lebensraum' (living space), which Indian politicians have for years been helping by legalizing and settling millions of Bangladeshis in India for swelling vote banks, causing serious demographic tilts in many parts of India. Border control will have to be improved drastically to prevent the two and for movement of terrorists of all hues between India and Bangladesh, which facilitates them to launch attacks with immunity. Wither India's security?

PTI Feature

Train hijack

By Tukoji Pandit

The hijacking of a passenger train in Jharkhand by armed Naxalites guerrillas puts the spotlight on a problem that deserves to be tackled seriously and on an urgent footing: the safety of men and material on train tracks and highways across the country. The 100-odd passengers on the train were lucky that they had to suffer nothing more than a 10-hour ‘ordeal’ confined to a stationary train in the middle of a thick jungle. First reports about the unscheduled detention of the train suggested that looting was not the intention of the Naxalite captors who wanted to use their hostage—mostly poor tribals---to ‘lure’ security personnel into walking through the mines they had laid.

That may be true to some extent. It does look likely that Forbes-listed billionaires and diamond-studded socialites could not have been travelling on the train the hooded guerrillas had chosen to detain. But the passengers’ escape without suffering any physical harm does not mean that Naxalites or other guerrilla groups will stop trains only to ‘trap’ or ‘lure’ the security forces. ‘Hijacking’ a train may be a rare event in the country, but it is not uncommon to hear about armed men looting passenger as well as freight trains. Roads—highways—too are not free from incidents of looting and robbery.

Chances are that such incidents of robbing and looting on rail tracks and roads would soon grow to alarming proportions—if it has not already--given the size of territories controlled by various guerrilla groups and the rise in the number of highway crimes. While passengers will be risking their lives, a lot of ‘precious’ goods that are loaded and transported, especially in the mineral rich areas, will keep on disappearing before their arrival at their destination. Indeed, pilferage of materials from railway wagons and yards has long been a serious problem in the country, leading to a steep fall in the share of railway freight traffic.

The theft of coal has been so rampant—and lucrative-- that it has raised battalions of ‘coal mafia’ in the country. It is the result of a criminal-police-politician nexus that has become deeply entrenched. Their nefarious activities cause the nation to suffer revenue losses to the tune of millions of rupees. At times when something like uranium consignment goes missing, it sounds even more menacing. While all this is bad enough, the incidents of ‘highway crime’ and looting of train passengers are no less worrisome.

It can be surmised that the state or the railway police, which share the task of ensuring safety on roads and railway territories, have failed in their duties. That will not come as a surprise because unfortunately the police forces are not known for either efficiency or honesty. And wherever two separate police forces are required to act in concert with each other one can expect poor results. This state of affairs cannot be allowed to go on. Thanks to the increasing rate of accidents, train travel already looks unsafe to many. What is doubly tragic is that the alternative of road travel is also becoming hazardous—and not because of poor roads or dilapidated vehicles alone. Forget the much-maligned Bihar. Take the case of cities nearer the national capital. Talk to regular road travellers forced to take up night journey to, say, West UP from Delhi. Buses and cars run the risk of being looted at night; the more unlucky passengers can have their throats slit on the highway to ‘bad lands’, less than 150 km from Delhi.

During daytime another kind of unexpected danger awaits highway travellers—almost everywhere and certainly around Delhi. And that is frequent agitations of various forms during which roads are blocked for long hours. If their mood turns ugly, the agitators do not mind harassing the trapped passengers and sometimes even doing something worse. A road journey that should have been completed in three or four hours can take more than twice that time; sometimes almost a day. All this while either help of any sort will be either missing altogether or thoroughly inadequate.

The unscheduled and forced interruptions caused to goods movements on road and rail is problem of a different kind but still one that is no less disastrous. It is a guess, but quite likely to be accurate, that the bulk of goods movement in the country traverses long distances. The ports have their hinterland deep inside the country. Many raw materials as also goods and commodities have to be constantly and urgently transported from one corner of the country to the other, either for consumption within the country or for export.

Some of the most precious minerals and raw materials come from the eastern and south eastern states and they have to be moved long distances everyday both to factories and ports where ships wait to sail with valuable exports. A delay in delivery or no-show can do a lot of harm. The safe and timely transport is necessary. Corridors along the mineral rich corridors have to be made safe from the dangers of waylaying and hijacking by armed guerrillas and bandits.

The present policing arrangements for train and road movement does not seem capable of addressing this problem. But some other force such as the army cannot be assigned either this duty or policing job in more sensitive areas on a permanent basis. Obviously, the remedy lies in taking some stern measures to make the present arrangement effective with an emphasis on accountability.

It is agreed that for India to forge ahead even at the present rate of economic growth the country will have to improve its highways and railway tracks, which constitute the core infrastructure. An ambitious highway project is already being implemented and the government is committed to faster movement of both passenger and goods trains, at least on the major trunk routes. Frankly, these measures will not yield the desired result if hooded and armed men feel assured that they can get away by forcing trains to stop and loot buses, trucks and cars on highways, as often as they want. (Syndicate Features)