EDITORIAL
Rule over self
is self-rule
Today our minds are
clouded by delusion. In our ignorance, we quarrel with
one another and indulge in rowdyism against our own
brethren. For such as these there is neither salvation
not Swaraj. Self-discipline or rule over self is
the first condition of self-rule or Swaraj".
This is how Mahatma Gandhi had described self-rule lest
it created confusion in the minds of vast multitude of
his followers. He viewed it as a noble concept and linked
it to the emancipation of a human being in terms of
"spiritual freedom". In fact, time and again
during his exemplary life and career he had taken pains
to dwell on the subject. On another occasion, he
observed: "Everyone will have to take Swaraj
for himself. If we become free, India becomes free and in
this thought you have a definition of Swaraj. It
is Swaraj when to learn to rule ourselves."
Setting all doubts at rest, the Mahatma had stated:
"The word Swaraj is a sacred word, a Vedic
word, meaning self-rule and self-restraint, and not
freedom from all restraint which 'independence' often
means." Before him Bal Gangadhar Tilak had spoken
more or less in the same vein but clearly in a more
stirring language: "Swaraj is my birthright
and I shall have it". Of course, Plato, Aristotle,
Machiavelli and Rousseau in the previous era had too
expressed their views on the theme influenced by the
circumstances prevailing at that time. This background is
necessary to recall in order to underline how one of the
loftiest thoughts has been perverted with the passage of
time ---- in fact in less than a century if we take into
account ....
more
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Relevance
of the
Mahatma today
By Predhuman K.Joseph Dhar
The question
of relevance is a search for the meaningfulness or
meaninglessness of past historic events, persons and
values to the society, which owes and traces its origin
to them. Thus the great relevance would reveal the values
of the present generation than its knowledge of and
attitude to the past collective history and the historic
values and persons. ...more
Naga
problem :
Finding away out
By Rajyalakshmi
The recent reports that
between 40 to 50 Naga rebels have been killed in an
Army-Air Force coordinated operation in Tirap and
CVhangla districts of Arunachal Pradesh has once again
underlined the grim situation in the country's
north-eastern region . . . ........more
High
imports do
not impede growth
By Hima Bindu Kota
Whenever we think about
our economy, we tend to focus on exports. Rarely do we
pay attention to imports. General belief is that exports
that bring income to the country are more important than
imports, which are basically expenses. This belief may be
strengthened with the current account deficit (value of
imports more than exports) widening to US $ 6.2 billion
plus. So is it true that increase in imports that lead to
current account deficit . . . ..more
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EDITORIAL
Rule over self
is self-rule
Today our minds are
clouded by delusion. In our ignorance, we quarrel with
one another and indulge in rowdyism against our own
brethren. For such as these there is neither salvation
not Swaraj. Self-discipline or rule over self is
the first condition of self-rule or Swaraj".
This is how Mahatma Gandhi had described self-rule lest
it created confusion in the minds of vast multitude of
his followers. He viewed it as a noble concept and linked
it to the emancipation of a human being in terms of
"spiritual freedom". In fact, time and again
during his exemplary life and career he had taken pains
to dwell on the subject. On another occasion, he
observed: "Everyone will have to take Swaraj
for himself. If we become free, India becomes free and in
this thought you have a definition of Swaraj. It
is Swaraj when to learn to rule ourselves."
Setting all doubts at rest, the Mahatma had stated:
"The word Swaraj is a sacred word, a Vedic
word, meaning self-rule and self-restraint, and not
freedom from all restraint which 'independence' often
means." Before him Bal Gangadhar Tilak had spoken
more or less in the same vein but clearly in a more
stirring language: "Swaraj is my birthright
and I shall have it". Of course, Plato, Aristotle,
Machiavelli and Rousseau in the previous era had too
expressed their views on the theme influenced by the
circumstances prevailing at that time. This background is
necessary to recall in order to underline how one of the
loftiest thoughts has been perverted with the passage of
time ---- in fact in less than a century if we take into
account the timing of opinions expressed by the immortal
heroes of united India. It is a cruel joke that Swaraj
should be linked to mischievous power play. One of the
biggest ironies of our times is that Pakistan President
Pervez Musharraf is its self-professed proponent. He is
doing so without fulfilling the prerequisite of closely
looking within. The first mistake the General has made is
that he has sought to apply the prescription neither in
his own nor in his country's case. Therefore, his thrust
is bereft of any courage of conviction. Instead, his
description of self-rule is to vest all powers in himself
and subjugate others into submission. Does this need any
elaboration? He has ruthlessly assumed all political and
military power in his hands. Trampling upon the
aspirations of the fellow country men he has snuffled
democracy out of his nation which is torn by ethnic and
communal strife. Hence, he has killed the basic
atmosphere that would enable an average Pakistani to
think of himself or herself as an independent individual
(the way he is gunning for former Prime Minister Benazir
Bhutto through Interpol these days is the latest
manifestation of this tendency). Actually it will not be
an exaggeration to say that the General's new-found
enthusiasm for self-rule is akin to Machiavelli's
perception. In his work "The Prince"
Machiavelli has interpreted it to advise rulers to
utilise armies "comprised of their own citizens
since their patriotic ardour will make them fight harder
and they will never turn on their ruler". What a
self-rule!
Evidently, however, the
General's strategy is not to drive home his respect or
knowledge for self-rule. He can always say that he has
not meant it for application either in Pakistan or the
territory of the State under his country's illegal
occupation! He has evoked it only in the context of this
side of Jammu and Kashmir. Unmistakably his effort is to
keep the pot boiling by creating confusion about matters
involving the State. That is why he is not shy of
floating one formula after the other. Whenever asked to
elaborate any of them his standard reply has been:
"It is just an idea. Let's discuss it". In the
present instance too his answer is unlikely to be
different as and when he is confronted. He will never
care to explain what he truly means by self-rule. He
knows that if he does he will have to face quite a few
uncomfortable queries. We can judge him only by his
actions as we have already done although briefly. We in
this State must be doubly cautious Younger leaders like
Ms Mehbooba Mufti and Mirwaiz Moulvi Umar Farooq
especially need to be wary that they don't walk into a
trap. If the purpose of Ms Mufti and her People's
Democratic Party (PDP) is to merely use
"self-rule" as a motto to do better than
National Conference's slogan of "greater
autonomy" on their common electoral turf in the
Valley one may say that it is a strategic ploy howsoever
vague and hence undesirable it may be. Similarly, the
Mirwaiz on the other side of the political spectrum is
entitled to lend his definition and interpretation to the
theory.
However, they are not
being very alert and disciplined in their public postures
in this behalf. If they or for that matter anybody in the
State latches on to the General's utterances to further
their contentions they knock out the very foundation of
the principle of self-rule. For, the self-rule in
politics implies that one must live according to one's
own reason and judgment without being dictated by the
others. There is also no place in it for one's
"desires and passions". This is because
self-rule can't be viewed in isolation for the simple
reason that one lives in a society that includes other
human beings who too crave for and deserve fair, equal
and dignified treatment. Therefore, it entails mutual
respect. In political parlance it signals that an
individual must have the means to have a say in the
governance of his or her affairs. The manner in which the
PDP leadership has sought to highlight the issue at and
after its central executive committee meeting in this
city is highly intriguing. It has fanned a hazy
hypothesis. Or, is it that it calculatedly wants to add
to the confusion with tongue firmly in cheek? Does the
PDP think that it is not part of the self-rule as a major
partner in power? Is there any barometre other than the
elections to determine the desire for self-rule? Has it
changed its understanding of the 2002 Assembly polls?
Does it not represent "apne log" in "apna
raj"?
Relevance
of the Mahatma today
By
Predhuman K.Joseph Dhar
The question of
relevance is a search for the
meaningfulness or meaninglessness
of past historic events, persons
and values to the society, which
owes and traces its origin to
them. Thus the great relevance
would reveal the values of the
present generation than its
knowledge of and attitude to the
past collective history and the
historic values and persons.
If our youth are in
such a state of national
indifference, or alienation and
aggression, it is not wholly due
to their ignorance of the history
of our Independence. It is the
subsequent and current history of
our freedom struggle that made
them cynical about it. Our
political, social and religious
leaders and organizations have
not been the right role models
for them. They are largely
self-seeking individuals and
organizations, placing national
interest second to narrow
personal and sectarian party
interests. The political,
administrative and judicial
processes are stamped by rampant
and large-scale corruption.
Public confidence in them has
been shaken. Education has been
turned into pragmatic and
moneymaking business. The mass
media, television especially,
have become sensational
entertainment providers rather
than educative contributors to
our collective national
consciousness and
cultural-historical life.
Religious leaders are turning
into communal politicians rather
than nationwide teachers of the
spiritual values and prophetic
critics of the counter-values
built into our historic cultural
inheritance. The voting public,
as well as the educated elite, is
spiritually demoralized into a
state of materialistic and
socially indifferent and inactive
individual pragmatism. Prayer,
public worship and religious
celebrations seem to go on
without any relation to national
life. Meditation and spirituality
seem to be wholly otherworldly
flights into immaterial and
unhistorical abstractions. In
short, we are untrue to the
history of our Independence.
While good-willed,
public spirited and historically
conscious individuals and
organizations are not wholly
absent, they do not quite seem to
know, organize and work
consistently with one another as
a team. This is another negative
aspect of our public, national,
cultural, political and spiritual
life. All this is not to fault
the nation. As if it were
exterior to us. We are a part and
parcel of the whole system with
its good and evil. All of us are
more trustful of ourselves than
of others. We are self-righteous.
We are individualistic and
selfish even in our prayer and
spirituality. Our social,
philosophical and psychological
structures have shaped us so. And
we are not making concerted
efforts effectively to question
and overcome these handicaps.
As I see it, this is
the context, in which we must
locate the relevance of Mahatma
Gandhi to India and to us
Indians. The current
socio-economic situation in the
country is such that it is as
though the whole system has
disowned Gandhiji and declared
him irrelevant to its present and
future, if indeed he was relevant
to the past. The critical
question here is whether this
judgment and the mood and
presuppositions behind it are
good and valid for the future of
the country, and whether a future
can be built without a past.
No socio-political
unit, which forgot or dismissed
its founders or
foundational charisma, has
flourished and prospered
historically in its genius.
Instead, it has disintegrated
into sinister separatist ethnic
units, which constituted it. The
history of all our larger
political parties, including the
All India National Congress, is a
proof of it. Those who do not
know history have nothing
constructive to preserve and hand
on to the next generation. They
could be the most dangerous
contributors to national disarray
and disunity.
In this context, the
principal area of Gandhijis
relevance to us Indians is in
terms of being true to our
national history. The central
fact of that history is that the
consciousness of India as a
nation dawned on us only in and
with the Independence movement.
It was largely left for Gandhiji
to forge our masses in that
consciousness. It is true that
the Indian National Congress had
been founded with this objective.
But until Gandhiji joined it, the
Congress had only remained an
annual gathering of educated and
professional elite from the urban
centres rather than the teeming
rural millions.
The other area of
relevance is ahimsa or
non-violence as the surer way to
establishing true justice and
durable equity in the share of
power and wealth than violence
and terror. Violence breeds
counter-violence or its own
opposition, which, in its violent
revolutionary blindness, will
undo whatever has been done by
the previous regime, irrespective
of whether it was good or not.
Gandhis belief in and
practice of non-violence is a
stark contrast to our
youths aggression and
impatience.
Compared to the
selfish consumerist,
luxury-loving economic atmosphere
of the present, Gandhis was
a life of voluntary simplicity
and identification with the poor.
He gave up even his highly
lucrative legal profession as a
Supreme Court lawyer in South
Africa, for public
socio-political work in the cause
of the poor and illiterate
labourers there. Therefore he can
be a different, shining role
model to inspire the idealism
still found in at least some of
our spoilt youth.
Gandhi complained
openly against the incipient,
small-scale corruption in the
newly independent India, in order
to ring it to the notice of the
public. He wanted the Indian
public to be aware of it and get
organized to fight it. Citizens
concerned for clean
administration can still take up
the challenge and example of
Gandhiji and develop it further
into a public movement against
the rampant and large-scale
corruption in public life and
administration.
Gandhiji introduced
and perfected during Indias
Independence struggle, acts on
cooperative, civil disobedience,
political agitation with
peoples participation,
against the high-handed
repression of civil rights by the
foreign rulers. While the
opposition and aggrieved parties
are keeping these lessons alive
occasionally on the floor of the
Parliament and the State
Legislatures, the public will
have to take to it that the way
the working of the Parliament and
the State Legislatures are
stalled by creating scenes hereby
hindering the passages of the
much needed bills. Besides the
Public has to understand the loss
our poor exchequer suffers
because of such acts. Finally, we
have been witnessing threats to
indigenous market economies from
regulations related to global
trade; danger to female life from
dowry deaths, and female
infanticide and foeticide; and
abridgement of labour rights by
the Supreme Courts verdict
that has taken away the right of
government employees to strike.
The mention of Gandhijis
Swadeshi Movement and his
spearheading of the cause of
women and of labour by organizing
and leading workers strikes
in South Africa and at many
locations and regimes in India
must be a beacon light to us
Indians.
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Naga
problem : Finding away out
By
Rajyalakshmi
The recent
reports that between 40 to 50 Naga rebels
have been killed in an Army-Air Force
coordinated operation in Tirap and
CVhangla districts of Arunachal Pradesh
has once again underlined the grim
situation in the country's north-eastern
region.
Away from
the attention generally bestowed by
security circles, India and Myanmar are
joining forces to coordinate efforts to
beat down the insurgents in their
respective countries with one denying the
safe haven to rebels of the other.
The
subject is not ''sexy'' for the media too
since it is taking place in remote
north-east of India and in the no-man's
land of Myanmar that borders it. But the
Chinese are certainly taking note,
according to intelligence agencies.
Coordinating
efforts with the Myanmarese Army, the
Indian security forces have been fighting
the Naga rebels of the NSCN (Khaplang
faction), and the latter, expectedly, is
crying foul. Having enjoyed the shelter
in Myanmar for long, it is now making
allegations to settle scores with the
rival faction of NSCN led by Isac Chishi
Swu and T Muivah.
Defence
sources confirm that IAF deployed
helicopter gunships in the thick jungle
terrain to locate and kill the fleeing
Nagas who had been pushed from the other
side by the Myanmarese side.
Reports of
fighting have come even as Union Minister
Oscar Fernandes announced on January 13
that he would travel to Bangkok by the
month-end to pick up tenuous threads of
the peace process and extend the
ceasefire pact with NSCN (Isac-Muivah),
the rival larger faction that ends on
January 31.
Government
sources confirmed that the Yangon
authorities were making a reciprocal
gesture after the Assam Rifles targetted
Myanmarese insurgents of the Chin
National Front (CNF) in Mizoram. They
apprised the Indian side with location of
the NSCN (K) camps.
Defence
sources confirmed that operation had been
continuing for some time, but said there
was ''no special operation''. The meaning
is, this is an ongoing operation ever
since Yangon firmed up its military
presence in an area that it had left to
the care of the drug smugglers,
traffickers, insurgents from India and
their own dissidents.
Sources
made it clear that neither armies had
crossed the international border and that
there was no hot pursuit.
India and
Myanmar have been coordinating efforts
for the past one year, especially after
the visit here of the Myanmarese
strongman, Lt-Gen Than Shwe. Joint
interrogation of smugglers too has been
provided for in an agreement that home
secretary V K Duggal signed in October
last year.
According
to reports with the home ministry, the
contenting Naga factions have been
fighting it out in the region bordering
Myanmar.
NSCN
(Khaplang) has been accusing the Centre
of taking sides. The Centre has a
separate ceasefire pact with the Khaplang
group, but has been talking only to the
larger Isac-Muivah faction.
Fernandes,
who leads the three member ministerial
group that been talking to the Naga
rebels for the last one year, was in
Bangkok last month. He had returned
without an assurance from the Nagas that
the ceasefire, in force since 1997, would
be extended Fernandes said he was
''hopeful'' that the ceasefire would be
extended since ''everyone wants peace.''
''The
ceasefire ends on January 31. So the
talks have to take place before that day.
But I won't be able to leave the country
before January 26,'' Fernandes told
reporters here, making it clear that the
discussions will take place in the
intervening period. Fernandes said that
he had the belief that the insurgent
groups too did not want violence.
The recent
agreement between India and Myanmar
providing for joint interrogation of
smugglers, drug peddlers and insurgens is
a small, but significant, step forward in
managing a hilly and porous border that
has posed a serious problem to the two
neighbours.
Home
Secretary V K Duggal led the team to
Yangon earlier this month to review the
arrangements that have been streamlined
and stepped up since the visit in October
last year of Myanmar's military
strongman, Gen Than Shwe. Experts say
that they have so far remained woefully
inadequate.
While
insurgency is a matter of mutual concern,
trafficking in arms and drugs and the
related issue of HIV/AIDS that this
contraband movement has promoted over the
years spreads to Laos, Cambodia and
Thailand and also Myanmar's northern
neighbour China.
Insurgents'
camps on Myanmarese territory has posed
security problems for India that finds
that they change hands among the rebel
groups of Nagas, ULFA, the Manipuri,
Tripuris and a host of others--whoever
has the means to lease them.
On the
other hand, New Delhi has been slow in
clearing its territory of Myanmarese
rebels, creating a quid pro quo situation
to the detriment of both. A home ministry
report said way back in 2000 that the
major Myanmarese insurgent group, Chin
National Front (CNF) and its armed wing
Chin National Army (CNA), has been
collecting taxes from the businessmen and
transporters in the eastern part of
Mizoram.
Indeed,
the CNF/CNA has survived by entering into
the production and sale of narcotics,
teakwood and precious stones. It has
developed an extensive network for drugs
and arms trafficking in the region, with
links to the arms bazaars in south east
Asia, especially Laos and Cambodia, that
in turn cater to the needs of militant
groups operating in India's northeast.
The review
in Yangon included the gains and losses
during ''Operation Hailstorm'', conducted
by the Assam Rifles and Mizoram Police,
Mizoram has a 404 Km border with Myanmar.
Between June 17 and 23, 2005, Mizoram
Police claimed to have destroyed one of
the largest Myanmarese rebel bases in
India, when, according to police chief
Lalngheta Sailo, roughly 200 CNF/CNA
guerrillas and supporters were evicted
and their vavant camp demolished.
Earlier,
on July 16, Mizoram Police arrested 50
Chin drug traffickers, criminals and
trespassers from various locations,
including Aizawl. On their part, the
Myanmar Army launched operations against
the infrastructure of Indian terrorists
in the Sagaing Division in late 2004,
most notably against that of Naga and
Manipuri groups.
Ressults
of the Army operations in Myanmar and
their impact on capbilities of the
Northeastern militants are still being
assessed. However, it is evident that the
recent Indian moves against the foreign
rebel groups may just end up being
providing solutions to a host of problems
afflicting Mizoram, in addition to
helping the rulers in Myanmar. CNF
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High
imports do not impede growth
By Hima Bindu Kota
Whenever we think
about our economy, we tend to focus on exports.
Rarely do we pay attention to imports. General
belief is that exports that bring income to the
country are more important than imports, which
are basically expenses. This belief may be
strengthened with the current account deficit
(value of imports more than exports) widening to
US $ 6.2 billion plus. So is it true that
increase in imports that lead to current account
deficit detrimental to the economy ? Not always.
The quality of imports to a large extent is an
indicator of the health of a nation. With 78 per
cent increase in non-oil imports, which far
outstripped the oil bill that rose by 31 per
cent, we will concentrate on non-oil imports.
The non-oil
imports are backed by an increase in import of
capital goods, industrial raw materials and
intermediate goods. The imports of capital goods
increased to $ 12804.6 million in 2004-05 up by
16 per cent from the previous year level of $
10959. 1 million. Imports of raw materials and
intermediates zoomed with a 52 per cent increase
from $ 13855.6 million in 2003-04 to US $ 21149.8
million in 2004-05.
Such imports
reflect higher domestic demand and firming up of
industrial growth by facilitating technological
and infrastructural upgradation of Indian
economy.
It can be seen
that the IIP (Index of Industrial Production)
growth rate had plunged from 5 per cent in
2000-01 to 2.7 percent in 2001-02. During the
same period the imports had shrunk from $ 57912
million in 2000-01 to $ 56277 million in 2001-02.
With the increase in the import of raw materials
and intermediates along with the increase in
capital goods from 2002-03 to 2004-05, there has
been a steady increase in IIP growth rate from 5.
per cent to 8.4 percent in the year ending
2004-05.
One of the
important intermediaries used by the Indian
industry are organic and inorganic chemicals.
They are used for industrial applications,
agriculture, or directly for consumer markets.
Industrial and agricultural uses of chemicals
include auxiliary materials such as adhesives,
unprocessed plastics, dyes and fertilizers, while
uses within the consumer sector include
pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, household products,
paints, etc. A large number of fine and
speciality chemicals, which have very specific
uses and are essential for increasing industrial
production. These find wide usage as food
additives, pigments, polymer additives,
anti-oxidants in the rubber industry.
Since chemicals
are widely used in a number of industries in an
economy, the increase in their imports show that
the domestic demand is picking up. The import of
organic chemicals surged 37 per cent to US $
3788.1 million in 2004-05 from US $ 2768.8
million last year. Inorganic chemicals imports
also increased 22 per cent from US $ 1273.8
million in 2003-04 to US $ 1557.8 million in
2004-05.
Export-Related
Imports
Exports and
imports go hand-in-hand. Many a time, imports are
required to cater to the growing demands of
exports. India has emerged as the leading hub for
cutting and polishing diamonds and controls about
90 per cent of the world market share. It is one
of the fastest growing industries in the country
accounting for about 17 per cent of all exports.
However, with the negligible production of
roughs, India has to depend on imports of raw
materials. Imports of cashew nuts have also
increased in the current fiscal to cater to the
growing demands of exports. In 2004-05, cashew
kernel export tocuhed a record of Rs 2,709.24
crore by exporting 1,26,667 tonnes, against
1,00,828 tonnes at Rs 1,804.43 crore in 2003-04.
With the entire indigenous production of raw
cashew nut being absorbed by the processors for
internal consumption, exports were dependent
mainly on import of raw nuts.
The services
sector has also provided an impetus to certain
imports. The tourism industry, which registered a
growth rate of 17.3 per cent in foreign tourist
arrivals, highest in the last ten years, is one
of them. Foreign exchange earnings from tourism
alone jumped 3.2 per cent. This kind of boom has
started to show its affect on food and beverages
imports which are likely to grow 6-7 per cent
over the next few years.
The Indian
outsourcing industry that controls about half of
the world's outsourcing needs continues its high
growth rate. For its smooth functioning, India's
outsourcing sector needs power and the demand
will quadruple in coming years. According to Anil
Kakodkar, Chairman of India's Atomic Energy
Commission, ''India plans to buy natural uranium,
which is used in nuclear power station, from
other countries if the life-time supply is
guaranteed by the suppliers.'' In this case,
import of natural uranium from outside will be
much cheaper because the uranium content in
Indian ores is less than 0.1 per cent whereas in
mines abroad, it ranges from one to 15 per cent.
It is a
well-established fact that non-oil imports
necessarily are not harmful to an economy. On the
contrary, they lead to robust and buoyant
economic activity if they are in turn used for
domestic industrial production or are
intermediaries to enhance exports. With India
maintaining foreign exchange reserves enough to
pay about fourteen months of imports, the present
current account deficit may not pose a problem.
Given the Indian economy's growing capacity to
absorb higher levels of imports, there is little
doubt that the economy will surely grow at 7-8
percent as predicted by Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh. That means another promise fulfilled for
the Left backed UPA.
(Syndicate
Features)
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