EDITORIAL

Rule over self
is self-rule

Today our minds are clouded by delusion. In our ignorance, we quarrel with one another and indulge in rowdyism against our own brethren. For such as these there is neither salvation not Swaraj. Self-discipline or rule over self is the first condition of self-rule or Swaraj". This is how Mahatma Gandhi had described self-rule lest it created confusion in the minds of vast multitude of his followers. He viewed it as a noble concept and linked it to the emancipation of a human being in terms of "spiritual freedom". In fact, time and again during his exemplary life and career he had taken pains to dwell on the subject. On another occasion, he observed: "Everyone will have to take Swaraj for himself. If we become free, India becomes free and in this thought you have a definition of Swaraj. It is Swaraj when to learn to rule ourselves." Setting all doubts at rest, the Mahatma had stated: "The word Swaraj is a sacred word, a Vedic word, meaning self-rule and self-restraint, and not freedom from all restraint which 'independence' often means." Before him Bal Gangadhar Tilak had spoken more or less in the same vein but clearly in a more stirring language: "Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it". Of course, Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli and Rousseau in the previous era had too expressed their views on the theme influenced by the circumstances prevailing at that time. This background is necessary to recall in order to underline how one of the loftiest thoughts has been perverted with the passage of time ---- in fact in less than a century if we take into account .... more

Relevance of the
Mahatma today

By Predhuman K.Joseph Dhar

The question of relevance is a search for the meaningfulness or meaninglessness of past historic events, persons and values to the society, which owes and traces its origin to them. Thus the great relevance would reveal the values of the present generation than its knowledge of and attitude to the past collective history and the historic values and persons. ...more

Naga problem :
Finding away out

By Rajyalakshmi

The recent reports that between 40 to 50 Naga rebels have been killed in an Army-Air Force coordinated operation in Tirap and CVhangla districts of Arunachal Pradesh has once again underlined the grim situation in the country's north-eastern region . . . ........more

High imports do
not impede growth

By Hima Bindu Kota

Whenever we think about our economy, we tend to focus on exports. Rarely do we pay attention to imports. General belief is that exports that bring income to the country are more important than imports, which are basically expenses. This belief may be strengthened with the current account deficit (value of imports more than exports) widening to US $ 6.2 billion plus. So is it true that increase in imports that lead to current account deficit . . . ..more

EDITORIAL

Rule over self
is self-rule

Today our minds are clouded by delusion. In our ignorance, we quarrel with one another and indulge in rowdyism against our own brethren. For such as these there is neither salvation not Swaraj. Self-discipline or rule over self is the first condition of self-rule or Swaraj". This is how Mahatma Gandhi had described self-rule lest it created confusion in the minds of vast multitude of his followers. He viewed it as a noble concept and linked it to the emancipation of a human being in terms of "spiritual freedom". In fact, time and again during his exemplary life and career he had taken pains to dwell on the subject. On another occasion, he observed: "Everyone will have to take Swaraj for himself. If we become free, India becomes free and in this thought you have a definition of Swaraj. It is Swaraj when to learn to rule ourselves." Setting all doubts at rest, the Mahatma had stated: "The word Swaraj is a sacred word, a Vedic word, meaning self-rule and self-restraint, and not freedom from all restraint which 'independence' often means." Before him Bal Gangadhar Tilak had spoken more or less in the same vein but clearly in a more stirring language: "Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it". Of course, Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli and Rousseau in the previous era had too expressed their views on the theme influenced by the circumstances prevailing at that time. This background is necessary to recall in order to underline how one of the loftiest thoughts has been perverted with the passage of time ---- in fact in less than a century if we take into account the timing of opinions expressed by the immortal heroes of united India. It is a cruel joke that Swaraj should be linked to mischievous power play. One of the biggest ironies of our times is that Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf is its self-professed proponent. He is doing so without fulfilling the prerequisite of closely looking within. The first mistake the General has made is that he has sought to apply the prescription neither in his own nor in his country's case. Therefore, his thrust is bereft of any courage of conviction. Instead, his description of self-rule is to vest all powers in himself and subjugate others into submission. Does this need any elaboration? He has ruthlessly assumed all political and military power in his hands. Trampling upon the aspirations of the fellow country men he has snuffled democracy out of his nation which is torn by ethnic and communal strife. Hence, he has killed the basic atmosphere that would enable an average Pakistani to think of himself or herself as an independent individual (the way he is gunning for former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto through Interpol these days is the latest manifestation of this tendency). Actually it will not be an exaggeration to say that the General's new-found enthusiasm for self-rule is akin to Machiavelli's perception. In his work "The Prince" Machiavelli has interpreted it to advise rulers to utilise armies "comprised of their own citizens since their patriotic ardour will make them fight harder and they will never turn on their ruler". What a self-rule!

Evidently, however, the General's strategy is not to drive home his respect or knowledge for self-rule. He can always say that he has not meant it for application either in Pakistan or the territory of the State under his country's illegal occupation! He has evoked it only in the context of this side of Jammu and Kashmir. Unmistakably his effort is to keep the pot boiling by creating confusion about matters involving the State. That is why he is not shy of floating one formula after the other. Whenever asked to elaborate any of them his standard reply has been: "It is just an idea. Let's discuss it". In the present instance too his answer is unlikely to be different as and when he is confronted. He will never care to explain what he truly means by self-rule. He knows that if he does he will have to face quite a few uncomfortable queries. We can judge him only by his actions as we have already done although briefly. We in this State must be doubly cautious Younger leaders like Ms Mehbooba Mufti and Mirwaiz Moulvi Umar Farooq especially need to be wary that they don't walk into a trap. If the purpose of Ms Mufti and her People's Democratic Party (PDP) is to merely use "self-rule" as a motto to do better than National Conference's slogan of "greater autonomy" on their common electoral turf in the Valley one may say that it is a strategic ploy howsoever vague and hence undesirable it may be. Similarly, the Mirwaiz on the other side of the political spectrum is entitled to lend his definition and interpretation to the theory.

However, they are not being very alert and disciplined in their public postures in this behalf. If they or for that matter anybody in the State latches on to the General's utterances to further their contentions they knock out the very foundation of the principle of self-rule. For, the self-rule in politics implies that one must live according to one's own reason and judgment without being dictated by the others. There is also no place in it for one's "desires and passions". This is because self-rule can't be viewed in isolation for the simple reason that one lives in a society that includes other human beings who too crave for and deserve fair, equal and dignified treatment. Therefore, it entails mutual respect. In political parlance it signals that an individual must have the means to have a say in the governance of his or her affairs. The manner in which the PDP leadership has sought to highlight the issue at and after its central executive committee meeting in this city is highly intriguing. It has fanned a hazy hypothesis. Or, is it that it calculatedly wants to add to the confusion with tongue firmly in cheek? Does the PDP think that it is not part of the self-rule as a major partner in power? Is there any barometre other than the elections to determine the desire for self-rule? Has it changed its understanding of the 2002 Assembly polls? Does it not represent "apne log" in "apna raj"?

Relevance of the Mahatma today

By Predhuman K.Joseph Dhar

The question of relevance is a search for the meaningfulness or meaninglessness of past historic events, persons and values to the society, which owes and traces its origin to them. Thus the great relevance would reveal the values of the present generation than its knowledge of and attitude to the past collective history and the historic values and persons.

If our youth are in such a state of national indifference, or alienation and aggression, it is not wholly due to their ignorance of the history of our Independence. It is the subsequent and current history of our freedom struggle that made them cynical about it. Our political, social and religious leaders and organizations have not been the right role models for them. They are largely self-seeking individuals and organizations, placing national interest second to narrow personal and sectarian party interests. The political, administrative and judicial processes are stamped by rampant and large-scale corruption. Public confidence in them has been shaken. Education has been turned into pragmatic and moneymaking business. The mass media, television especially, have become sensational entertainment providers rather than educative contributors to our collective national consciousness and cultural-historical life. Religious leaders are turning into communal politicians rather than nationwide teachers of the spiritual values and prophetic critics of the counter-values built into our historic cultural inheritance. The voting public, as well as the educated elite, is spiritually demoralized into a state of materialistic and socially indifferent and inactive individual pragmatism. Prayer, public worship and religious celebrations seem to go on without any relation to national life. Meditation and spirituality seem to be wholly otherworldly flights into immaterial and unhistorical abstractions. In short, we are untrue to the history of our Independence.

While good-willed, public spirited and historically conscious individuals and organizations are not wholly absent, they do not quite seem to know, organize and work consistently with one another as a team. This is another negative aspect of our public, national, cultural, political and spiritual life. All this is not to fault the nation. As if it were exterior to us. We are a part and parcel of the whole system with its good and evil. All of us are more trustful of ourselves than of others. We are self-righteous. We are individualistic and selfish even in our prayer and spirituality. Our social, philosophical and psychological structures have shaped us so. And we are not making concerted efforts effectively to question and overcome these handicaps.

As I see it, this is the context, in which we must locate the relevance of Mahatma Gandhi to India and to us Indians. The current socio-economic situation in the country is such that it is as though the whole system has disowned Gandhiji and declared him irrelevant to its present and future, if indeed he was relevant to the past. The critical question here is whether this judgment and the mood and presuppositions behind it are good and valid for the future of the country, and whether a future can be built without a past.

No socio-political unit, which forgot or dismissed its founder’s or foundational charisma, has flourished and prospered historically in its genius. Instead, it has disintegrated into sinister separatist ethnic units, which constituted it. The history of all our larger political parties, including the All India National Congress, is a proof of it. Those who do not know history have nothing constructive to preserve and hand on to the next generation. They could be the most dangerous contributors to national disarray and disunity.

In this context, the principal area of Gandhiji’s relevance to us Indians is in terms of being true to our national history. The central fact of that history is that the consciousness of India as a nation dawned on us only in and with the Independence movement. It was largely left for Gandhiji to forge our masses in that consciousness. It is true that the Indian National Congress had been founded with this objective. But until Gandhiji joined it, the Congress had only remained an annual gathering of educated and professional elite from the urban centres rather than the teeming rural millions.

The other area of relevance is ahimsa or non-violence as the surer way to establishing true justice and durable equity in the share of power and wealth than violence and terror. Violence breeds counter-violence or its own opposition, which, in its violent revolutionary blindness, will undo whatever has been done by the previous regime, irrespective of whether it was good or not. Gandhi’s belief in and practice of non-violence is a stark contrast to our youth’s aggression and impatience.

Compared to the selfish consumerist, luxury-loving economic atmosphere of the present, Gandhi’s was a life of voluntary simplicity and identification with the poor. He gave up even his highly lucrative legal profession as a Supreme Court lawyer in South Africa, for public socio-political work in the cause of the poor and illiterate labourers there. Therefore he can be a different, shining role model to inspire the idealism still found in at least some of our spoilt youth.

Gandhi complained openly against the incipient, small-scale corruption in the newly independent India, in order to ring it to the notice of the public. He wanted the Indian public to be aware of it and get organized to fight it. Citizens concerned for clean administration can still take up the challenge and example of Gandhiji and develop it further into a public movement against the rampant and large-scale corruption in public life and administration.

Gandhiji introduced and perfected during India’s Independence struggle, acts on cooperative, civil disobedience, political agitation with peoples’ participation, against the high-handed repression of civil rights by the foreign rulers. While the opposition and aggrieved parties are keeping these lessons alive occasionally on the floor of the Parliament and the State Legislatures, the public will have to take to it that the way the working of the Parliament and the State Legislatures are stalled by creating scenes hereby hindering the passages of the much needed bills. Besides the Public has to understand the loss our poor exchequer suffers because of such acts. Finally, we have been witnessing threats to indigenous market economies from regulations related to global trade; danger to female life from dowry deaths, and female infanticide and foeticide; and abridgement of labour rights by the Supreme Court’s verdict that has taken away the right of government employees to strike. The mention of Gandhiji’s Swadeshi Movement and his spearheading of the cause of women and of labour by organizing and leading workers’ strikes in South Africa and at many locations and regimes in India must be a beacon light to us Indians.

Naga problem : Finding away out

By Rajyalakshmi

The recent reports that between 40 to 50 Naga rebels have been killed in an Army-Air Force coordinated operation in Tirap and CVhangla districts of Arunachal Pradesh has once again underlined the grim situation in the country's north-eastern region.

Away from the attention generally bestowed by security circles, India and Myanmar are joining forces to coordinate efforts to beat down the insurgents in their respective countries with one denying the safe haven to rebels of the other.

The subject is not ''sexy'' for the media too since it is taking place in remote north-east of India and in the no-man's land of Myanmar that borders it. But the Chinese are certainly taking note, according to intelligence agencies.

Coordinating efforts with the Myanmarese Army, the Indian security forces have been fighting the Naga rebels of the NSCN (Khaplang faction), and the latter, expectedly, is crying foul. Having enjoyed the shelter in Myanmar for long, it is now making allegations to settle scores with the rival faction of NSCN led by Isac Chishi Swu and T Muivah.

Defence sources confirm that IAF deployed helicopter gunships in the thick jungle terrain to locate and kill the fleeing Nagas who had been pushed from the other side by the Myanmarese side.

Reports of fighting have come even as Union Minister Oscar Fernandes announced on January 13 that he would travel to Bangkok by the month-end to pick up tenuous threads of the peace process and extend the ceasefire pact with NSCN (Isac-Muivah), the rival larger faction that ends on January 31.

Government sources confirmed that the Yangon authorities were making a reciprocal gesture after the Assam Rifles targetted Myanmarese insurgents of the Chin National Front (CNF) in Mizoram. They apprised the Indian side with location of the NSCN (K) camps.

Defence sources confirmed that operation had been continuing for some time, but said there was ''no special operation''. The meaning is, this is an ongoing operation ever since Yangon firmed up its military presence in an area that it had left to the care of the drug smugglers, traffickers, insurgents from India and their own dissidents.

Sources made it clear that neither armies had crossed the international border and that there was no hot pursuit.

India and Myanmar have been coordinating efforts for the past one year, especially after the visit here of the Myanmarese strongman, Lt-Gen Than Shwe. Joint interrogation of smugglers too has been provided for in an agreement that home secretary V K Duggal signed in October last year.

According to reports with the home ministry, the contenting Naga factions have been fighting it out in the region bordering Myanmar.

NSCN (Khaplang) has been accusing the Centre of taking sides. The Centre has a separate ceasefire pact with the Khaplang group, but has been talking only to the larger Isac-Muivah faction.

Fernandes, who leads the three member ministerial group that been talking to the Naga rebels for the last one year, was in Bangkok last month. He had returned without an assurance from the Nagas that the ceasefire, in force since 1997, would be extended Fernandes said he was ''hopeful'' that the ceasefire would be extended since ''everyone wants peace.''

''The ceasefire ends on January 31. So the talks have to take place before that day. But I won't be able to leave the country before January 26,'' Fernandes told reporters here, making it clear that the discussions will take place in the intervening period. Fernandes said that he had the belief that the insurgent groups too did not want violence.

The recent agreement between India and Myanmar providing for joint interrogation of smugglers, drug peddlers and insurgens is a small, but significant, step forward in managing a hilly and porous border that has posed a serious problem to the two neighbours.

Home Secretary V K Duggal led the team to Yangon earlier this month to review the arrangements that have been streamlined and stepped up since the visit in October last year of Myanmar's military strongman, Gen Than Shwe. Experts say that they have so far remained woefully inadequate.

While insurgency is a matter of mutual concern, trafficking in arms and drugs and the related issue of HIV/AIDS that this contraband movement has promoted over the years spreads to Laos, Cambodia and Thailand and also Myanmar's northern neighbour China.

Insurgents' camps on Myanmarese territory has posed security problems for India that finds that they change hands among the rebel groups of Nagas, ULFA, the Manipuri, Tripuris and a host of others--whoever has the means to lease them.

On the other hand, New Delhi has been slow in clearing its territory of Myanmarese rebels, creating a quid pro quo situation to the detriment of both. A home ministry report said way back in 2000 that the major Myanmarese insurgent group, Chin National Front (CNF) and its armed wing Chin National Army (CNA), has been collecting taxes from the businessmen and transporters in the eastern part of Mizoram.

Indeed, the CNF/CNA has survived by entering into the production and sale of narcotics, teakwood and precious stones. It has developed an extensive network for drugs and arms trafficking in the region, with links to the arms bazaars in south east Asia, especially Laos and Cambodia, that in turn cater to the needs of militant groups operating in India's northeast.

The review in Yangon included the gains and losses during ''Operation Hailstorm'', conducted by the Assam Rifles and Mizoram Police, Mizoram has a 404 Km border with Myanmar. Between June 17 and 23, 2005, Mizoram Police claimed to have destroyed one of the largest Myanmarese rebel bases in India, when, according to police chief Lalngheta Sailo, roughly 200 CNF/CNA guerrillas and supporters were evicted and their vavant camp demolished.

Earlier, on July 16, Mizoram Police arrested 50 Chin drug traffickers, criminals and trespassers from various locations, including Aizawl. On their part, the Myanmar Army launched operations against the infrastructure of Indian terrorists in the Sagaing Division in late 2004, most notably against that of Naga and Manipuri groups.

Ressults of the Army operations in Myanmar and their impact on capbilities of the Northeastern militants are still being assessed. However, it is evident that the recent Indian moves against the foreign rebel groups may just end up being providing solutions to a host of problems afflicting Mizoram, in addition to helping the rulers in Myanmar. CNF

High imports do not impede growth

By Hima Bindu Kota

Whenever we think about our economy, we tend to focus on exports. Rarely do we pay attention to imports. General belief is that exports that bring income to the country are more important than imports, which are basically expenses. This belief may be strengthened with the current account deficit (value of imports more than exports) widening to US $ 6.2 billion plus. So is it true that increase in imports that lead to current account deficit detrimental to the economy ? Not always. The quality of imports to a large extent is an indicator of the health of a nation. With 78 per cent increase in non-oil imports, which far outstripped the oil bill that rose by 31 per cent, we will concentrate on non-oil imports.

The non-oil imports are backed by an increase in import of capital goods, industrial raw materials and intermediate goods. The imports of capital goods increased to $ 12804.6 million in 2004-05 up by 16 per cent from the previous year level of $ 10959. 1 million. Imports of raw materials and intermediates zoomed with a 52 per cent increase from $ 13855.6 million in 2003-04 to US $ 21149.8 million in 2004-05.

Such imports reflect higher domestic demand and firming up of industrial growth by facilitating technological and infrastructural upgradation of Indian economy.

It can be seen that the IIP (Index of Industrial Production) growth rate had plunged from 5 per cent in 2000-01 to 2.7 percent in 2001-02. During the same period the imports had shrunk from $ 57912 million in 2000-01 to $ 56277 million in 2001-02. With the increase in the import of raw materials and intermediates along with the increase in capital goods from 2002-03 to 2004-05, there has been a steady increase in IIP growth rate from 5. per cent to 8.4 percent in the year ending 2004-05.

One of the important intermediaries used by the Indian industry are organic and inorganic chemicals. They are used for industrial applications, agriculture, or directly for consumer markets. Industrial and agricultural uses of chemicals include auxiliary materials such as adhesives, unprocessed plastics, dyes and fertilizers, while uses within the consumer sector include pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, household products, paints, etc. A large number of fine and speciality chemicals, which have very specific uses and are essential for increasing industrial production. These find wide usage as food additives, pigments, polymer additives, anti-oxidants in the rubber industry.

Since chemicals are widely used in a number of industries in an economy, the increase in their imports show that the domestic demand is picking up. The import of organic chemicals surged 37 per cent to US $ 3788.1 million in 2004-05 from US $ 2768.8 million last year. Inorganic chemicals imports also increased 22 per cent from US $ 1273.8 million in 2003-04 to US $ 1557.8 million in 2004-05.

Export-Related Imports

Exports and imports go hand-in-hand. Many a time, imports are required to cater to the growing demands of exports. India has emerged as the leading hub for cutting and polishing diamonds and controls about 90 per cent of the world market share. It is one of the fastest growing industries in the country accounting for about 17 per cent of all exports. However, with the negligible production of roughs, India has to depend on imports of raw materials. Imports of cashew nuts have also increased in the current fiscal to cater to the growing demands of exports. In 2004-05, cashew kernel export tocuhed a record of Rs 2,709.24 crore by exporting 1,26,667 tonnes, against 1,00,828 tonnes at Rs 1,804.43 crore in 2003-04. With the entire indigenous production of raw cashew nut being absorbed by the processors for internal consumption, exports were dependent mainly on import of raw nuts.

The services sector has also provided an impetus to certain imports. The tourism industry, which registered a growth rate of 17.3 per cent in foreign tourist arrivals, highest in the last ten years, is one of them. Foreign exchange earnings from tourism alone jumped 3.2 per cent. This kind of boom has started to show its affect on food and beverages imports which are likely to grow 6-7 per cent over the next few years.

The Indian outsourcing industry that controls about half of the world's outsourcing needs continues its high growth rate. For its smooth functioning, India's outsourcing sector needs power and the demand will quadruple in coming years. According to Anil Kakodkar, Chairman of India's Atomic Energy Commission, ''India plans to buy natural uranium, which is used in nuclear power station, from other countries if the life-time supply is guaranteed by the suppliers.'' In this case, import of natural uranium from outside will be much cheaper because the uranium content in Indian ores is less than 0.1 per cent whereas in mines abroad, it ranges from one to 15 per cent.

It is a well-established fact that non-oil imports necessarily are not harmful to an economy. On the contrary, they lead to robust and buoyant economic activity if they are in turn used for domestic industrial production or are intermediaries to enhance exports. With India maintaining foreign exchange reserves enough to pay about fourteen months of imports, the present current account deficit may not pose a problem. Given the Indian economy's growing capacity to absorb higher levels of imports, there is little doubt that the economy will surely grow at 7-8 percent as predicted by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. That means another promise fulfilled for the Left backed UPA.

(Syndicate Features)



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