Daily Excelsior... Editorial

EDITORIAL

By R K Bhatnagar

By R C Rajamani

Prolonged media preoccupation- on either side of the Palk Straits with the Tamil problem has created an erroneous impression that a solution to the ethnic issue is central to the growth of Indo-Sri Lanka ties. That this is indeed not so has been proved by several developments witnessed in their economic ties over the past few years that . .. ........more

Self-respect -- Key to economic growth

By Dr Bharat Jhunjhunwala

EDITORIAL

Time to strike

Perhaps never before such optimistic scenario has emerged on the ruling political spectrum in the State as one sees these days. The passage of the anti-defection law coupled with the largely smooth functioning of the coalition has created a healthy situation. It is just waiting to be exploited. The leadership is in an enviably advantageous position. If it reads the existing state of affairs well it can exploit it in the best interests of society. The headship in this instance does not mean the Chief Minister alone. Of course, he is the main functionary and has the maximum responsibility. The role of the top brass of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) is equally important. Actually our premise is based on the understanding that the Congress and the PDP are working in close coordination. So far nothing has happened for anyone to suspect that there is something amiss in the relationship between two major partners. It is in their mutual interest to swim together as jointly the two outfits help maintain regional balance so crucial for their own survival in power and the State as a whole. Another stabilising factor in the present atmosphere is the support extended by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) to the Government from outside. The party may have just two members in the Assembly. But there is a certain degree of guarantee about its political conduct. If it is with the ruling dispensation (which it is in this case) it will not budge an inch. If one goes by its history it will certainly not severe ties on the ground of seeking a pound of flesh as many political organisations unfortunately do. Three parties together can take care of any challenge to the Government in terms of numbers on the floor of the Assembly. Therefore, the leadership does not have to keep watching its back. Does this not solve a big headache particularly in the State in which loyalties are usually fickle?

Hands of the leadership have been further strengthened by the ban on defections. This should keep intra-party tensions under control. The new Constitutional measure eliminates any serious threat in a trial of strength on the floor of the House. Of course on a bigger canvass it defines the voter-elected representative connection in a correct perspective. That is a wider issue and has been often debated. However, it is not relevant to the subject on hand which is that the leadership must make use of the currently available opportunity to strike a blow for credible, sensitive and corruption-free governance. Its main tool to achieve the objective is the State Ministry. It should exercise the truly free hand it enjoys now to carefully shape it. No more has it to be influenced by compulsions like accommodating one individual or the other merely in order to balance power equations.

The leadership can and must give preference to the men of proven talent, known integrity and those having direct rapport with the masses. Those who have used the gun in any manner can be made to cool their heels. They must be made to go through genuine political processes. The Ministry's expansion is overdue. Yet another salutary law has been enacted to restrict its size. There is thus an overall positive climate. Having helped in its creation the leadership has to take it to the logical climax.

Major tragedy

All hearts will go to the victims of one of the worst road accidents in the State on the Darhal-Rajouri road last week-end. It is indeed a heart-rending tragedy that more than 50 persons have lost their lives in a jiffy for no fault of theirs. The mishap of unprecedented proportions has taken place much in the manner of similar horrific happenings in our hilly regions in the past. The bus in which the unfortunate passengers were travelling skidded off the road and fell into a deep gorge. It is generally known that the casualty figures in road accidents are invariably higher in mountainous areas compared to the plains. This is in sharp contrast to the number of such man-made disasters which are less in Poonch-Rajouri belt on the one hand and Doda district on the other but almost a daily occurrence in Jammu and Kathua districts. The reason for this is not difficult to understand. There is little chance for the people to escape in a vehicle in the higher reaches once it strays from its path and goes straight into a ravine or a river below. The loss of human lives is enormous as there are always many of them undertaking a journey together. In the plains, however, the buses normally figure in head-on collisions although on certain occasions these turn topsy-turvy. More often only those commuters bearing the direct brunt of a clash tend to suffer while the others turn out to be lucky. Since the buses in these instances are on a flat surface there is no natural dimension added to the calamity which once sees in extremely arduous rising and falling terrain. There is another difference. In horizontal locations one will find that smaller automobiles like scooters, for instance, claim a big share of undesirable fatalities. Although some dare-devils do use two-wheelers for covering long distances in mountains their number is fortunately not significant. Perhaps given a better and efficient transport system they would restrict their use for only smaller routes.

What is regrettable, however, is that the measures taken to enforce discipline on hilly roads have proved to be ineffective. Some time back the government apparatus had paid a focussed attention to eliminate the use of dilapidated buses and prevent overcapacity and rash driving in the Poonch-Rajouri sector. This was done following a spate of accidents. It appears that it was but just a brief arrangement. In the latest catastrophe there were 61 passengers besides driver and conductor in a 42-seater bus. The vehicle too was old. A report in this newspaper has pointed out that its driver seemed to have made matters worse by joining race with a competitor in another bus in a show of one-upmanship only to lose his way while trying to give passage to a matador. How could all this happen? These negative features indicate that there is a scant respect for the rule of law. Clearly the official machinery is unable to put into effect its writ. It is high time, therefore, that the ruling political class took keener interest. It is only being human while shedding tears for the sufferers. It can do more by reining in errant elements under its command.

Embodiment of bravery, patriotism

By R K Bhatnagar

Born on January 23, 1897, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose would have been 109 years of age now. How did he die ? Where and when he die? Did he live for some period in exile ? These are some of the many questions that are baffling all Indians for the past six decades since the 1945 Taihoku plane crash. While the nation still debates the whereabouts of Netaji, his daughter Anita Plaff believed that her father in all probability perished in the air accident. Anita Plaff, 63, who was in India in December said, ''I don't think he survived. Unless some fantastically new evidence comes up, if I look at the data available to me, he did not survive. ''I have been present at the interview of some of the survivors of the plane crash, including some Japanese officers, more than 20 years ago, and their story sounded quite consistent, credible and reasonable. Elaborating further she said there are stories circulating that my father is still alive. I do not think so. Yes, he continues to remain alive in the memories of scores of people, but it is impossible to believe that he is living at the age of 108. If it was true, he would have definitely established contact with his homeland and not kept quiet for 60 odd years. The Shah Nawaj Committee (1956) and the Khosla Commission (1972), which probed Netaji's disappearance, had concluded that he died in the plane crash.

Recently a Delhi based journalist Udayan Namboodiri in a series of articles said that, the air crash at Taihoku Airport on April 18, 1945 did not take place at all, and as such the question of Netaji's death in that incident was somebody's figment of imagination or a deliberate lie. Further, the so-called ashes of Netaji kept at Renkoji Temple are of a Japanese national, Ichiro Okura, who did not have even the remotest relationship with Netaji. This was the reason why Netaji's elder brother Sarat Chandra Bose refused to accept these ashes or even visit Renkoji Temple.

Subhash was the most enigmatic leader of our freedom struggle. Beginning his political career with the Congress in the 1920s, he was elected as its president at the Haripura session in 1938, the following year, in 1939, Bose contested against and won Mahatama Gandhi, threw his weight behind Dr Sitaramayya, saying, ''Pattabhi's defeat is my defeat.'' Gandhi's opposition of Bose-fostered doubtless by the latter's strong Leftist leanings- forced him to resign from the Congress, and he launched the Forward Block.

In 1939, the Second World War broke out. Subhash was arrested in Calcutta in July 1940. In December he went on a hunger strike in the prison as a protest against his continued detention and threatened to fast unto death if he was not released. The Government released him but kept a strict vigil at his house to watch his move. The whole country was thrilled one morning in January, 1941, to hear the news that Subhash had escaped the vigilance of the CID and had disappeared from his ancestral home in Calcutta. He got out of the house in the guise of a Muslim divine at dead of night. He got into a car and 40 miles away from Calcutta boarded a train. The tight Pyjama and a long beard made him look like a maulvi. He reached Peshawar on January 17, 1941 and spent two days there. On January 19, he drove out of Peshawar, dressed as a Pathan.

The onward journey to Kabul was done partly on foot and partly in a lorry in the guise of a deaf and dumb man. In Kabul he underwent the most excruciating physical and mental agonies before he reached Moscow. From Moscow he flew to Berlin in March 1941, with the assumed name of an Italian. It was nearly a year later that he revealed his presence in Berlin by speaking to his countrymen at home on German radio.

Subhash landed in Singapore on July 2, 1943 and from then on knew no rest. Two days later, he took over the leadership of the Indian Independence League and the INA from Rash Behari Bose. Netaji's most extraordinary move was to form a provisional Government of Azad Hind on October 21, 1943 and to declare war on Britain and America. The Azad Hind Government received recognition from nine sovereign countries soon. In a broadcast from Rangoon, addressed to Mahatama Gandhi, seeking his blessings, Netaji said, ''Once our enemies are expelled from India and peace and order were established, the mission of the Provisional Government would be over. The only reward that we desire for our efforts, for our suffering and for our sacrifice, is the freedom of our motherland. There are many of us who would like to retire from the political-field once India is free.''

Subhash not only inculcated courage and bravery but inspired supreme self confidence and fearlessness in the face of odds in the INA. The INA soldiers marched mainly on foot. They traversed the whole distance of 1,100 miles separating Singapore from the Imphal front on foot. There were occasions when Subhash himself walked for miles. There were no fixed scales of pay. Everybody got enough to cover his needs. A Lieutenant got Rs 85, a Captain Rs 125, a Major Rs 180, a Lt Col. Rs 300 and a Col Rs 400. Yet there was a time when no body got more than Rs 250 for months.

Subhash collected donations from Indians through out Asia. Once during a mammoth meeting in Rangoon a flower garland which had earlier been offered to him fetched rupees two lakhs when auctioned. In Penang a small silver flower vase was presented to Netaji. He announced his intention to auction it for Rs 25000. His eyes were filled with tears of love and affection when the first bid was for Rs 51000. He collected Rs 25 crores from Indians in Burma alone. A Muslim business man gave away all his worldly possessions worth over a crore of rupees. He even established a National Bank of Azad Hind in Rangoon. Once when the Burma Government had no money to make payments to its soldiers the Bank made a gift of Rs 5 lakhs. The report of the Justice Mukherjee Commission of Inquiry (JMCI) on the Netaji Subhash Bose mystery is with the Federal Government since November 14, 2005, the country is awaiting with great interest its findings.

In brief Subhash was an embodiment of bravery and courage. He struck a new path, although he had earlier been following the one shown by Gandhiji. In statesmanship, administrative ability and catholicity of views he was like Akbar Morally, spiritually and intellectually he was like Swami Vivekananda.

Indo-Lankan economic ties

By R C Rajamani

The Sri Lankan President, Mahinda Rajapakse, may have returned home after his year-end Indian visit without getting a firm response from New Delhi on its request for its ''more active role'' in solving the Tamil problem, yet, his visit has opened up news vistas of economic cooperation for mutual benefit of the neighbours.

The end-of-the visit joint statement not only visualises a broader economic relationship, but also finds the two reiterate their commitment to the peace process in the island republic. It recognizes the bottom-line that an enduring solution to the ethnic issue could come ''only through internal political processes that promote consensus and reconciliation.''

New Delhi has taken note of Colombo's concerns on the environmental impact of the colossal Sethusamudram canal project. In agrees with Colombo that the environmental implications of the project have to be studied and monitored and action taken to mitigate these, if any. Technical experts from both countries will continue their interaction in this regard. Sri Lanka fears that the sea dredging project might have harmful effects, inter alia, on wave patterns and fish stocks.

Besides, India has made a firm commitment for Sri Lanka's infrastructure development. It includes an ambitious plan for a number of joint ventures for the development of the eastern. Sri Lankan port city of Trincomalee and its surrounding region. For a starter, a 500 MW thermal power project would be launched as a joint venture between the National Therman Power Company of India and the Ceylon Electricity Board. India has conveyed its readiness to consider additional concessions and credit for the development of the Colombo-Matara rail line beyond the $100 million credit line already committed.

India has offered to support Sri Lanka's efforts to reconstruct and develop the North and the East of the country through technical and financial assistance and will assist in the construction of a library and stadium in Jaffna as a first step. New Delhi has also initiated action to prepare a detailed project report on the rehabilitation of the Tsunami-damaged Base Hospital in Trincomalee. Other Indian initiatives include collaboration with Sri Lanka in setting up an Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Park in that country and the construction a new 150-bed hospital at Dickoya in the central province.

No doubt, Mr Rajapakse's visit came at a difficult time for Colombo as its ceasefire with the LTTE was threatened as never before with the Tigers launching a vitual war against Government forces in the North-East. Significant in this context, New Delhi's offer of assistance for reconstruction and development projects in the LTTE dominant region.

On the political front, both countries deplored the recent violations of the ceasefire and said these ''could undermine the prospects for peace in Sri Lanka''. In response to Colombo's elaboration of its approach to the peace process and its aim of achieving ''maximum devolution which preserves the unity and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka'', India has reiterated its support ''for a process of seeking a negotiated political settlement acceptable to all sections of Sri Lankan society within the framework of an undivided Sri Lanka and consistent with democracy, pluralism and respect for human rights.'' New Delhi has rightly refused to play ball (on the peace process) with Norway, Japan, the European Union, and the United States. However, it will not be reluctant to involve itself in the development of the North-East without a formal role in the peace process.

Sri Lanka watchers also warn against New Delhi opting for any active and overt role in the peace process, pointing out its 1987 ''misadventure'' in the shape of the Rajiv-Jayawardene peace accord that left the Indian Peace Keeping Force engaged in a virtual direct war with the LTTE army with Colombo sitting pretty behind battle lines. The war and its aftermath had cost India dearly, ultimately resulting in the assassination of the co-author of the peace accord, former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.

Mr Rajapakse, seen as a Sinhala hardliner, took over as the new President of Sri Lanka from Chandrika Kumarantunge after a closely fought elections boycotted by the minority Tamils. Elected on November 18 as Sri Lanka's fifth Executive President, he commented : ''This is a victory for peace and I stand by that''. He went to the extent of saying that he was willing to talk to LTTE supremo Velupillai Prabhakharan.His rather bold offer is seen as being made in the first flush of euphoria over electoral triumph rather than a practical proposition, given the LTTE's long mistrust of the ruling United People's Alliance. This leaves little ground for him to negotiate purpsoefully with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Sri Lanka has witnessed much bloodshed since the long simmering ethnic Tamil anger erupted into a liberation war in 1983 following massacre of Tamil prisoners by Sinhalese chauvinists.

Sri Lanka watchers say that LTTE is interested in an era of hardline Sinhala politics so that it could justify the pursuit of Eelam and thus regain some of the lost international sympathy for its goal of dividing Sri Lanka. So the job for Rajapakse is cut out to work towards an equitable solution that will meet the aspirations of majority Sinhala and minority Tamil within a united Sri Lanka. He has to remove the Tamil mistrust flowing from his alliance with Janata Vimukti Peramuna, champions of Sinhala Chauvinism. He will be tested by how far he goes to allay Tamil fears that Sinhala Chauvinism will not swamp its legitimate aspiration to live as equal citizens in a country that has been benefited by its long intellectual and economic investment.

Of course, the bilateral trade and economic relations are independent of respective perceptions on how best to solve the Tamil problem.

Although India is not a major destination for Sri Lanka's exports, it is the second major source for imports, after Japan. India's exports to Sri Lanka have witnessed a sharp rise from that of USD 175 million in 1990-91 to USD 635 million in 2000-01. Marine products, especially crustaceans, tea, spices, rubber products, leather goods and articles of apparel and clothing are potential import items from Sri Lanka. In 1998, India and Sri Lanka signed a free trade agreement (FTA). It was hailed as a ''landmark agreement'' because it provided Sri Lankan manufacturers with access to the vast Indian market. The success of the FTA became visible within a short period of time. There has been a huge improvement in two way trade between India and Sri Lanka since the FTA was signed. Sri Lanka also offers Indian companies opportunities of oil and gas exploration rights off the island's northwest coast.

Given Sri Lanka's efforts to improve the economic health of the country and treating the Free Trade Agreement as a strategic area of highest priority, potential exists for accelerating foreign investment. A recent study identifies prospective sectors for enhancing such Indo-Sri Lankan commercial relations. Potential exists for investment in tea, rubber, coconut and horticulture and instruments used in the primary sector. Within the manufacturing sector, textiles, ceramic, gems & jewellery and electronics are prospective sectors for investment. Given India's standing in the Information Technology sector and Sri Lanka's commitment to emerge as a major IT player in near future, the study has called for increased commercial co-operation in the service sector. Under the circumstances New Delhi can expect Colombo to do its best to promote mutual trade an commerce to each other's advantage.

PTI Feature

Self-respect -- Key to economic growth

By Dr Bharat Jhunjhunwala

Mainstream economists hold that the provision of basic facilities like roads and capabilities like education and health to the people would lead to higher economic growth rates. The farmer would be able to grow better crops if there is a road in the village for him to reach the market and he has the knowledge of good seeds. The Congress Government has thus initiated Bharat Nirman programme and is increasing Government investment in health and education. On the other hand, the Indian tradition holds that thought and self-respect have greater impact on economic growth. The farmer will ask the educate youth of the village to read him about good seeds and trek to the market and get them even if there is no road. One can manage without the road or literacy if one has the desire to do well. These facilities are wasted if there are no takers. Thus the BJP had placed more emphasis on Hindutva and made Pokharan II explosion. The belief was that the self-respect generated from these actions will lead to higher economic growth. Both arguments have merit.

We can examine whether countries that have given more importance to self-respect have attained higher or lower growth rates to see which argument is more effective.

Two indicators for self-respect can be military expenditures and good governance. Higher defense expenditures indicate that the country is self-respecting. The World Development Indicators 2005 published by the World Bank tell us that countries of East Asia and South Asia spent 2.3% of their income on defense in 1995. This remained unchanged at 2.3% in 2003. In comparison, the defense expenditures of countries of Central Europe, South Africa, North Africa and South America were 3.8% of national income in 1995. This declined to 3.1% in 2003. The defense expenditures of East and South Asian countries remained stable while those of other subcontinents declined. Now we can examine the impact on economic growth. The average growth rate of East and South Asian countries in 1990-2003 was 6.5% while in other subcontinents was mere 2.3%. The conclusion is that self-respect has a decisive and positive impact on economic growth. It must be noted that the level of defense expenditures of East and South Asian countries is lower but stable while that of other subcontinents is higher but declining. But we are using defense expenditures as an indicator of self-respect. Therefore, the direction of defense expenditures is more important than its level. These figures establish that self-respect is the key to economic progress.

Next we can see the impact of Government expenditures on health and education on economic growth. The Governments of East and South Asian countries spent 1.6% of their national income on health facilities. In comparison, countries of other subcontinents spent double the level---3.2%. Likewise the Governments of East and South Asian countries send 6.5% of the total Government expenditures on education against 23% by countries of other subcontinents. But these higher expenditures have not begotten higher growth to countries of other subcontinent as already mentioned.

The above comparison indicates that self-respect has a decisive and positive impact on economic growth while Government expenditures on basic facilities like health and education does not.

The BJP had followed the policy of enhancing national self -respect. Three examples can be given. One the BJP had made Pokharan II explosions despite the pressure of the rich countries. It had valiantly faced the economics sanctions that were imposed subsequently. In comparison, the Congress voted against Iran at the International Atomic Energy Agency. Two, BJP had simplified the Income Tax forms by introducing 'Saral' forms. In comparison the Congress has imposed Fringe Benefit Tax and made the Income Tax regulations more complex. Three, BJP had accumulated large foreign exchange reserves so that the country does not fall into Balance of Payment crisis as we faced in 1991. The Congress is spending this foreign exchange reserve. On the other hand, the Congress is increasing Government expenditures on health and education.

On the basis of experience of other countries it was expected that the growth rate during the Congress rule is less. But the ground reality is exactly the opposite. Our economic growth rate had languished between four and six percent in five out of six years of BJP's rule which it has started at seven percent plus in Congress' rule. This difficulty needs explanation. One possibility is that the impact of self-respect takes place in the long run. The Congress is reaping the benefits of increase in self-respect secured by the BJP. Another possibility is that the BJP ignored the common man in its economic policies. The growth ushered in by the BJP was restricted to a small elite. The BJP followed the right policy but implemented it wrongly. The gains secured by the BJP by enhancing self-respect of the country were wiped out by the mistake of ignoring the common man. The Congress, in comparison, is more focused on the common man. It wants to reach some benefits to the common man even if the benefits are not the one's that would ideally lead to higher growth. The Congress is following the wrong policy but implementing it rightly. The small positive impact of this wrong policy is yet having a positive impact. Be that as it may, it is clear that defense expenditures, good governance and self-respect have a positive impact on economic growth while Government expenditures on health and education do not.