EDITORIAL
2006
sans humour
Another year has gone
without us coming across one bit of good humour in our
public life. Is this because we continue to live in the
midst of Kalashnikovs, bombs and rockets? Their sound is
not as deafening as it was in previous years. Yet, we
have not got into swing. For a State that has Urdu as its
official language the disregard for decent jokes is
incomprehensible. Few languages have such rich repository
of wit as Urdu has. Our contribution in this regard seems
to be minimal. We have even ceased to be good audience.
As a result Urdu is the victim. It is fast losing its
sheen. It is doubtful whether it would have still
retained the present status had it not been made
compulsory for governmental work. English has edged it
out of its primary slot. One can't say that Urdu has not
kept pace with changes in the world. In fact, there are
scores of Urdu websites across the world aiming to spread
its flavour. They can't succeed unless others respond
equally enthusiastically. Perhaps each language has to
undergo a struggle like this. To have a wider impact it
requires to constantly enriching itself. This does not
apply to literature alone. It has to hone itself to the
level where it becomes an easy medium of communication.
One can't deny that English has acquired that capability.
It is understood in all corners of the globe. In the
process it has got several versions varying from Indian
to the American. Urdu, on the other hand, has shrunken in
its reach. That is a different subject altogether. The
question that bothers us on this Sunday --- the last of
2006--- rather causes unease. We would have been
perfectly comfortable had we got an answer. Why can't we
sing, laugh and make merry regardless of the language we
use? We can lace our observations with some .....more
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History
waiting to be made
By Abhijit Patwardhan
The Indian
Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh's special envoy on
Pakistan, Satinder Lambah, who took over the job after
the death of the redoubtable J.N. Dixit had been
discussing different peace proposals with Pakistan
President's close friend and national security adviser,
Tariq Aziz precisely ......more
Cleansing
of School
Education in Pakistan
By Samuel Baid
School
Children in Pakistan will be taught a new story about the
birth of their country in 1947 from the next academic
session. Their parents and grand parents were taught that
partition of the ......more
Goodbye
2006 !
TALES OF TRAVESTY
By Dr. Jitendra Singh
His education
has failed him. It was always the more deserving, the
more scrupulous, the more diligent who forged ahead, he
was taught. But, we failed to teach him the distinction
between the rich and the poor, between the strong and the
weak, between ....more
Can
yoga change
Indian lifestyle ...?
By Raina JN
Union Health
Minister Anbumani Ramadoss might differ with yoga guru
Baba Ramdev, but it is gratifying to note that the former
has found a panacea in yoga, to fight an increasing
tendency of obesity among India's youth......more
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EDITORIAL
2006 sans humour
Another year has gone
without us coming across one bit of good humour in our
public life. Is this because we continue to live in the
midst of Kalashnikovs, bombs and rockets? Their sound is
not as deafening as it was in previous years. Yet, we
have not got into swing. For a State that has Urdu as its
official language the disregard for decent jokes is
incomprehensible. Few languages have such rich repository
of wit as Urdu has. Our contribution in this regard seems
to be minimal. We have even ceased to be good audience.
As a result Urdu is the victim. It is fast losing its
sheen. It is doubtful whether it would have still
retained the present status had it not been made
compulsory for governmental work. English has edged it
out of its primary slot. One can't say that Urdu has not
kept pace with changes in the world. In fact, there are
scores of Urdu websites across the world aiming to spread
its flavour. They can't succeed unless others respond
equally enthusiastically. Perhaps each language has to
undergo a struggle like this. To have a wider impact it
requires to constantly enriching itself. This does not
apply to literature alone. It has to hone itself to the
level where it becomes an easy medium of communication.
One can't deny that English has acquired that capability.
It is understood in all corners of the globe. In the
process it has got several versions varying from Indian
to the American. Urdu, on the other hand, has shrunken in
its reach. That is a different subject altogether. The
question that bothers us on this Sunday --- the last of
2006--- rather causes unease. We would have been
perfectly comfortable had we got an answer. Why can't we
sing, laugh and make merry regardless of the language we
use? We can lace our observations with some remark that
lightens environment around us. Our own native languages
have their share of humorousness. Kashmiri has a long
tradition of quality work. It is not for nothing that
Dogri has made it to the Eighth Schedule of the Indian
Constitution. Ladakhi is on the ascendancy. If we look at
the common people we will find that they keep smiling. It
is amazing that they do so despite their numerous
problems. They are all humility while greeting their
guests. However, these are general traits. Although very
encouraging these are no substitute for humour. What is
regrettable is that our political class does not exhibit
even these virtues. Partners in power or not they will
talk to each other including in the public as if they are
itching for a fight. They don't know that they can rub
the salt deeper by one cutting comment. Our top
politicians have yet to possess this skill: Some of them
are too bureaucratic. Many are pleasant. There are a few
quite adept at coining verbal gems but have not applied
the expertise during the year: they have been
pre-occupied trying to run with the hare while hunting as
the hounds.
How can one survive in
such milieu? We must spread a word about qualities of
humour. For this we can make a beginning by keeping a
notebook to record all instances of humour we see or
hear. We can also get plenty of material from television
channels that are laughing their way to banks. We should
then circulate them among opinion-makers and
administrators. It is just possible that they laugh and
make lives less burdensome for us so that we also at
least chuckle.
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History
waiting to be made
By
Abhijit Patwardhan
The Indian Prime
Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh's
special envoy on Pakistan,
Satinder Lambah, who took over
the job after the death of the
redoubtable J.N. Dixit had been
discussing different peace
proposals with Pakistan
President's close friend and
national security adviser, Tariq
Aziz precisely for the last 18
month or so. Singh did not
emphasize that Musharraf's
musings were still a cliff and a
chasm away from the Indian
script, especially when it came
to the joint management or
supervision of both parts of
Kashmir. And significantly, he
did not complain about the
Pakistani president's bout of
amnesia during the long interview
on NDTV over terrorism, or his
special responsibility in ending
the sponsorship of it inside
India.
In the few words
that he did speak and he knew the
world was waiting with bated
breath to hear what he had to say
- the Prime Minister showed that
he spoke on behalf of the rest of
India. By generously
acknowledging the comments of his
adversary (Pervez Musharraf) as
"new ideas", the Prime
Minister encouraged him to stay
on the course of going where few
Pakistani leaders had gone
before.
One must be fully
aware of General Pervez
Musharraf's broad objectives in
Kashmir and they must be debated
publicly. Musharraf wants a
toehold in Jammu and Kashmir. For
this, India needs to admit that
this state does not belong to it.
India must also accept that
Pakistan and the Kashmiris are
parties to deciding Jammu and
Kashmir's ultimate status. This
the general can get only if he
can persuade India to somehow
resile from its juridical
position on Kashmir. This is his
main thrust.
When Musharraf says
that he is willing to give up
Pakistan's "claim" and
move away from UN resolutions, he
is suggesting that somehow the
United Nations must legitimize
Islamabad's claim. He also sets
up an expectation that India will
similarly give its claim.
However, the UN
resolutions in no way lend
credibility to Pakistan's claim -
Islamabad was to withdraw its
forces from the Kashmiri
territory under its illegal
control and then a plebiscite was
to be held. Pakistan is,
therefore, not giving up its
claim simply because there is no
legal claim to give up.
By offering to set
up other such mutually observed
concession Musharraf is forcing
an agenda onto India, which would
shift the well - anchored Indian
position that Jammu and Kashmir
is its integral part and that it
has complete sovereignty over it.
In various ways, it would mean
conceding that the instrument of
Accession was neither final nor
legally sound.
Those aware of the
"back channel"
exchanges claim that the process
hovers around Musharraf's
proposal of joint supervision,
self - governance,
demilitarization and porous
borders,
The attempt at doing
something jointly with Pakistan
in Jammu and Kashmir is perceived
by India as a consultative and
advisory mechanism involving
Kashmiris from the two sides
(hence the Indian use of the term
"joint consultative
mechanism"). Pakistan,
however, desires the
representation of Islamabad and
New Delhi in the mechanism; hence
its demand, for "joint
management" earlier, and for
"joint supervision"
now. So while India only wants to
involve Kashmiris on issues of
common concern, the Pakistani
push is for sharing of
sovereignty in Kashmir.
There are some in
India who think that "joint
supervision" may not be a
bad idea as this would
"extend' India's sovereignty
to the Northern Areas (Gilgit and
Baltistan). This is dangerously
naive. Pakistan would not allow
an Indian oversight or
supervisory role in the Northern
Areas as the Karakoram Highway
passes through it, which gives
Pakistan its only border with
China. Nor is there real or deep
Indian interest in the Northern
Areas.
Musharraf
essentially seeks to isolate the
valley from other regions of the
state in India and in return, he
wants India to forget about the
Northern Areas on his side of the
border. This is evident from his
talk of dividing Jammu and
Kashmir into seven regions with
joint supervision or management
being limited essentially to the
valley and Muslim-dominated
districts of Jammu on the Indian
side and Pakistan-occupied
Kashmir('Azad Kashmir').
On the issue of
self-governance too there is a
mismatch in the position as far
as the two sides are concerned.
India's claim is that this
already exists in the state but
not at comparable levels on the
Pakistani side of Kashmir.
As far as
demilitarization is concerned,
the Indian position is that the
army is there because of
militancy which is largely
fomented, supported and sustained
by Pakistan. New Delhi argues
that once that ends and that
point has not yet been reached
the army will be redeployed. If
civilian police replaces the army
without the ground conditions
returning to normal, then the
militants and their Pakistani
sponsors can have the run of
Jammu and Kashmir. The
Pakistanis, however, argue that
only when demilitarization takes
place normalcy will return.
No
"concession" must be
read in the Pakistani offer to
withdraw forces from its side of
Kashmir if India does the same.
General Musharraf has domestic
compulsions to do so. His
troubles in Balochistan refuse to
come to an end - if anything, the
dissent there is spreading.
Several division of Pakistan
troops are deployed in
Balochistan and in the federally
administered territories
bordering Afghanistan. In
Waziristan, he has had to swallow
military pride and virtually sign
an instrument of surrender with
Taliban to prevent spiralling
army casualties - more Pakistani
soldiers have died there in last
two years than Indian soldiers in
Kashmir.
Being a military
man, Musharraf has an acute sense
of his weakness. He does not want
any engagement-defensive or
offensive - with Indian troops on
the eastern front. The demand for
demilitarization of Kashmir,
therefore, is a concession that
he wants for himself but he made
it in the name of the Kashmiris.
Moreover, with the proposed
porous borders, there are several
security issues. Pakistan can use
people-to-people contact,
cross-border trade, transport,
and so on to create political and
economic linkages that will
further weaken New Delhi's
ability to control the internal
situation in Jammu and Kashmir.
Added to this is the
issue of fundamentalist Islamic
trends in Pakistan. India has
been able to insulate itself from
these trends despite a large
Muslim population because of
restricted contact. A porous
border in Kashmir, with no
possibility of checking the
movement of the so-called
Kashmiris from Pakistan to the
rest of India, will pose the
danger of greater Islamization
and radicalization of Indian
Muslims.
If, under Pakistani
pressure, New Delhi were to move
towards greater autonomy short of
independence in the state,
India's ability to control the
internal processes there would
recede even more. It would be
difficult to redress the
situation later, as that would be
seen as going against the
prevailing trend. This does not
mean, however, that there should
be permanent enmity between India
and Pakistan. Indeed, there is
case for not only improving
relations but for tying the two
countries together with better
economic linkages. However,
Pakistan is creating disconnect
between what it wants for Kashmir
and ignoring the advantages that
can accrue from settled borders
with the rest of India.
There is a stronger
case for doing things jointly
along the settled rather than
across the unsettled border of
Jammu and Kashmir. Why should
joint consultative mechanism on
border trade, environment and
agriculture not be extended to
Gujarat, Sindh and to the Indian
and the Pakistan Punjab? But the
segmented mindset of the
Pakistani leaders - which argues
for the common destiny of the
Kashmiri Muslims but not of
Indians and Pakistanis - does not
allow them to do so.
There seems to be
little reason for Dr. Manmohan
Singh to welcome these so-called
"new ideas". It is
always important to know where
one wants to go and where one can
afford to go before welcoming
"new ideas" and
roadmaps. INAV
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Cleansing
of School Education in
Pakistan
By
Samuel Baid
School
Children in Pakistan will
be taught a new story
about the birth of their
country in 1947 from the
next academic session.
Their parents and grand
parents were taught that
partition of the Indian
subcontinent took place
on the basis of religion
or the Muslim
Leagues Two Nation
theory. Now these
children will be taught
that Pakistan was created
because of socio-
economic deprivation of
the Muslims of the
subcontinent not because
of communal hatred.
The
national curriculum
designed for Pakistani
schools during Gen. Zia
ul Haqs rule aimed
at turning the
countrys population
into jehadis to fight the
Soviets in Afghanistan on
behalf of the United
States-led forces in the
1980s. The United States
needed fodder in the form
of jehadis to fight the
Soviets.
At
that time there was a
mushrooming growth of
madarsas, where simple
village students were
indoctrinated to fight
godless/communist people.
The
United States played a
major role in spreading
jehadi culture through
schools in Pakistan.
According to a 2004
report on the education
system in Pakistan
produced by sustainable
Development Policy
Institute of Islamabad,
an American institution
of higher education was
asked during the Afghan
war to design text books
for Pakistani schools
with a view to preparing
young people for jehad.
The CIA reportedly
assigned this job to
University of Nabraska at
Omaha for Afghan refugee
children in Pakistan.
Now, the Bush
administration has asked
the same university to
re-write text books
expunging the jehadi and
hate material, according
to this report.
The
new school curriculum
will be in keeping with
Gen. Pervez
Musharrafs campaign
for "enlightened
modernization" and
will try to retrieve
education from the
religious bigotry that
was encouraged during
Gen. Ziaul Haqs 11
year rule. During Gen.
Zias rule the
school curriculum was
developed to promote a
jehadi culture and
sentiments against India
and Hindus. It was during
this rule that the
so-called ideology of
Pakistan was explained by
fundamentalists in most
bizarre ways. They said
this ideology was based
on the Islamic system and
it resulted from the
exploitation of the
Muslims of the
subcontinent by Hindus
and the British (They
conveniently ignored the
fact that without the sly
support ofBritish there
would have been no
Pakistan). They said
Pakistans ideology
symbolized a revolt
against the imposition of
Hindu nationalism on
Muslims and their
culture. Those days it
was said in Pakistan that
because of its engagement
in the Afghan war,
Islamabad needed peace
with India but not
friendship because that
would militate against
the ideology.
The
new curriculum, which
starts from next academic
year, is supposed to
exclude material from
textbooks that promotes
hatred for non-Muslims of
united India.
Pre-partition history
will now explain the
ideology of Pakistan with
reference to Mohammad Ali
Jinnahs least
talked about, and famous,
address to
Pakistans
constituent assembly on
Aug 11., 1947.
In
this address he had said
Pakistan will not have a
state religion. Here,
Muslim, Christians,
Hindus and Sikhs would
live as equal citizens,
he said. Mr. Jihhah
perhaps felt that if the
Two-nation theory was
perpetuated in Pakistan
it would divide the
nation left and right. He
was clearly saying,
enough with the two
nation theory. But, alas,
a few months after his
death, the same
Constituent Assembly
passed the Objectives
Resolution proposing
Islam to be the State
religion. Pakistans
problems of national,
emotional integration and
modernization began from
then onwards.
The
social backwardnisation
and the jehadi culture
that flourished during
Gen. Zias regime
actually its roots in
this Objectives
Resolution. The United
Sates and other countries
had found existing
conditions in Pakistan
ideal for exploitation to
fight the Soviet in
Afghanistan in the name
of Islam.
And
that made things worse in
the aftermath of the
Afghan war of the 1980s,
Pakistan began to look
like a country of
religious lunatics. That
was the general
perception of Pakistan in
many countries after the
9/11 terror in New York
and Washington.
It
was after this terror
that Gen. Musharraf came
under tremendous pressure
from the United States to
checks growing religious
fanaticism. Most
incidents of terrorism in
the world have been
traced to Islamic schools
in Pakistan. The National
Curriculum Wing of the
Education Ministry, which
injected jehadi frenzy
and sectarian poison in
government school text-
books under Zias
rule, was now assigned
the job of cleansing
school curriculum of hate
material. Even after 9/11
and Gen. Musharrafs
inclination to secularise
school education, the
National Curriculum Wing
had said in a 2002
directive that the
objective of the national
curriculum was to nurture
in children a sense of
Islamic identity. The
directive ignored how it
would affect non-Muslim
students in schools.
Currently,
the text-books taught in
Government schools
produce fanatics not much
different from those
produced by madrassas.
The SDPIs 2004
report, under the title
"The subtle
subversion: The State of
Curricula and Text Books
in Pakistan" said
that in the wake of the
Afghan war Pakistan
education system was
designed to create
sectarianism and
intolerance in society,
to teach distorted
history and to lay
emphasis on jehad,
religious bigotry and
martyrdom.
Pakistan
is among the least
literate countries of the
world and going by the
SDPI report, it seems
that whatever little rate
of literacy this country
has is taking it
backwards in an era of
globalization. Worse,
this low rate of literacy
is said to be further
falling.
Those
who yearn for genuine
democracy will have to
support Gen.
Musharrafs effort
to cleanse the
countrys education
system no matter how much
they hate him.
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Goodbye
2006 !
TALES OF TRAVESTY
By Dr.
Jitendra Singh
His education has
failed him. It was always the
more deserving, the more
scrupulous, the more diligent who
forged ahead, he was taught. But,
we failed to teach him the
distinction between the rich and
the poor, between the strong and
the weak, between the more
resourceful and the less
resourceful, between the son of a
Minister and the son of a
cobbler, between the son-in-law
of a State VIP and the son-in-law
of an uninfluential non-entity.
Devoid of direction
or motivation, the hapless common
man has ceased to move. He has
ceased to grow. He has become
stagnant and hopes in vain that
the inertia would break with
every sip of liquor hailing the
arrival of New Year.
2006 was the year
that threw up new issues for
politicking and also threw up new
politicians and semi-politicians
to thrive on troubled waters.
06 was the year when
socalled communalists strove to
slip into secular robe while the
socalled secularists tried their
hand at communal tactics . '06
was the year when beneficiaries
of scams and embezzlements
enjoyed society's respect and
were chief guests at public
functions. ' 06 was the year when
the Government declared its
resolve to eradicate corruption
from J&K administration and
decided to start this cleansing
operation with Patwaris,
Girdawars and engineers instead
of starting it from top with
ministers and Commissioners. ' 06
was the year when the State
Governemnt offered to regularise
land that had been grabbed or
encroached thus placing a premium
or incentive for land grabbing by
those who enjoy political clout
or money and muscle power to do
so. ' 06 was the year when the
court verdict to hang Afzal Guru
helped expose political
opportunism of both socalled
mainstream as well as separatist
parties of Kashmir and at the
same time unmasked hollow
conviction of socalled
Mujahideen
who instead of happily allowing
themselves to be hanged like
Sardar Bhagat Singh meekly fell
on knees and begged for mercy
when apprehended. 06 was
the year when media was an
obliging tool in the hands of
pro-establishment sycophants,
ambitious manoeuverers and petty
manipulators while mushrooming
electronic channels had little to
offer besides unmelodious
remixes, nouseating nude shows
and monotonous panel discussions
by stale panelists. 06 was
chicanery and distrust multiplied
manifold. 06 was another
twelve months of hunger and
unemployment.
For the common man
06 was no better than
05 ! Will 07 be
better than 06 ?
For the common
man, the question of survival is
the uppermost in his mind. He is
overcome by ominous
apprehensions. Will all the
hostilities surrounding him
permit him to live through the
whole of 2007 ? How long, after
all, can he dodge the combined
menace of fanaticism,
exploitation, nepotism, bribery,
violence and unemployment ?
Nevertheless, the
common man is hopeful. The dawn
of 07 heralds the wish in
Rabindranath Tagores song
Swiftly come, O
lovely star of dawn. For the
night has run its course
....Umapathy looks
forward to 2007 with the belief
that a day will come when man
will learn to live without
harming his fellow beings. For,
love is only temporarily static.
In the end, love is destined to
flow as does the water which may
get choked with debris and
rubbish of broken banks but,
sooner or later, it again begins
to flow. Its flow canot be
arrested for long. And, those who
dare arrest the flow of love will
do well to heed Allama
Iqbals acknow- ledgement of
the indomitable strength of a
tender love petal capable of
cutting through the hard core of
impenetrable stone, a La,.
Phool Ki Paatti Se
Kat Sakta Hai Hire Ka
Jigar...
****
Can yoga
change Indian lifestyle ...?
By Raina
JN
Union Health
Minister Anbumani Ramadoss might
differ with yoga guru Baba
Ramdev, but it is gratifying to
note that the former has found a
panacea in yoga, to fight an
increasing tendency of obesity
among India's youth.
Ramadoss wants to
put a blanket ban on colas and
all that is consumed as 'junk
food' in schools and university
canteens. Ramdev too has been
advising people to shun the colas
If the ideas of 'two
Rams' fructify, it will certainly
augur well, not only for creating
a sound mind, but also for
building a sound body, which will
accelerate the process of laying
a firm foundation for a healthy
nation. We have a population of
over one billion people, but
numbers hardly matter. What is
the percentage of those who are
healthy and mentally strong? A
nation's greatness lies in its
intellectual prowess.
Dr Ramadoss is
'aggressively' working for
changing the lifestyle of youth.
He is finalizing a proposal, in
conjunction with HRD Minister
Arjun Singh, to make countrymen
healthy, wealthy and wise. For
that matter, Ramadoss wants to
make yoga classes mandatory in
schools and universities. Arjun
Singh has cleared a proposal,
floated by Ramadoss, to introduce
yoga in the school curriculum.
Teachers are being identified,
who can take yoga classes.
This cannot be made
possible without Ramdev, who has
brought a revolution not only in
India but also abroad through
yoga. Even some Muslim countries
have evinced keen interest in
yoga and have appreciated Ramdev
for his task. He has earned
laurels for the country, which
was known to foreigners before
independence just as a country of
snake charmers.
Whether yoga will be
accepted in schools and other
educational institutions governed
by the Muslim community, is to be
seen. Ramadoss has instructed
state health ministers to impose
ban on junk food, which is
responsible for causing heart
diseases, diabetes and cancer,
especially among wealthy middle
class families. His remedies for
such diseases through the
knowledge of yoga are: Ban all
smoking scenes in films;
celebrities should stop endorsing
aerated drinks, and they should
in fact campaign against them;
stop selling junk food and colas
from school and college canteens;
make yoga and health education
mandatory in schools and everyone
should stop drinking colas, with
or without pesticides.
If his suggestions
are accepted and implemented in
toto, he is sure to become crème
de la crème for the Indian
society. Ramadoss is in touch
with HRD ministry in finalizing a
programme to make health and
lifestyle classes mandatory in
schools. He is in favour of
introducing health as a biweekly
subject in schools. "We plan
to enlighten the younger
generation about diseases and a
healthy lifestyle. They should
know what to eat and what to
avoid, how much to exercise, what
type of lifestyle is best for
them and how it will help their
well-being, besides being aware
of the diseases like
HIV/AIDS," Ramadoss has said
in a statement.
Even a modest change
in the prevailing educational
system, with yoga as epicentre,
can lead to a better life. We can
have the best of brains, instead
of just numbers. A change in
sports activities will have a
subsequent effect on people's
lifestyle. Old games like
'gulidanda' and 'kabadi' et al
can be revived and popularized in
a better way nationally.
What is wrong in
imparting basic religious
knowledge in schools from ab
initio? We should catch them
young for a better purpose. If
successfully implemented,
religious prescriptions, devoid
of fundamentalism, can change the
pattern of lifestyle, which can
have a salutary effect on the
society as a whole and many a
social ills and evils can be
curbed.
The government
should use its whip and exercise
greater control on TV channels
exhibiting sexy scenes. At one
time, lot of heat was generated
whether kissing scenes should be
allowed in films. Now it seems
kissing is in the in thing. Many
TV programmes and serials show
atrocious sexy scenes, nude dance
and voluptuous mouth-to-mouth
kissing scenes. There is a rat
race for doing this sort of sexy
business. At least there should
be a code for the producers and
film directors
Providing free
education to marginally poor
people and even making it
compulsory should be India's
unfinished task. The pattern of
imparting primary education
should be uniform all over the
country. Post school education is
still a distant dream, says Union
Finance P Chidambaram. Not more
than 17 million have received
tertiary education in India with
a population of 1.1 billion.
Russia with a population of 145
million has the same number. The
US has three times more people
with tertiary education, with a
population of India's one-third.
The enrolment ratio in tertiary
education in India is about 9 per
cent. In many developed nations
this ratio exceeds 60 per cent.
Our endeavour should be to create
space for new models and novel
efforts so that more students
pursue higher education. Today,
we have 17, 000 colleges, up from
just 750 in 1950-51. There is
scope for expansion of college
education. It should be made
affordable.
Students are not
opting for higher education in
science and art streams. They
prefer technical education like
engineering and medicine. Very
few students have a lurking for
IAS, Army and such allied
branches. If a student has an
inclination for a course other
than these, his emotions are
being curbed by parents. As a
result, the wad becomes wayward.
Government has to
intervene and change this notion.
For that matter, we shall have to
make education universal.
Education for children in the age
group of 6 to 14 should be made
uniform and compulsory,
irrespective of religion. Caste
should not be even talked about
especially at the primary level.
It will have an everlasting
effect on a pupil's mind. .
(Syndicate
Features)
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