EDITORIAL
Chirag tale andhera?
Dispel the myth
One is reminded of the
popular Hindi saying chirag tale andhera on this
occasion. Literally translated it means darkness under
the lamp. Metaphorically, however, it has a deeper
meaning. It is employed, for instance, to highlight a
situation in which crime goes on unabated under the nose
of authorities in charge of enforcing law and order. The
turn of phrase is applicable equally emphatically to
anything going wrong in this city. Top political and
administrative bosses live and function in Jammu and must
share the blame for faulty working of any cog in their
machinery. Indeed, it is highly regrettable that they
have overlooked over the years the illegal grabbing of
precious land belonging to the Jammu Development
Authority (JDA). It is an extremely serious occurrence.
According to a report in this newspaper recently the JDA
has lost 9400 kanals of its prime land to encroachers. In
monetary terms it signals enormous setback with crores of
rupees going down the drain. In Trikuta Nagar alone the
Authority is stated to have been dispossessed of property
up to Rs 30 crores. The ongoing drive which is virtually
an amnesty scheme for regularisation of the unlawfully
occupied State land has drawn attention to the reality
that the JDA is placed no better. To say, however, that
this is a new problem will be factually wrong. Seven
years after its formation in 1971 the JDA had prepared
the first Master Plan for Jammu for a "20-year
perspective on a scientific basis." The preamble to
the "Master Plan for Jammu: 2021" notified on
August 9, 2004 (three years after it was supposed to have
begun) tells us as to why the goal set in the first
exercise could not be achieved. According , .....more
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Eleventh
five- year plan
By M.N. Minocha
The Eleventh
Five-Year Plan (2007-12) has been given a green signal by
the National Development Council. It proposes that the
target GDP growth rate at 8.5 per cent per annum. At this
meeting, the Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh, who is
the Chairman of the Planning Commission also said
infrastructure development, particularly power sector
reforms, is the "major constraint" hindering
industrial growth. For the infrastructure sector . . ...more
Minority
upliftment
By Malladi Rama Rao
Critics of
the Congress and the United Progressive Alliance (UPA)
Government have enough ammunition suddenly, courtesy,
Prime Minister Manmohan Singhs blunt peak at the
annual conference of the state minorities
commissions and the Sachar committee report.
The call for
a fair share to the minorities (Muslims) in
Government and private sector jobs and the insistence on
training the Muslim youth to make .. ......more
Saga
of Indian soldiers
By Colonel Anil Bhat
On 13
November 2006, the eve of Armistice Day, Chairperson of
India's United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Sonia Gandhi
laid a wreath at the Menin Gate in Ieper (West Flanders),
in remembrance of Indian soldiers who perished in
Flanders fields serving with British Imperial forces. The
Last Post was sounded at the monument to Indian soldiers
nearby the Menin Gate, a .....more
|
EDITORIAL
Chirag tale andhera?
Dispel the myth
One is reminded of the
popular Hindi saying chirag tale andhera on this
occasion. Literally translated it means darkness under
the lamp. Metaphorically, however, it has a deeper
meaning. It is employed, for instance, to highlight a
situation in which crime goes on unabated under the nose
of authorities in charge of enforcing law and order. The
turn of phrase is applicable equally emphatically to
anything going wrong in this city. Top political and
administrative bosses live and function in Jammu and must
share the blame for faulty working of any cog in their
machinery. Indeed, it is highly regrettable that they
have overlooked over the years the illegal grabbing of
precious land belonging to the Jammu Development
Authority (JDA). It is an extremely serious occurrence.
According to a report in this newspaper recently the JDA
has lost 9400 kanals of its prime land to encroachers. In
monetary terms it signals enormous setback with crores of
rupees going down the drain. In Trikuta Nagar alone the
Authority is stated to have been dispossessed of property
up to Rs 30 crores. The ongoing drive which is virtually
an amnesty scheme for regularisation of the unlawfully
occupied State land has drawn attention to the reality
that the JDA is placed no better. To say, however, that
this is a new problem will be factually wrong. Seven
years after its formation in 1971 the JDA had prepared
the first Master Plan for Jammu for a "20-year
perspective on a scientific basis." The preamble to
the "Master Plan for Jammu: 2021" notified on
August 9, 2004 (three years after it was supposed to have
begun) tells us as to why the goal set in the first
exercise could not be achieved. According to it,
"The (previous) Master Plan envisaged strict zoning
norms on the pattern of Delhi Master Plan. However, JDA
did not have absolute control over the land. Only vacant
land and nazool land in the shape of dry nallah beds were
transferred to the Authority by the Government. Though a
few prestigious housing colonies were developed by JDA on
such land which improved the image of the city, a large
chunk of land transferred to JDA got encroached. In the
absence of land pool, actual development could not take
place as conceived in Master Plan. The periodic review as
envisaged in the Master Plan could also not be carried
out, requisite infrastructure was not developed nor the
basic concept of self contained community realised."
Attempts towards organised development of Jammu were
further undermined because of "multifarious
development of economic activities and huge influx of
migration from the Valley."
In a frank appraisal the
JDA has complimented itself for having developed Trikuta
Nagar, Roop Nagar, Bantalab, Paloura Phase I and II,
Muthi and Udhyanwala and commercial complexes like New
Transport Nagar, wholesale fruit market and railhead
commercial complex (Bahu Plaza), among other areas. But
it has conceded: "A large chunk of nazool land was
encroached. Due to resource crunch and heavy overhead
charges it was not possible for JDA to undertake further
land acquisition and therefore the existing land pool got
exhausted." The JDA to begin with had about 34656
kanals of vacant and nazool land transferred to it by the
Government for development and disposal to form its seed
capital. As our report points out it later had more land
transferred to it from time to time. It holds 88717
kanals at the moment including those portions that have
been usurped by unscrupulous persons. The 1974 Master
Plan was designed to cater to a population of 5.52 lakhs
over an area of 130.36 square kilometres till 1994. Its
calculations went haywire mainly because of three
reasons: militancy-induced migration from the other side
of the Pir Panjal, inflow of labourers from other states
and rapid urbanisation at the expense of rural areas.
JDA's own household survey in 1994 placed the population
of Jammu (excluding Cantonment) at 7.28 lakhs --- an
increase of 226.42 per cent during the last 14 years. In
1973 at the time of preparing the first Master Plan
Jammu's urban agglomeration was 21.42 square kilometres.
Satellite imageries taken in 1986, 1990 and 1995 revealed
that it had spread over an area of 73.12 square
kilometres, 93.42 square kilometres and 143.52 square
kilometres, respectively. One does not have to take a
circuitous route through skies these days to come face to
face with the truth as it exists on the ground. There are
cemented structures all the way. Urbanisation looks like
a monster that has swallowed open spaces all over. It
seems to be a matter of time before the Jammu-Udhampur
stretch in the north-east turns into a mass of concrete
like the Jammu-Kathua portion in the south-east
(restrictions imposed by forest and environment laws
notwithstanding). The 2021 Plan takes into account the
new trends that have emerged in the meantime. It
describes itself as "an effort to achieve an
appropriate balance between the spatial allocation for
various activities i.e. housing, employment, social
infrastructure, organised .shopping centres, transport,
adequate arrangements and reservations to accommodate
different kinds of physical infrastructure and public
utility systems."
It will be unfair to find
fault with either of the two Plans on any count. The two
documents are actually a first-class study of challenges
before us. They drive home the inevitability of
maintaining a healthy environment while keeping pace with
the necessity for development. There is urgent need for
having a number of satellite towns (Akhnoor, Gajansoo,
Ghomanasa, R.S. Pura, Arnia, Bishnah, Vijaypur, Samba
have been mentioned in this context) to reduce pressure
on the city. However, it is easier said than achieved.
The experience of the National Capital Region (NCR) shows
that it takes time to build facilities so that the people
feel comfortable while staying in towns like Faridabad,
NOIDA, and Guragaon on three sides of Delhi. They can't
be far away from their work places. We know the
direction. We have to follow it through hard work and
systematic planning. The least that can be done is to
make sure that the land meant for the purpose is not
permitted to be criminally taken away. The JDA can't shut
eyes to its responsibility in this regard. It can allow
encroachers a free run only at the expense of its own
survival.
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Eleventh
five- year plan
By M.N.
Minocha
The Eleventh
Five-Year Plan (2007-12) has been
given a green signal by the
National Development Council. It
proposes that the target GDP
growth rate at 8.5 per cent per
annum. At this meeting, the Prime
Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh, who
is the Chairman of the Planning
Commission also said
infrastructure development,
particularly power sector
reforms, is the "major
constraint" hindering
industrial growth. For the
infrastructure sector investments
will need to increase from 4.6
per cent of GDP to between 7 per
cent and 8 per cent in the Plan
period. This entails broadly an
outlay of about $350 billion.
For simplicity, let
us assume that equal amounts will
be invested every year, i.e., $70
billion per annum. Let us attempt
to break this into possible
private, public, and multilateral
funding possibilities. World Bank
sources tell us that in the
1990s, about 70 per cent
infrastructure investment in
developing countries came from
Governments or public utilities,
22 per cent came from the private
sector, and 8 per cent from
Official Development Assistance
(ODA).
With FDI inflows of
$2.9 billion in that first four
months of the current fiscal
(April-July) against $1.5 billion
in the corresponding period last
year, the $12-billion mark for
the year seems within grasp.
Nearly a quarter of this
investment is in the
manufacturing sector. It is safe
to postulate that another quarter
is in the infrastructure sector.
The Investment Commission has set
itself the goal to increase the
level of FDI to $15 billion by
2007-08. Surely, by the end of
the Plan period, FDI inflows
should rise to around $20
billion. We can then safety
budget $4 billion FDI in
infrastructure each year from
2007 to 2011. That leaves $11
billion from the domestic capital
markets or about Rs 50,000 crore.
With robust corporate balance
sheets and FIs, commercial banks
and stock markets all geared up
to ride the infrastructure
upswing, Rs 50,000 crore per
annum should be collected.
As regards the ODA
the total disbursement of funds
by the World Bank in the past
five years has gone up marginally
to around $10 billion. The funds
committed by the Bank to India
had steadily declined, albeit
marginally, to just $12.8 billion
by 2005 and total money lent in
the year was just $2.9 billion.
In the case of the Asian
Development Bank, the total
amount lent last year was around
$5 billion with India's share
just a bit above $1 billion.
It appears that
multilateral and bilateral
development agencies together
have contributed at levels of $5
billion per annum in the recent
past. The Government of India
should view the availability of
funds from multilateral agencies
as a huge opportunity to be
exploited far more aggressively
and make arrangements to garner
at least $8 billion per annum for
the Plan period. The Centre and
states have then to mobilise the
balance $47 billion (representing
67 per cent of the total annual
infrastructure investment
requirement) or Rs 211,000 crore.
The Plan document
claims that investments in
infrastructure were already to
the tune of Rs. 161,000-odd crore
across all systems. Making a
simplifying assumption that
private and multilateral shares
were together at a level of 25
per cent, the "public
system" has thus been
pumping in 75 per cent of all
infrastructure investments or
approximately Rs 121,000 crore.
Evidently, the Government now
needs to find the extra Rs.
90,000 crore.
This indeed is the
key challenge. Can all
governmental systems (Central,
State, PSUs and departmental
undertakings) put together garner
an "additional" Rs
90,000 crore per annum for
investments in infrastructure
each year of the Plan period?
If Finance Minister,
Chidambaram's clarion call on
October 7 at Vigyan Bhawan to
"think out of the box"
is taken seriously: "There
is enough private capital
jostling around the world. We
will have to change our thinking
to tap these resources.The
Government is considering the
removal of certain restrictions
on the securitisation of debt
raised abroad. Private wealth
managers in the West who preside
over investible funds should be
encouraged to finance India's
infrastructure projects by
putting in place necessary
safeguards.We will have to think
out of the box. We will have to
accept that we are part of the
global economy.We don't have any
financial instrument for savers
who would like to keep their
money for five years or more,
except insurance policies. We
will have to press ahead with
pension and new insurance
products to encourage long-term
savings."
There are two key
imperatives for resource rising
in the 11th Plan period. One,
create enough attractive
investment opportunities to
channelise FDI and domestic
capital. The only way to do this
is to step on the gas on
initiatives leading to a large
pool of bankable projects. The
enabling environment also calls
for the establishment, quickly,
of really "independent"
economic regulators. And also
engage aggressively with
multilateral agencies to secure
commitments totalling not less
than $8 billion per annum for
each year of the Plan. INAV
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Minority
upliftment
By
Malladi Rama Rao
Critics
of the Congress and the
United Progressive
Alliance (UPA) Government
have enough ammunition
suddenly, courtesy, Prime
Minister Manmohan
Singhs blunt peak
at the annual conference
of the state
minorities
commissions and the
Sachar committee report.
The
call for a fair
share to the
minorities (Muslims) in
Government and private
sector jobs and the
insistence on training
the Muslim youth to make
them eligible for their
legitimate
share of the job market
are being seen as a part
of appeasement
politics with an
eye on the forthcoming
assembly elections in
Uttar Pradesh.
Justice
Sachar has made out a
case for helping the
Muslims to get out of the
ghettos, where they are
living for years. He has
not offered any
prescription per se but
leaves none in doubt what
his advice is. Is the
advocacy of the retired
judge unbiased? Opinion
is divided.
Whatever
be the route the
political executive may
adopt finally - quota
with in the OBC quota as
some prefer or sustained
intake into schools and
jobs as some others
advocate, it all boils
down to affirmative
action. And it cannot be
denied and, indeed, any
longer even if the
advocates are political
parties which are unsure
of their time tested vote
banks.
Agreed
the Muslim has become the
talk of the town. It has
a side
effect. I am
referring to the subtle
but clearly discernable
shift in the public
discourse on minorities.
The tone and tenor of the
debate is no longer
Islamist centric. Ground
realities, which should
matter always, are
finding a mention for the
first time while tossing
around the issue of a
better deal for the
Muslims. Because, it can
be no bodys case
that a community which
numbers 140 million in
all, and is identified as
socially, economically
and educationally
backward should be
allowed to lag behind.
Viewed
against this fact sheet,
the Prime Minister can be
said to have tried to the
steer the public debate
off its jingoistic
overtones and put the
issue in a socio-economic
perspective. As he
frankly told the
Conference of state
minorities
commissions held in Delhi
a few days ago, available
evidence does not inspire
confidence that the
benefits of most
developmental schemes
taken up over the years
to address specific
problems relating to
education, health,
employment and shelter
for the poor and the
under privileged have
flowed equitably to the
eligible sections amongst
the minorities as well.
Take
the 15-point programme
for instance. Indira
Gandhi came up with the
blue print for
minorities welfare
more than three decades
back. Since then it has
been revised twice
once by Rajiv Gandhi and
now by Manmohan Singh but
it has failed to show any
tangible achievement.
Focussed attention to the
15-point programme is
what is necessary at the
state level. There is
also an urgency to
diagnose the key felt
needs of minority
communities and to
identify solutions for
their problems on a
holistic basis.
Various
studies and surveys show
that the main factor
responsible for
socio-economic
backwardness of Muslims
is the lack of access to
quality education.
Manmohan Singh touched
upon this aspect when he
observed, "We must
ensure that concrete
schemes for setting up of
secondary and higher
secondary schools in the
Blocks and Districts
having predominantly
Muslim population are
indeed implemented during
the current plan period
and the next plan
period".
The
poor and underprivileged
in any community
dont want charity.
They want opportunities
to grow. Indian Muslims
are no exception. More
access to professional
education, particularly
medical and engineering
courses and to skills
that improve job
prospects are their
legitimate demand like
any other section of the
society. What is wrong in
the demand? What is wrong
in heeding the demand?
Justice
Sachar Committee report
recounts the known but
often glossed over
factnama. It
points out that Muslims
have done well in areas
like cinema, where
creativity alone matters.
Its case rests on the
argument that Muslims
should get access to all
sectors of national
endeavour without
discrimination. The
Government of the day,
undoubtedly, has a
responsibility to do all
that is possible and
desirable to see that the
Muslims or for that
matter any deprived
section come up to the
level of other
communities in the
country and feel that
they are a part of the
mainstream.
Kamal
Farooqui, secretary, All
India Personal Law Board,
has made a pertinent
point. It is that the
Sachar report be utilised
in a
responsible
manner and demands that
would become
politically
contentious be
avoided.
Syndicate
Features
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Saga of
Indian soldiers
By
Colonel Anil Bhat
On 13 November 2006,
the eve of Armistice Day,
Chairperson of India's United
Progressive Alliance (UPA) Sonia
Gandhi laid a wreath at the Menin
Gate in Ieper (West Flanders), in
remembrance of Indian soldiers
who perished in Flanders fields
serving with British Imperial
forces. The Last Post was sounded
at the monument to Indian
soldiers nearby the Menin Gate, a
remembrance arch in the city that
was at the centre of many fierce
battles during the Great War. It
lists the names of thousands of
British and Commonwealth soldiers
who died.
There is a similar
arch, well known in New Delhi as
India Gate, with names of all
Indian soldiers who died in WW I
inscribed on it all over from top
to bottom. Some time after the
third India-Pakistan war of 1971,
an eternal flame was lit with an
upturned rifle on which a battle
helmet is perched, to honour the
unknown Indian soldier-Amar Jawan
Jyoti- which is part of every
visiting head of state or
military leader's itinerary.
Indian Armed Forces
celebrate 16th December as Vijay
Diwas (victory day) to
commemorate all Indian Armed
Forces personnel, who laid down
their lives in numerous wars and
other actions since Independence.
It is on this day in 1971 that
93,000 Pakistan Army ranks
surrendered to Indian Army in
Dhaka, just as its status changed
from being the capital of
erstwhile. East Pakistan to that
of the newly liberated
Bangladesh. Instituting 16th
December as Vijay Diwas was
sometime in the 1990s.
Whereas it is very
simple for the average Indian to
brush off the involvement of
millions of Indian soldiers who
fought under the British flag,
what is significance is that
their contribution in both World
Wars (WW)I and II was invaluable
for the Allies as it was very
decisive. 110,000 Indian troops-
almost the present strength of
Indian Army- fought for the
Allies in WW I.
A landmark decision
during the war was Britain
granting its highest award for
gallantry in war- the Victoria
Cross (VC)- to Indians. The first
two of these coveted awards were
given to Naik Darwan Singh Negi
and Sepoy Khudadad Khan. Negi
received his VC on 5 December,
1914, at St Omer, France, from
King George V, who was there on a
morale-boosting visit, while
Khan, who was injured during his
action at Hollebeke, Belgium, was
awarded the VC by King George V
at the Indian Convalescent
Hospital, Hampshire, on 26
January, 1915.
In fact it was the
strength, extent of participation
and outstanding valour in WW I,
which made the British construct
the majestic India Gate in memory
of thousands of Indian soldiers,
who laid down their lives.
A paragraph culled
from the regimental war diary of
Hodson's House, a well-known
Indian Army cavalry regiment,
gives an idea of involvement of
Indian troops in WW I :
Well before the
commencement of WW I the regiment
had distinguished itself in
battle and won the battle honours
in Abyssinia (1868), Afghanistan
(1878-80) Suakin (1885), Punjab
Frontier (1891) and Chitral
(1896). During WW I the regiment
saw action in France and the
Middle East as mounted cavalry.
The action at Cambrai on 30th
November 1917 was a particularly
gallant one. Besides Cambrai the
regiment was also awarded battle
honours in France and Flanders
(1914-1918), Givenchy (1914),
Somme, Bazentine and Flers
Courcelette- (all three 1916).
Further laurels were added during
this war in the Middle-East with
battle honours Mesopotamia
(1916-18), Megiddo, Sharon,
Damascus, Palestine and Khan
Baghdadi - (all 1918).
The impact of these
awards was telling indeed. While
it opened the floodgate not only
for ten more, totaling twelve
Indian VCs in this war, but also
the process of Indianisation,
much demanded by the then Indian
political leadership, resulting
in 10 vacancies for suitable
Indians at the Royal Military
Academy, Sandhurst, England.
Continuous Indian political
pressure impelled the British to
establish the Indian Military
Academy at Dehra Dun on October
1, 1932, for training future
officers of the Indian Army, who
amply proved their worth in WW II
and continue to do so to date.
In WW II the Indian
component of the Allies amounted
to 250,000, of which 210,000 were
of Indian Army. Of the 31 VCs
awarded , 28 went to Indians.
When the Golden Jubilee of this
war's victory was celebrated in
all Allied countries in 1995, the
UK Government invited surviving
VC recipients for the
celebrations. Only two were
healthy enough to avail the
invitation.
Affiliations and
bonds between British veterans,
who served in Indian regiments
till Independence continued
unabated over the decades despite
the strains and tensions of the
relationship between the two
countries. Not only British
officers, but in many cases, even
their family members of deceased
officers have been visiting their
old Indian regiments for
re-unions to commemorate battles
fought by them in both WWs I and
II. October and November are
months in which a number of old
Indian regiments celebrate battle
honour days of battles won in
Europe.
Flanders and Cambrai
are areas in which cavalry
regiments like 4th Horse
(Hodson's Horse), 18th Light
Cavalry (which still has a
Kaimkhani Muslim squadron) were
Indian Cavalry Regiments which
fought dismounted actions in the
trench-locked and slushy
battlefields with as much
ferocity as they did mounted on
horseback. In 1982, when Hodson's
Horse celebrated its 125th
anniversary, the group of five
British officers of this regiment
who attended the re-union-some
with their wives and
children-were headed by Colonel
Walter Shoolbred, the last
British Commanding Officer, well
into his eighties, who died a
year later. Yet, at that age, on
a cold evening in Jalandhar
Cantonment, attending a
bara khana with
troops, when offered whisky and
western food, shot back saying
bara khana means rum,
pakoras, curries and rotis and
whatever else all ranks are
eating. And that is
exactly what he imbibed on that
evening, much to everyone's
surprise.
Independent India's
Armed Forces, while operating
with their foreign counterparts
in many United Nations missions,
made a mark in the world forum of
armies by earning high regard for
professionalism - in this case a
unique mix of courage and
compassion. But India's first
lesson learnt with Independence
was that there was a price to be
paid continuously and for six
decades to date of being honed
enough (even if not equipped
enough) to keep fighting
effectively in the highest,
harshest, coldest and hottest of
regions to prevent any
cartographic changes of India's
frontiers- to put it mildly.
That was not all.
Thanks to externally created
internal security problems, the
Indian Army has been
managing
insurgencies, most of which
degenerated into terrorism-again
externally linked. In Jammu &
Kashmir (J&K), the proxy war
begun by Pakistan's military
establishment exporting terrorist
groups spread countrywide despite
a peace process between India and
Pakistan initiated since early
2004. Large numbers of Indian
Army and security forces
personnel have lost their lives,
apart from many innocent
civilians. Army units also
commemorate the sacrifices of
these soldiers, many of who have
been accorded high gallantry
awards, besides serving ranks
too. While September to December
is the period when Indian Armed
Forces commemorate battle honour
days covering the 1947-48, 1965
and 1971 Indo-Pakistan wars and
the Chinese aggression of 1962
units which received citations
for actions against terrorism in
J&K since the late 1980s,
commemorate them all the year
round. The list of casualties in
this involvement continues to
swell, despite the peace process
since early 2004 after which the
only good news was that the two
armies ceased fire, but export of
terrorism by Pakistan's military
establishment has continued
unabated.
The 2006 year ending
period of commemorating
sacrifices by security personnel
was unprecendentedly marred by
controversy about the 13th
December 2001 attack on Indian
Parliament by Pakistan-based
terrorists. Five years later, as
one of the main accused, Mohammad
Afzal's death sentence awaits
confirmation from the President
of India. The next of kin of
security personnel who died in
this attack, announced that they
would return the gallantry medals
awarded to them, if the sentence
is not implemented or reduced and
eventually did so on the due
date. The Union Home Minister's
recent statement that the
sentence may take as much as
seven years to be decided may
cast its shadow on the
forthcoming investiture
ceremonies due on Republic Day,
2007. PTI Feature
(Col Anil Bhat
writes on defence issues)
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