EDITORIAL

Chirag tale andhera?
Dispel the myth

One is reminded of the popular Hindi saying chirag tale andhera on this occasion. Literally translated it means darkness under the lamp. Metaphorically, however, it has a deeper meaning. It is employed, for instance, to highlight a situation in which crime goes on unabated under the nose of authorities in charge of enforcing law and order. The turn of phrase is applicable equally emphatically to anything going wrong in this city. Top political and administrative bosses live and function in Jammu and must share the blame for faulty working of any cog in their machinery. Indeed, it is highly regrettable that they have overlooked over the years the illegal grabbing of precious land belonging to the Jammu Development Authority (JDA). It is an extremely serious occurrence. According to a report in this newspaper recently the JDA has lost 9400 kanals of its prime land to encroachers. In monetary terms it signals enormous setback with crores of rupees going down the drain. In Trikuta Nagar alone the Authority is stated to have been dispossessed of property up to Rs 30 crores. The ongoing drive which is virtually an amnesty scheme for regularisation of the unlawfully occupied State land has drawn attention to the reality that the JDA is placed no better. To say, however, that this is a new problem will be factually wrong. Seven years after its formation in 1971 the JDA had prepared the first Master Plan for Jammu for a "20-year perspective on a scientific basis." The preamble to the "Master Plan for Jammu: 2021" notified on August 9, 2004 (three years after it was supposed to have begun) tells us as to why the goal set in the first exercise could not be achieved. According , .....more

Eleventh five- year plan

By M.N. Minocha

The Eleventh Five-Year Plan (2007-12) has been given a green signal by the National Development Council. It proposes that the target GDP growth rate at 8.5 per cent per annum. At this meeting, the Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh, who is the Chairman of the Planning Commission also said infrastructure development, particularly power sector reforms, is the "major constraint" hindering industrial growth. For the infrastructure sector . . ...more

Minority upliftment

By Malladi Rama Rao

Critics of the Congress and the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Government have enough ammunition suddenly, courtesy, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s blunt peak at the annual conference of the state minorities’ commissions and the Sachar committee report.

The call for a ‘fair share’ to the minorities (Muslims) in Government and private sector jobs and the insistence on training the Muslim youth to make .. ......more

Saga of Indian soldiers

By Colonel Anil Bhat

On 13 November 2006, the eve of Armistice Day, Chairperson of India's United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Sonia Gandhi laid a wreath at the Menin Gate in Ieper (West Flanders), in remembrance of Indian soldiers who perished in Flanders fields serving with British Imperial forces. The Last Post was sounded at the monument to Indian soldiers nearby the Menin Gate, a .....more

EDITORIAL

Chirag tale andhera?
Dispel the myth

One is reminded of the popular Hindi saying chirag tale andhera on this occasion. Literally translated it means darkness under the lamp. Metaphorically, however, it has a deeper meaning. It is employed, for instance, to highlight a situation in which crime goes on unabated under the nose of authorities in charge of enforcing law and order. The turn of phrase is applicable equally emphatically to anything going wrong in this city. Top political and administrative bosses live and function in Jammu and must share the blame for faulty working of any cog in their machinery. Indeed, it is highly regrettable that they have overlooked over the years the illegal grabbing of precious land belonging to the Jammu Development Authority (JDA). It is an extremely serious occurrence. According to a report in this newspaper recently the JDA has lost 9400 kanals of its prime land to encroachers. In monetary terms it signals enormous setback with crores of rupees going down the drain. In Trikuta Nagar alone the Authority is stated to have been dispossessed of property up to Rs 30 crores. The ongoing drive which is virtually an amnesty scheme for regularisation of the unlawfully occupied State land has drawn attention to the reality that the JDA is placed no better. To say, however, that this is a new problem will be factually wrong. Seven years after its formation in 1971 the JDA had prepared the first Master Plan for Jammu for a "20-year perspective on a scientific basis." The preamble to the "Master Plan for Jammu: 2021" notified on August 9, 2004 (three years after it was supposed to have begun) tells us as to why the goal set in the first exercise could not be achieved. According to it, "The (previous) Master Plan envisaged strict zoning norms on the pattern of Delhi Master Plan. However, JDA did not have absolute control over the land. Only vacant land and nazool land in the shape of dry nallah beds were transferred to the Authority by the Government. Though a few prestigious housing colonies were developed by JDA on such land which improved the image of the city, a large chunk of land transferred to JDA got encroached. In the absence of land pool, actual development could not take place as conceived in Master Plan. The periodic review as envisaged in the Master Plan could also not be carried out, requisite infrastructure was not developed nor the basic concept of self contained community realised." Attempts towards organised development of Jammu were further undermined because of "multifarious development of economic activities and huge influx of migration from the Valley."

In a frank appraisal the JDA has complimented itself for having developed Trikuta Nagar, Roop Nagar, Bantalab, Paloura Phase I and II, Muthi and Udhyanwala and commercial complexes like New Transport Nagar, wholesale fruit market and railhead commercial complex (Bahu Plaza), among other areas. But it has conceded: "A large chunk of nazool land was encroached. Due to resource crunch and heavy overhead charges it was not possible for JDA to undertake further land acquisition and therefore the existing land pool got exhausted." The JDA to begin with had about 34656 kanals of vacant and nazool land transferred to it by the Government for development and disposal to form its seed capital. As our report points out it later had more land transferred to it from time to time. It holds 88717 kanals at the moment including those portions that have been usurped by unscrupulous persons. The 1974 Master Plan was designed to cater to a population of 5.52 lakhs over an area of 130.36 square kilometres till 1994. Its calculations went haywire mainly because of three reasons: militancy-induced migration from the other side of the Pir Panjal, inflow of labourers from other states and rapid urbanisation at the expense of rural areas. JDA's own household survey in 1994 placed the population of Jammu (excluding Cantonment) at 7.28 lakhs --- an increase of 226.42 per cent during the last 14 years. In 1973 at the time of preparing the first Master Plan Jammu's urban agglomeration was 21.42 square kilometres. Satellite imageries taken in 1986, 1990 and 1995 revealed that it had spread over an area of 73.12 square kilometres, 93.42 square kilometres and 143.52 square kilometres, respectively. One does not have to take a circuitous route through skies these days to come face to face with the truth as it exists on the ground. There are cemented structures all the way. Urbanisation looks like a monster that has swallowed open spaces all over. It seems to be a matter of time before the Jammu-Udhampur stretch in the north-east turns into a mass of concrete like the Jammu-Kathua portion in the south-east (restrictions imposed by forest and environment laws notwithstanding). The 2021 Plan takes into account the new trends that have emerged in the meantime. It describes itself as "an effort to achieve an appropriate balance between the spatial allocation for various activities i.e. housing, employment, social infrastructure, organised .shopping centres, transport, adequate arrangements and reservations to accommodate different kinds of physical infrastructure and public utility systems."

It will be unfair to find fault with either of the two Plans on any count. The two documents are actually a first-class study of challenges before us. They drive home the inevitability of maintaining a healthy environment while keeping pace with the necessity for development. There is urgent need for having a number of satellite towns (Akhnoor, Gajansoo, Ghomanasa, R.S. Pura, Arnia, Bishnah, Vijaypur, Samba have been mentioned in this context) to reduce pressure on the city. However, it is easier said than achieved. The experience of the National Capital Region (NCR) shows that it takes time to build facilities so that the people feel comfortable while staying in towns like Faridabad, NOIDA, and Guragaon on three sides of Delhi. They can't be far away from their work places. We know the direction. We have to follow it through hard work and systematic planning. The least that can be done is to make sure that the land meant for the purpose is not permitted to be criminally taken away. The JDA can't shut eyes to its responsibility in this regard. It can allow encroachers a free run only at the expense of its own survival.

Eleventh five- year plan

By M.N. Minocha

The Eleventh Five-Year Plan (2007-12) has been given a green signal by the National Development Council. It proposes that the target GDP growth rate at 8.5 per cent per annum. At this meeting, the Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh, who is the Chairman of the Planning Commission also said infrastructure development, particularly power sector reforms, is the "major constraint" hindering industrial growth. For the infrastructure sector investments will need to increase from 4.6 per cent of GDP to between 7 per cent and 8 per cent in the Plan period. This entails broadly an outlay of about $350 billion.

For simplicity, let us assume that equal amounts will be invested every year, i.e., $70 billion per annum. Let us attempt to break this into possible private, public, and multilateral funding possibilities. World Bank sources tell us that in the 1990s, about 70 per cent infrastructure investment in developing countries came from Governments or public utilities, 22 per cent came from the private sector, and 8 per cent from Official Development Assistance (ODA).

With FDI inflows of $2.9 billion in that first four months of the current fiscal (April-July) against $1.5 billion in the corresponding period last year, the $12-billion mark for the year seems within grasp. Nearly a quarter of this investment is in the manufacturing sector. It is safe to postulate that another quarter is in the infrastructure sector. The Investment Commission has set itself the goal to increase the level of FDI to $15 billion by 2007-08. Surely, by the end of the Plan period, FDI inflows should rise to around $20 billion. We can then safety budget $4 billion FDI in infrastructure each year from 2007 to 2011. That leaves $11 billion from the domestic capital markets or about Rs 50,000 crore. With robust corporate balance sheets and FIs, commercial banks and stock markets all geared up to ride the infrastructure upswing, Rs 50,000 crore per annum should be collected.

As regards the ODA the total disbursement of funds by the World Bank in the past five years has gone up marginally to around $10 billion. The funds committed by the Bank to India had steadily declined, albeit marginally, to just $12.8 billion by 2005 and total money lent in the year was just $2.9 billion. In the case of the Asian Development Bank, the total amount lent last year was around $5 billion with India's share just a bit above $1 billion.

It appears that multilateral and bilateral development agencies together have contributed at levels of $5 billion per annum in the recent past. The Government of India should view the availability of funds from multilateral agencies as a huge opportunity to be exploited far more aggressively and make arrangements to garner at least $8 billion per annum for the Plan period. The Centre and states have then to mobilise the balance $47 billion (representing 67 per cent of the total annual infrastructure investment requirement) or Rs 211,000 crore.

The Plan document claims that investments in infrastructure were already to the tune of Rs. 161,000-odd crore across all systems. Making a simplifying assumption that private and multilateral shares were together at a level of 25 per cent, the "public system" has thus been pumping in 75 per cent of all infrastructure investments or approximately Rs 121,000 crore. Evidently, the Government now needs to find the extra Rs. 90,000 crore.

This indeed is the key challenge. Can all governmental systems (Central, State, PSUs and departmental undertakings) put together garner an "additional" Rs 90,000 crore per annum for investments in infrastructure each year of the Plan period?

If Finance Minister, Chidambaram's clarion call on October 7 at Vigyan Bhawan to "think out of the box" is taken seriously: "There is enough private capital jostling around the world. We will have to change our thinking to tap these resources.The Government is considering the removal of certain restrictions on the securitisation of debt raised abroad. Private wealth managers in the West who preside over investible funds should be encouraged to finance India's infrastructure projects by putting in place necessary safeguards.We will have to think out of the box. We will have to accept that we are part of the global economy.We don't have any financial instrument for savers who would like to keep their money for five years or more, except insurance policies. We will have to press ahead with pension and new insurance products to encourage long-term savings."

There are two key imperatives for resource rising in the 11th Plan period. One, create enough attractive investment opportunities to channelise FDI and domestic capital. The only way to do this is to step on the gas on initiatives leading to a large pool of bankable projects. The enabling environment also calls for the establishment, quickly, of really "independent" economic regulators. And also engage aggressively with multilateral agencies to secure commitments totalling not less than $8 billion per annum for each year of the Plan. INAV

Minority upliftment

By Malladi Rama Rao

Critics of the Congress and the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Government have enough ammunition suddenly, courtesy, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s blunt peak at the annual conference of the state minorities’ commissions and the Sachar committee report.

The call for a ‘fair share’ to the minorities (Muslims) in Government and private sector jobs and the insistence on training the Muslim youth to make them eligible for their ‘legitimate’ share of the job market are being seen as a part of ‘appeasement politics’ with an eye on the forthcoming assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh.

Justice Sachar has made out a case for helping the Muslims to get out of the ghettos, where they are living for years. He has not offered any prescription per se but leaves none in doubt what his advice is. Is the advocacy of the retired judge unbiased? Opinion is divided.

Whatever be the route the political executive may adopt finally - quota with in the OBC quota as some prefer or sustained intake into schools and jobs as some others advocate, it all boils down to affirmative action. And it cannot be denied and, indeed, any longer even if the advocates are political parties which are unsure of their time tested vote banks.

Agreed the Muslim has become the talk of the town. It has a ‘side effect’. I am referring to the subtle but clearly discernable shift in the public discourse on minorities. The tone and tenor of the debate is no longer Islamist centric. Ground realities, which should matter always, are finding a mention for the first time while tossing around the issue of a better deal for the Muslims. Because, it can be no body’s case that a community which numbers 140 million in all, and is identified as socially, economically and educationally backward should be allowed to lag behind.

Viewed against this fact sheet, the Prime Minister can be said to have tried to the steer the public debate off its jingoistic overtones and put the issue in a socio-economic perspective. As he frankly told the Conference of state minorities’ commissions held in Delhi a few days ago, available evidence does not inspire confidence that the benefits of most developmental schemes taken up over the years to address specific problems relating to education, health, employment and shelter for the poor and the under privileged have flowed equitably to the eligible sections amongst the minorities as well.

Take the 15-point programme for instance. Indira Gandhi came up with the blue print for minorities’ welfare more than three decades back. Since then it has been revised twice – once by Rajiv Gandhi and now by Manmohan Singh but it has failed to show any tangible achievement. Focussed attention to the 15-point programme is what is necessary at the state level. There is also an urgency to diagnose the key felt needs of minority communities and to identify solutions for their problems on a holistic basis.

Various studies and surveys show that the main factor responsible for socio-economic backwardness of Muslims is the lack of access to quality education. Manmohan Singh touched upon this aspect when he observed, "We must ensure that concrete schemes for setting up of secondary and higher secondary schools in the Blocks and Districts having predominantly Muslim population are indeed implemented during the current plan period and the next plan period".

The poor and underprivileged in any community don’t want charity. They want opportunities to grow. Indian Muslims are no exception. More access to professional education, particularly medical and engineering courses and to skills that improve job prospects are their legitimate demand like any other section of the society. What is wrong in the demand? What is wrong in heeding the demand?

Justice Sachar Committee report recounts the known but often glossed over ‘factnama’. It points out that Muslims have done well in areas like cinema, where creativity alone matters. Its case rests on the argument that Muslims should get access to all sectors of national endeavour without discrimination. The Government of the day, undoubtedly, has a responsibility to do all that is possible and desirable to see that the Muslims or for that matter any deprived section come up to the level of other communities in the country and feel that they are a part of the mainstream.

Kamal Farooqui, secretary, All India Personal Law Board, has made a pertinent point. It is that the Sachar report be utilised in a ‘responsible’ manner and demands that would become ‘politically contentious’ be avoided.

Syndicate Features

Saga of Indian soldiers

By Colonel Anil Bhat

On 13 November 2006, the eve of Armistice Day, Chairperson of India's United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Sonia Gandhi laid a wreath at the Menin Gate in Ieper (West Flanders), in remembrance of Indian soldiers who perished in Flanders fields serving with British Imperial forces. The Last Post was sounded at the monument to Indian soldiers nearby the Menin Gate, a remembrance arch in the city that was at the centre of many fierce battles during the Great War. It lists the names of thousands of British and Commonwealth soldiers who died.

There is a similar arch, well known in New Delhi as India Gate, with names of all Indian soldiers who died in WW I inscribed on it all over from top to bottom. Some time after the third India-Pakistan war of 1971, an eternal flame was lit with an upturned rifle on which a battle helmet is perched, to honour the unknown Indian soldier-Amar Jawan Jyoti- which is part of every visiting head of state or military leader's itinerary.

Indian Armed Forces celebrate 16th December as Vijay Diwas (victory day) to commemorate all Indian Armed Forces personnel, who laid down their lives in numerous wars and other actions since Independence. It is on this day in 1971 that 93,000 Pakistan Army ranks surrendered to Indian Army in Dhaka, just as its status changed from being the capital of erstwhile. East Pakistan to that of the newly liberated Bangladesh. Instituting 16th December as Vijay Diwas was sometime in the 1990s.

Whereas it is very simple for the average Indian to brush off the involvement of millions of Indian soldiers who fought under the British flag, what is significance is that their contribution in both World Wars (WW)I and II was invaluable for the Allies as it was very decisive. 110,000 Indian troops- almost the present strength of Indian Army- fought for the Allies in WW I.

A landmark decision during the war was Britain granting its highest award for gallantry in war- the Victoria Cross (VC)- to Indians. The first two of these coveted awards were given to Naik Darwan Singh Negi and Sepoy Khudadad Khan. Negi received his VC on 5 December, 1914, at St Omer, France, from King George V, who was there on a morale-boosting visit, while Khan, who was injured during his action at Hollebeke, Belgium, was awarded the VC by King George V at the Indian Convalescent Hospital, Hampshire, on 26 January, 1915.

In fact it was the strength, extent of participation and outstanding valour in WW I, which made the British construct the majestic India Gate in memory of thousands of Indian soldiers, who laid down their lives.

A paragraph culled from the regimental war diary of Hodson's House, a well-known Indian Army cavalry regiment, gives an idea of involvement of Indian troops in WW I : ‘‘Well before the commencement of WW I the regiment had distinguished itself in battle and won the battle honours in Abyssinia (1868), Afghanistan (1878-80) Suakin (1885), Punjab Frontier (1891) and Chitral (1896). During WW I the regiment saw action in France and the Middle East as mounted cavalry. The action at Cambrai on 30th November 1917 was a particularly gallant one. Besides Cambrai the regiment was also awarded battle honours in France and Flanders (1914-1918), Givenchy (1914), Somme, Bazentine and Flers Courcelette- (all three 1916). Further laurels were added during this war in the Middle-East with battle honours Mesopotamia (1916-18), Megiddo, Sharon, Damascus, Palestine and Khan Baghdadi - (all 1918).

The impact of these awards was telling indeed. While it opened the floodgate not only for ten more, totaling twelve Indian VCs in this war, but also the process of Indianisation, much demanded by the then Indian political leadership, resulting in 10 vacancies for suitable Indians at the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst, England. Continuous Indian political pressure impelled the British to establish the Indian Military Academy at Dehra Dun on October 1, 1932, for training future officers of the Indian Army, who amply proved their worth in WW II and continue to do so to date.

In WW II the Indian component of the Allies amounted to 250,000, of which 210,000 were of Indian Army. Of the 31 VCs awarded , 28 went to Indians. When the Golden Jubilee of this war's victory was celebrated in all Allied countries in 1995, the UK Government invited surviving VC recipients for the celebrations. Only two were healthy enough to avail the invitation.

Affiliations and bonds between British veterans, who served in Indian regiments till Independence continued unabated over the decades despite the strains and tensions of the relationship between the two countries. Not only British officers, but in many cases, even their family members of deceased officers have been visiting their old Indian regiments for re-unions to commemorate battles fought by them in both WWs I and II. October and November are months in which a number of old Indian regiments celebrate battle honour days of battles won in Europe.

Flanders and Cambrai are areas in which cavalry regiments like 4th Horse (Hodson's Horse), 18th Light Cavalry (which still has a Kaimkhani Muslim squadron) were Indian Cavalry Regiments which fought dismounted actions in the trench-locked and slushy battlefields with as much ferocity as they did mounted on horseback. In 1982, when Hodson's Horse celebrated its 125th anniversary, the group of five British officers of this regiment who attended the re-union-some with their wives and children-were headed by Colonel Walter Shoolbred, the last British Commanding Officer, well into his eighties, who died a year later. Yet, at that age, on a cold evening in Jalandhar Cantonment, attending a ‘bara khana’ with troops, when offered whisky and western food, shot back saying ‘‘bara khana means rum, pakoras, curries and rotis and whatever else all ranks are eating’’. And that is exactly what he imbibed on that evening, much to everyone's surprise.

Independent India's Armed Forces, while operating with their foreign counterparts in many United Nations missions, made a mark in the world forum of armies by earning high regard for professionalism - in this case a unique mix of courage and compassion. But India's first lesson learnt with Independence was that there was a price to be paid continuously and for six decades to date of being honed enough (even if not equipped enough) to keep fighting effectively in the highest, harshest, coldest and hottest of regions to prevent any cartographic changes of India's frontiers- to put it mildly.

That was not all. Thanks to externally created internal security problems, the Indian Army has been ‘managing’ insurgencies, most of which degenerated into terrorism-again externally linked. In Jammu & Kashmir (J&K), the proxy war begun by Pakistan's military establishment exporting terrorist groups spread countrywide despite a peace process between India and Pakistan initiated since early 2004. Large numbers of Indian Army and security forces personnel have lost their lives, apart from many innocent civilians. Army units also commemorate the sacrifices of these soldiers, many of who have been accorded high gallantry awards, besides serving ranks too. While September to December is the period when Indian Armed Forces commemorate battle honour days covering the 1947-48, 1965 and 1971 Indo-Pakistan wars and the Chinese aggression of 1962 units which received citations for actions against terrorism in J&K since the late 1980s, commemorate them all the year round. The list of casualties in this involvement continues to swell, despite the peace process since early 2004 after which the only good news was that the two armies ceased fire, but export of terrorism by Pakistan's military establishment has continued unabated.

The 2006 year ending period of commemorating sacrifices by security personnel was unprecendentedly marred by controversy about the 13th December 2001 attack on Indian Parliament by Pakistan-based terrorists. Five years later, as one of the main accused, Mohammad Afzal's death sentence awaits confirmation from the President of India. The next of kin of security personnel who died in this attack, announced that they would return the gallantry medals awarded to them, if the sentence is not implemented or reduced and eventually did so on the due date. The Union Home Minister's recent statement that the sentence may take as much as seven years to be decided may cast its shadow on the forthcoming investiture ceremonies due on Republic Day, 2007. PTI Feature

(Col Anil Bhat writes on defence issues)



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