EDITORIAL
Terror trail
For obvious reasons we in
this State ought to know each and every facet of
terrorism. It is only when we as citizens are well
equipped in terms of information and determination we can
take care of this evil. It has flourished into a
multi-crore industry. There are many virtually
rags-to-riches stories in front of us. The Union Home
Ministry has calculated on the basis of available reports
that terrorist groups in the country have been
"receiving funds from abroad mainly through hawala
and informal channels." It estimates flow of funds
to these outfits "to be of the order of several
crores every year." If it finds it difficult to
mention the figure of exact quantum it is understandable.
Its concerned wings have made substantial seizures in the
past nearly two decades. Money comes from different
sources --- from a neighbouring country that is committed
to fan militancy in the Valley especially to affluent
individuals and organisations pursuing a global agenda.
There are 32 terror bodies that have been banned in the
country under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act
1967 as amended in September 2004. These include
Lashkar-e-Toiba (Pasban-e-Ahle Hadis also is considered
its another face), Jaish-e-Mohammad (Tehrik-e-Furqan),
Harkat-ul-Mujahideen
(Harkat-ul-Ansar/Harkat-ul-Jehad-e-Islami), Hizbul
Mujahideen (Hizbul Mujahideen Pir Panjal Regiment),
Al-Umar Mujahideen, Jammu and Kashmir Islamic Front, Al
Badr and Jamiat-ul-Mujahideen, all of which are active in
the State. Dukhtaran-e-Millat is included in same
category. Al Qaida of Osama bin Laden has also been
declared illegal although it is said to have no presence
in any state. The other outlawed groups are active in the
North-East and elsewhere. Some have had a hand in turmoil
in Punjab. Self-professed religious and political
formations like the Students Islamic Movement of India
(SIMI) and Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) in
all avatars such as the People's War and the Maoist
Communist Centre have been put on the same list. Even at
the risk of repeating ourselves we may point out that all
of them have left behind a trail of blood and miseries.
Together these have triggered 2566 violent incidents in
2004, 1998 in 2005 and 842 till June this year in this
State and the hinterland. In North-East, the
corresponding tally has been 1234, 1332 and 636. In the
former class, our State has been the biggest victims
accounting for 2565, 1990 and 832 of these dastardly
events, respectively. The number of civilians killed in
the State has varied from 733 in 2004 to 556 last year
and 219 up to June, 2006. Similarly the agents of murder
and mayhem have made the life difficult in North-Eastern
states and Naxalite-infested areas. Besides claiming
about 1300 lives in the last two and a half years the
Naxalite violence has caused a loss of property worth Rs
6.47 crores in 2004, Rs 5.71 crores in 2005 and a
whopping Rs 11.68 crores in the first half of the current
year. How can they be considered different from
terrorists?
The countrywide statistics
of assets destroyed by the terrorists are not immediately
available. However, it is anybody's guess that much harm
has been done. Apart from razing infrastructure to the
ground they have taken a heavy toll of human lives. A
recent example will specify how they inflict the damage.
Their attack on innocent tourists from other states in
the Summer Capital has resulted in the decline of tourist
traffic. Up to July 26 this year, only 349166 domestic
tourists have visited the Valley compared to 365818
during the same period last year. Given the recent trend
the number of arrivals would have definitely been much
more had there been no strikes against visitors. It is
too glaring that terrorists have made a cruel bid to
prevent the revival of tourism. They have not spared
pilgrims either. As a result permanent safety
arrangements have been made at the Vaishno Devi shrine
and its vicinity. There has been special security during
the just-concluded Amarnath pilgrimage. Kheer Bhawani
temple too is well protected.. Of course, a number of
half and fully burnt edifices in the Kashmir region in
particular tell their own gory tale of suffering at the
hands of the terror machine.
Not surprisingly, 31
espionage modules backed by Pakistan's intelligence
agency, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), have been
neutralised in various parts of the country from January
1, 2005 to July 20, 2006. The operation has led to the
arrest of 56 spying agents including 21 Pakistani
residents "some of whom had infiltrated through the
Indo-Pakistan border." The range and depth of terror
operations is evident from another example. Their 36
modules have been busted in this State and elsewhere till
June this year. The possibility of the existence of more
such hostile networks is not ruled out. Terrorism's
global profile has rallied peace-loving countries against
it. India has signed Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties in
criminal matters with 23 countries. It has, moreover, set
up joint working groups with 23 countries and two
regional forums --- the European Union and Bay of Bengal
Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic
Cooperation (BIMSTEC). These moves are meant to establish
an "institutional framework for cooperation in
combating international terrorism by sharing information
and coordination." The bigger the threat the greater
the unity is the principle underlying this indefatigable
human spirit to eliminate a common enemy.
Ideal drink?
Both of them are no more
but there had been an interesting meeting between Mulk
Raj Saraf, Father of Journalism in Jammu and Kashmir, and
Morarji Desai when the latter was the Prime Minister. The
two had maintained extremely good health till their last
days. Naturally they exchanged notes in this behalf. When
Desai posed Saraf a query about the secret of his fitness
the latter replied: "It was not the same as
yours." Saraf believed in long walks and a timely
diet. Desai, on the other hand, was very bold about his
urine therapy. This incident comes to mind at this
juncture because the question of what is and should be
the drink suitable for one's health has assumed
controversy these days. The war against colas has again
gained fizz. Those addicted to alcoholic beverages would
not listen to well-meaning advice for moderation come
what may. Such choices are influenced more by heart than
by head. Many among us drink only plain water. There are
some who prefer juices to everything else. Advocates of
milk point out that it is the only drink that is safe and
helps growth of all living beings. There are as many
voices as people. The query, therefore, remains
unanswered: what should one sip in the midst of
cacophony?
Channel of
patronage
Men, Matters, Memories
By M L
Kotru
Whoever was finally
responsible for full TV coverage
of our parliamentary
deliberations deserves our
gratitude. Of course it is a
noble idea to give citizens a
vivid picture of how our
Parliament, more precisely
parliamentarians, carry out the
nation's business, day after day
and often late into the evening.
I know it is
dangerous to be critical of our
MP Sahabs, particularly when they
are engaged in fulfilling a task
assigned to them by our
Constitution. Besides, the MP
sahabs are unusually sensitive
when it comes to their rights and
privileges. You can't discuss
such things, not even when they
may appear to be in the wrong.
They are, so to speak, our sacred
cows. If they keep on adding to
their perks and other creature
comforts like, say, an extra
airconditioner here, a laptop
there, an extension to
Government-allotted houses, which
ordinarily would be a violation
of building byelaws prevalent in
Lutyen's city, it must only be
seen as making M.P. sahabs
comfortable so that they serve
our cause better.
It is in this
context that I would like you,
dear reader, to view my reference
to the "live" daily
coverage of parliamentary
proceedings. Yes, it starts even
before the two houses are called
to order by the Chairman of the
Rajya Sabha or the Speaker of the
Lok Sabha. And it continues well
after the two houses have either
risen for the day or adjourned,
for one reason or another
prematurely, sometimes even
before the day's business is
taken up. Not just that. From
what one has seen of the Lok
Sabha channel, for instance, it
is there on all days, even when
the house is not in session.
Of course, when the
live broadcast of the proceedings
is on you can't possibly hope for
anything more entertaining than
what appears on your TV screen.
On any given day you can be sure
that a dozen or two MPs will be
on their feet the moment the
presiding officer takes his seat.
They have "important
issues" to raise. "Most
urgent" ones, which as they
argue, were bound to hurt the
people if not taken up
immediately.
The Speaker's
remonstrations go unheard. For
instance he might insist on
following the long established
practice of taking up the
Question Hour first as always,
the question posed by the MPs
themselves, but members are most
unlikely to pay heed. If the
Speaker persists, the angry MP
Sahabs rush to the well of the
house, shouting slogans,
flaunting papers, newspapers,
magazines et al.
The Speaker may
adjourn the House till, let us
say 12 noon, but that's no
guarantee that business will be
transacted thereafter.
Parliamentary give and take is
one thing - and one has seen a
lot of it over the past half
century - but today's MP sahabs
can even become personal,
throwing abuses at one of their
own. The other day I saw some 25
MPs, shouting 'gadaar' (traitor),
'gadaar' against an MP who had
perhaps himself transgressed by
referring to a Chief Minister in
the most derogatory terms. It
made for unseemly TV even if the
Chair might later have expunged
the ugly observations from
parliamentary record. Much as I
Hob tried to expunge the
unparliamentary words from my
mind I somehow could not erase
the images I had seen on the
Idiot box. This is no fault of
Parliament TV or its men behind
the camera.
They can only
project what their camera sees.
What concerns me though is that
why should the Parliamentary
Channels become a whole day, all
days of the week, channel. What
one has seen of the channel when
the two houses are not in session
is old, cliched Doordarshan
stuff.
For it to be taken
seriously it must confine itself
to just the day's proceedings.
Like on day the Speaker adjourned
the house for the day I saw a
panel of anchors engaging MPs in
a discussion on the very subject
which had caused the house to be
adjourned. Then you have many
finance discussions which do not
find place on the agenda of the
two houses.
Or, this last
Saturday when the Lok Sabha, for
instance, was not in session we
were treated to an old mish mash
of a documentary on Gandhiji. One
can imagine that with the
Independence Day so near the
channel felt it was only
appropriate to highlight the role
of the Father of the Nation in
the country's freedom struggle,
strictly speaking it had very
little to do with the role for
which the parliamentary channels
have been devised. What followed
was a repeat of the Lok Sabha
session on July 31 (I am writing
on August 6) beginning with the
Question Hour of that day.
If the channel hopes
to be taken seriously, the
Parliamentary Secretariat, if it
is the right authority, must
seriously examine the project in
its entirety. The two channels
should strictly be limited to the
sessions of Parliament. It could
more appropriately consider
extending its coverage to the
meetings of the
Standing/Consultative Committees
where a lot of parliamentary work
is or should be done.
One has had extended
occasions to see the US
Congressional or Senate Committee
proceedings televised live, pros
and cons of issues on hand
discussed threadbare. Coverage of
discussions at the committee
level can at times be very lively
and informative. It is not that
these committees are above the
House of Representatives or the
Senate but they help in giving a
sharper edge to the level of
debate later in the full house.
Likewise, if our
Standing/Consultative Committee
meetings are thrown open to the
parliamentary channel it might
make for good TV as well be very
educative. Unlike when the two
Houses of our Parliament meet
full strength, and the temptation
to play to the galleries is very
much around, the committee
discussions can be intimate and
rewarding.
Failing that, the
Parliament channels are more
likely to become yet another
extension of Doordarshan, and
with apologies to the channel and
its sponsors, become another soap
(shouting, screaming its halmark)
or at the very best another
Krishi Darshan. Meanwhile let me
compliment the brave youngmen and
women who are soldiering on to
keep the channels going. Never
mind how, or, how boringly. In
conclusion, if one is needed, I
believe the Chairman of the Rajya
Sabha and the Speaker of the Lok
Sabha must ensure that the
channels dedicate themselves only
to the sittings of the two
houses. These can't be allowed to
be transformed into yet another
channel of patronage.
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Exit
route readied for Natwar
By
Sondip Bhattacharya
The
dirty politics of Indian
variety is in full glare,
and the blame game to
knockout the former
Foreign minister K.
Natwar Singh is being
played with great
precision. It is
altogether a different
proposition who will win
or lose the battle. In
the process the third
week of the monsoon
session of Parliament got
off to a tumultuous start
with a charged-up
Opposition stalling
proceeding in the two
Houses over the Pathak
authority report's leak
and the clean chit given
to the Congress. The
controversial report,
along with the ATR, were,
expectedly, tabled in the
two Houses - in the Lok
Sabha, by finance
minister P Chidambaram,
and, in the Rajya Sabha,
by his deputy P K Bansal
- amidst uproarious
scenes, with the BJP and
its allies railing
against the ruling
coalition over the
leakage and the reprieve
granted to the Congress
party.
Opposition
leaders were quick to
describe the report, as
well as the ATR, as a
sham, produced to protect
the Congress. The latter
too had been named as a
beneficiary of the Iraqi
oil-for-food programme,
but had been 'let off' on
the grounds that
"there was not a
shred of evidence to link
the party to the said
transactions. Mr. Natwar
Singh, on the other hand,
stood implicated for
"influencing and
facilitating" the
execution of the oil
contracts.
Natwar
Singh seems to be
striking the right notes
in his wooing of the
Left. Spouting
anti-American sentiments,
Congress leader is
castigating the Indo-US
nuclear deal, the Iran
vote and the
"pro-US"
foreign policy. The Left,
obviously, seems ready to
tango with him.
Mr.
Singh has even started a
whisper campaign that the
Manmohan Singh
government, at
Washington's behest, was
targeting him for taking
an anti-US nuclear deal
and feels it is against
India's interests, like
the Marxist parties, Mr.
Singh opposed the Iran
vote, and in tandem with
them, is alleging that
the UPA government has
gone soft on the US and
is diluting India's
non-aligned policy. Mr.
Singh, who has been
meeting leaders of the
CPM and CPI in a bid to
get their backing on his
privilege notice against
the PM over leakage of
the Pathak Committee
report, is alleging a
conspiracy against him by
some senior ministers,
and is claming that his
name was included in the
Volcker report much
later.
The
CPM leader Sitaram
Yechury says that the
manner in which the
report has been leaked
calls for a privilege
motion. However, he said
it was for the presiding
officers to decide
whether the notices
should be admitted. Mr.
Yechury also said that
the Volcker probe was not
taken seriously by
several countries. He
reiterated that while the
former minister was
exonerated of corruption
charges, if there was a
case of misuse of office,
it was for the Congress
to deal with it.
He
also reminded the
government of its
assurance on probing all
beneficiaries of the
food-for-oil programme,
including non-political
entities like Reliance.
The Rajya Sabha member
demanded that the
government give a
time-frame and
"tangible and
concrete" directions
to the Enforcement
Directorate, CBDT and
CBEC to complete their
probe into the findings
of the Pathak Inquiry
Authority.
The
Congress leadership has
indicated that it was on
the verge of acting
against Mr. Natwar Singh,
who stood by his
privilege motion against
the prime minister. The
AICC may, however,
tactically link the
action against Mr. Singh
to his other acts of
'impropriety' and
'indiscipline' -
including his indictment
by the Pathak commission
and the ongoing probes,
as well as his recent
'breach of a Congress
whip' in the Rajya Sabha.
On
his part, Mr. Singh
struck a belligerent note
by dashing off a letter
to Rajya Sabha chairman
Bhairon Singh Shekhawat,
saying that he was not
being allowed by Congress
MPs to speak and he would
retaliate by not allowing
the prime minister to
speak. Ms Sonia Gandhi is
holding meeting with top
party leaders amid
signals that suspension
of Mr. Singh was
imminent. Mr. Singh's
hardening of stand came
even as some of his
colleagues were trying to
save him by persuading
him to withdraw his
motion.
While
Mr. Singh is maintaining
that his motion was in
line with his rights as
MP, Congress leaders say
his open defiance against
the prime minister
amounted to gross
'indiscipline,' making
his continuation in the
party untenable. However,
there is a view that
taking action by citing
his motion alone may not
be politically and
technically correct.
Adding to the Congress'
ire was Mr. Singh holding
another round of talks
with some BJP and JD (U)
leaders on Indo-US
nuclear deal.
While
parliamentary affairs
minister PR Dasmunshi
conceded that Mr. Singh
had the technical right
to press for the motion,
he quickly added that he
was extremely
disappointed over his
decision. He said Mr.
Singh did not even
respond to a telephone
call from him.
"Maybe he finds my
voice not as good as Amar
Singh's these days."
Those
who favour action against
Mr. Singh on the grounds
that his decision to
hobnob with rivals of the
Congress to target the
prime minister has made
his continuance in the
party untenable, however,
advocate a two-pronged
strategy to crack down on
him: They say that since
the Pathak panel has
found Mr. Singh and his
son misusing their
position by writing
letters to get oil
contracts for relatives,
he should be suspended
pending inquiry that have
been ordered by the
government in its ATR.
Secondly, they claim that
Mr. Singh had
"failed to turn up
in the Rajya Sabha to
vote on the recent debate
on the office of profit
issue, violating a party
whip.
Even
Natwar Singh has his
uses. Opponents of the
UPA government have
discovered a tool in the
former foreign minister
to embarrass the prime
minister and Congress.
That explains the support
provided by Samajwadi
Party, AIADMK and TDP to
the privilege motion. The
NDA has also joined issue
with the government and
wants Manmohan Singh to
apologise for the alleged
'leak' of the Pathak
report. Justice Pathak's
report and the
government's Action Taken
Report are incidental to
the ongoing drama in
Parliament. Of course,
Parliament needs to take
note of an official
report making its way to
newsrooms before it is
tabled in the House.
Natwar may spot a foreign
hand in the alleged
'leak', even if
enterprising journalists
have been routinely
bringing inquiry reports
to the public domain
before MPs get to debate
it. That apart, the
Opposition, especially
SP, has realised the
nuisance value of
Natwar's outbursts
against the Pathak
inquiry, and the Volcker
report before that. The
Pathak inquiry has
unearthed evidence of
Natwar using his office,
as chief of Congress's
foreign affairs cell, to
help beneficiaries of the
Iraq oil-for-food deal.
Natwar's allegation that
he is being targeted for
opposing the US-India
deal has got him some
sympathy in the Left
quarter. SP is nudging
him to speak against
Congress at the risk of
getting expelled from the
party. Natwar is
incapable of attracting
or transferring votes but
can certainly embellish
SP's newly acquired
anti-imperialist
postures. That is, if SP
is interested in
extending the anti-US
rhetoric beyond its
Muslim constituency in
Uttar Pradesh.
Natwar
may not hold much threat
to the UPA government.
However, Congress should
take note of the slow
consolidation of
political forces against
the government. The Left
isn't all that happy with
Manmohan's foreign
policy. It is willing to
make common cause with
Natwar to question the
rationale of New Delhi's
engagement with
Washington. A consensus
has eluded the government
on OBC reservations in
central educational
institutions. DMK may be
the only UPA ally so far
to demand reservations at
one go in IITs but more
parties can be expected
to join. There is
resentment within
Congress and among
sympathetic civil society
groups on the party's
economic agenda. The
emerging situation calls
for Congress leadership
to reach out to friends
as well as the cadre and
consolidate support to
ward off any potential
threat to the Government.
(INAV)
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WTO: Seeds of new
beginning?
By
Pallab Bhattacharya
Soon after the WTO trade
talks broke down in Geneva on July 25,
Commerce and Industry Minister Kamal Nath
suggested that it would not affect
India's economic growth story and New
Delhi would go ahead with proposals for
entering into bilateral and regional free
trade agreements as an alternative to a
global trading system.
While bilateral and regional
free trade agreements have existed and
thrived even during two decades of talks
on a global trading system since the
start of Uruguay round in 1986, the
collapse of the Doha round of development
negotiations and bleak chance of their
resumption before January next year
because of US Presidential elections in
November this year could only force
developed and developing countries to
look more towards FTAs at bilateral and
regional levels.
The WTO estimates that there
are 200 regional and bilateral FTAs which
account for half the value of global
trade. India is looking at economic
cooperation agreements across the
continents with the 25 - nation
European Union, SAARC, BIMSTEC, ASEAN,
and East Asian countries like Japan and
South Korea, MERCOSUR countries in Latin
America and, Southern African Customs
Union (SACU). In fact, as a starter, the
Union Cabinet cleared Indias Limited FTA
with SACU which includes South Africa,
Namibia, Botswana, Swaziland and Lesotho
as part of Indians "Look
Africa" policy.
In fact, the Commerce
Ministry has submitted a detailed note on
Argentina's proposal for a trilateral
free trade agreement involving MERCOSUR
countries of Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay
and Paraguay and SACU countries. India is
keen to enhance its economic engagements
with both Latin America and Africa, the
two regions where China has already made
its presence in a much stronger way.
India is also in talks for
trade pacts with Mauritius, Thailand,
China, SAARC countries, Malaysia and
Russia at bilateral levels.
Economic analysts believe a
strong rule-based multilateral trading
arrangement is essential to help India
increase share in global merchandise to
one per cent and bilateral and regional
free trade accords are only a second best
option to supplement the global trading
system.
It will be a mistake to
assume that riding piggyback on bilateral
and regional FTAs would be any smoother
than WTO negotiations for the simple
reason that the issues and concerns of
developing and developed countries remain
the same and do not wither away just
because the number of participants in the
talks under WTO come down sharply from
149 countries.
For instance, the tricky
question of opening up market access in
agricultural and industrial goods
continues to be a as much a sensitive
issue in WTO as in talks between India
and ASEAN for a FTA and India's FTAs with
Sri Lanka and Thailand. It is precisely
because of these challenges that
India-ASEAN FTA has run into trouble,
particularly after Congress President
Sonia Gandhi has raised the impact it
would have an Indian farmers in case palm
oil, pepper, tea and coffee are brought
under the proposed pact. The ASEAN,
particularly Malaysia and Indonesia which
are major exporters of palm oil, want
India to cut its list of negative items
under FTA from 854 to around 60,
something India has described
unacceptable.
Besides, the fear of smaller
economies in a FTA could not be wished
away even under bilateral and regional
FTAs. This is clearly brought out by
Bangladesh's reluctance to have such an
agreement with India or Pakistan's
backing away from its commitment to prune
its negative list of goods for India
under the SAFTA.
But the same time, that
trade and economic diplomacy is an
important tool of geopolitical strategy
as much for India as for any other
country and this cannot be separated from
national security concerns. In fact, for
far too long, India had tended to
compartmentalise economic diplomacy and
national security and geopolitics until
the economic reforms which started in
1990. Keeping this in mind, Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh had recently told
the high-level Trade and Economic
Relations Committee that while the
Government will take of the domestic
industry concerns on FTAs with
neighbouring countries and regions, the
Indian corporate must prepare to cope
with new economic realities, particularly
in South East Asia and East Asia, where
regional trade is increasingly opening
up. There are economic and strategic
benefits from such closer engagement with
a region that covers 3.1 bn people, half
the world's population and a GDP at 10
million dollars.
It is because of this that
India is looking for ways to get out of
the present stalemate in its FTA with
ASEAN. New Delhi is toying with the idea
of Tariff Rate Quota on import of
sensitive agricultural products from
ASEAN or phased cut in import duty on
them over a long period to give domestic
producers time to cope with the new
situation that might arise from increased
competition of cheaper goods.
South East Asia and East
Asia are projected as the future areas of
economic growth and they are strategic as
far as security aspect is concerned and
India cannot afford to lag behind by
allowing the FTA talks to get bogged
down. India has to weigh in these
considerations as much s concerns for
domestic industry and farmers in
negotiating FTAs. It is a big challenge
for Indian policy makers to decide if it
will gain more strategically by allowing
smaller countries in the region freer
access to its market and ask them in
return to take care of India's security
concerns like cross-border insurgency,
especially from countries like Bangladesh
and Myanmar. PTI Feature
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