EDITORIAL

Advani vs. RSS

So far it has been Mr L.K. Advani and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh --- the two sides of the same coin. Even the worst of their critics never thought that a time would come when they would walk in different directions. The RSS had given but only one indication that it was not happy the way the BJP was functioning: its political arm was dependent upon just one leader (Mr Advani) who was called upon to lead the party whenever there was a crisis and, as a result, was unable to throw up a new face. In fact, its sarsanghachalak K.S. Sudarshan had not mentioned Mr Advani by name but given enough hint that he wanted him to quit as the BJP chief when he publicly pleaded the case for younger leaders to take the party reins in their hands. The turmoil then in the organisational ranks was short-lived........more

Emotional bond

At last there has been a meeting between Muzaffarabad-based Hizbul Mujahideen supremo Syed Salahuddin and Hurriyat Conference leader Mirwaiz Moulvi Umar Farooq and Jammu-Kashmir Liberation Front chairman Yasin Malik in Islamabad. They had not met in Muzaffarabad, the capital of "Azad" Kashmir as the occupied territory across the Line of Control is known where the touring Hurriyat Conference
leaders and JKLF chief were accorded a warm reception
by almost .....
more

Indo-Pak talks on Sir Creek

By Subhashis Mittra

Sir Creek, a 96-km long strip of water which runs along the Rann of Kutch in India and Sindh in Pakistan, is in the centre of an old dispute on demarcation of the boundary. Talks with Pakistan to resolve the outstanding ....more

Parliamentary supervision defence

By Vinod Vedi

The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence has finally decided that there should be some accountability in the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) which is entrusted with the task of taking the nation through the minefield of licenced- ...more

Non-aligned movement regenerating deadwood

By J. N. Raina

We were elated when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was given the rare honour to speak on behalf of entire Asia, at the signing ceremony of a historic Asia-Africa Strategic Partnership agreement (AASP) at Bandung (Indonesia).The occasion was--- commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the first Bandung Conference that had, inter alia, given birth to non-aligned movement. Then, Non-alignment was ...more

EDITORIAL

Advani vs. RSS

So far it has been Mr L.K. Advani and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh --- the two sides of the same coin. Even the worst of their critics never thought that a time would come when they would walk in different directions. The RSS had given but only one indication that it was not happy the way the BJP was functioning: its political arm was dependent upon just one leader (Mr Advani) who was called upon to lead the party whenever there was a crisis and, as a result, was unable to throw up a new face. In fact, its sarsanghachalak K.S. Sudarshan had not mentioned Mr Advani by name but given enough hint that he wanted him to quit as the BJP chief when he publicly pleaded the case for younger leaders to take the party reins in their hands. The turmoil then in the organisational ranks was short-lived. However, Mr Advani’s sentimental rediscovery of himself during his tour of Karachi in Pakistan where he was born and had grown up as a teenager has substantially transformed the scenario. Perhaps it would have been all right had Mr Advani kept his emotions to himself. Although fond of mythical characters he seemed to forget that there was a clear Lakshman rekha that his parent organisation (the RSS and not the BJP) had drawn for itself and in further strengthening which he had no small role to play. His praise of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, founder of Pakistan, as a secular leader was too much to take for the men in charge of the RSS who have always looked at the father of the two-nation theory as a hate symbol. We are too close to history to immediately jump to the conclusion whether this one remark alone and the hostile reaction it invited from the RSS was responsible for Mr Advani’s resignation as the BJP chief or there is something more to it than that meets the eye. It is possible that Mr Advani rubbed the knife further into the wounds of the RSS leadership when soon after landing at the Delhi airport he virtually challenged them to a debate on what he had said in Pakistan. This must have been too much for the RSS to accept. It may be discussing controversial issues within its closed precincts but has never approved of its own members tearing to shreds its core beliefs at public forums or even remotely question its authority. That is why evidently it insisted upon Mr Advani withdrawing his pro-Jinnah observation and when no such retraction came despite senior BJP leaders intervening in the matter and Mr Advani resigned its reaction was unmistakably terse: "The debate is over". It will be quite a surprise if Mr Advani now continues to hold his other post as the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha. Either he himself will be uncomfortable in this position or he may be asked to hand over the baton to another party MP.

By sticking to his guns and declining to follow any diktat to dissociate himself from his statement Mr Advani has apparently made it known that he will not be able to change his new tune in the days to come as well. Given his penchant for displaying his courage of conviction there is every chance instead that he runs into repeated confrontation with the RSS leadership. Will he end up being another Balraj Madhok? There are other questions that simultaneously arise. Has he made a genuine amendment in his original perception? Or has he been deprived of the opportunity to explain that the Jinnah analogy was a carefully drafted ploy designed to describe K.S. Hegdewar, Guru Golwalkar and Savarkar and many like them as true secularists in due course? Has the RSS missed the point altogether or is it that it finds such comparison not only unacceptable but also disgusting? Is it that this episode will lead the RSS to prepare itself for a greater political role in future? Those who look askance at this view need to be reminded of all that had happened in this region in the 2002 assembly elections: the RSS had come out in the open at that time and put its weight behind the Jammu State Morcha spelling the doom of the BJP including in its traditional stronghold of Jammu East.

Would the matters have come to such a head had Mr Advani confined his praise only to Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf --- he is reported to have been carried away by the present government’s efforts to renovate temples in the neighbouring country? If Mr Advani has found virtues in Jinnah with the faith that this will help strengthen the present bonhomie between India and Pakistan his exit as the boss is indeed a loss for then BJP and the country? In fact it is this thinking that has earned for him a wide applause by those sections that have always been opposed to him. If this view sticks then the RSS will be more and more seen as a rabid outfit interested in sharpening the cleavage not only between Hindus and Muslims but also India and Pakistan. As a fall-out it will be considered only as good as its lunatic fringe unless there is a sudden turn and the hostility between the two neighbours resurfaces? The better course for it will be to help the ongoing peace process. Who can deny that there is no bigger challenge than that of maintaining the current normalcy and tranquility in the sub-continent?

Emotional bond

At last there has been a meeting between Muzaffarabad-based Hizbul Mujahideen supremo Syed Salahuddin and Hurriyat Conference leader Mirwaiz Moulvi Umar Farooq and Jammu-Kashmir Liberation Front chairman Yasin Malik in Islamabad. They had not met in Muzaffarabad, the capital of "Azad" Kashmir as the occupied territory across the Line of Control is known where the touring Hurriyat Conference leaders and JKLF chief were accorded a warm reception by almost everybody who is anybody except for the United Jihad Council (UJC), an amalgam of militant outfits, of which too Syed Salahuddin whose real name is Moulvi Yusuf Shah is the head. As stated in these columns earlier we would have been truly surprised had there been no meeting between them even though the UJC had made it clear that it would not be party to any official gathering because of the failure of the Hurriyat Conference to present a united face on their visit. The basis for our thinking was that whatever their political differences they would find it difficult to completely ignore their personal relations. They share the emotional link with the same land. Actually in Mr Malik’s instance one of his early introductions is that he was polling agent of Syed Salahuddin when he had contested the Assembly elections from the Amirakadal constituency before assuming the role of a militant leader. On his part the Hizbul boss has stated clearly that he had met the duo at an individual level. All those who have visited "Azad" Kashmir and Pakistan can vouch for the fact that such contact generally transcends religious and ideological barriers notwithstanding that Syed Salahuddin has been rather selective.

Indo-Pak talks on Sir Creek

By Subhashis Mittra

Sir Creek, a 96-km long strip of water which runs along the Rann of Kutch in India and Sindh in Pakistan, is in the centre of an old dispute on demarcation of the boundary. Talks with Pakistan to resolve the outstanding dispute concluded between defence secretary-led teams in Islamabad recently without any significant forward movement.

Though immediate results were not visible after the latest, the eighth round of talks, experts are of the view that the exercise is likely to bear fruit as both sides believe that the result of the joint survey will be very useful in resolving the dispute.

This optimism on resolution of the issue is not without base with the Government saying that ''nothing can be ruled out''.

Even if reports from Rawalpindi, where the talks were held, say that nothing definitive was achieved,a positive feedback is hoped for from the bureaucracy-level talks which may lead to announcements at the political level.

According to reports from Islamabad, the defence secretaries, Ajai Vikram Singh of India and Tariq Waseem Ghazi of Pakistan, had agreed to continue with talks to settle disputes cordially but a breakthrough on disengaging militarily in Siachen and on demarcating the maritime boundary at Sir Creek on the Gujarat coast was still elusive.

''Talks are in progress on Siachen. Indo-Pak relations are improving. We're keen to find out a permanent solution to the problem by way of talks,'' Dr Manmohan Singh said. The Prime Minister had chaired a detailed session of the Cabinet Committee on Security that gave the political directive to the defence secretary before Vikram Singh led the seven-member team to Islamabad last month.

On Sir Creek, the two sides are searching for a solution to demarcate the boundary on the basis of a joint survey conducted in January this year to identify boundary markers that were erected by erstwhile rulers of Gujarat and Sindh.

In a joint statement in Islamabad, the defence secretaries said the latest round of talks on Sir Creek ''were held in a frank and cordial atmosphere. The two sides exchanged views on various issues involved.''

The Indian team for the Sir Creek talks was led by the additional surveyor-general, Major General M Gopal Rao. Pakistan was led by Rear Admiral Ahsan-ul-Haq Chaudhry, the additional secretary in the Ministry of Defence.

Much of the land involved is either marsh or desert that neither side sees as being militarily important. It is also sparsely populated. But this inhospitable terrain- famous on the Indian side for its high quantities of salt was the scene of heavy fighting between India and Pakistan in 1965.

India says the boundary should be in the middle of the 100-km (60 mile) estuary. Pakistan says the border should lie on the south-east bank. Sir Creek lies between the Indian state of Gujarat and the southern Pakistani province of Sindh.

According to official sources, India has asked Pakistan to accept the land delineation on the basis of the joint survey carried out in January, but Pakistani officials said they had not yet analysed the technical aspects of the survey.

Pakistan also maintained that demarcation of the land and maritime boundary at Sir Creek needed to be addressed as one package.

There was expectation of progress this time as the two sides conducted a joint survey of the disputed marshy Creek in January to determine the pillars installed in 1925 to settle the dispute between the then rulers of Rann of Kutch and Sindh.

The demarcation of the boundary has been a bone of contention for several decades. The issue dates back to 1914 when an agreement was signed between the then Government of Sindh and Rao Maharaj of Kutch.

According to the agreement, both sides accepted a line running through the middle of the Creek as a border between the two States. One side of the Creek is under Pakistan's control whereas there are naval installations of India on the other side.

Pakistan claims that all the 17 Creeks of the Sindh coast belong to it, while India maintains that almost half of the area of Sir Creek belongs to it.

India's contention is that the 'green line' was simply an indicative line; and that the boundary line should be defined by 'mid-channel' of the Creek as shown on the map of 1925.

But Pakistan rejects the Indian view on the ground that the notion of 'mid-channel' is applicable only to navigable channels while this channel is not a navigable one.

India has proposed that pending formalisation of the boundary in Sir Creek, the two sides could consider the delimitation of the India-Pakistan maritime boundary from seawards, by commencing the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) limit and proceeding landwards up to a mutually acceptable limit as per provisions under technical aspects of law of sea.

PTI Feature

Parliamentary supervision defence

By Vinod Vedi

The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence has finally decided that there should be some accountability in the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) which is entrusted with the task of taking the nation through the minefield of licenced-production of foreign weaponry to self-reliance in the short term and self-sufficiency in some of the major weapon systems in the long term, and that the nation should move more surely to self-reliance at least.

It has correctly focused on the Kaveri engine for the Light Combat Aircraft and the induction of more "indigenous" Arjun tanks into the armoured corps in the next decade. Yet its advice is cursory at the most. In the case of the Arjun tank if more are inducted into the army the more we will be dependent on the German company MTU for maintenance and spare parts for the engine that powers it on account of the fact that the indigenous engine that was supposed to do the job has been killed in its cradle because the DRDO was unable to make it produce the horsepower required to make this particularly heavy tank perform the required manoeuvres in battlefield conditions in the plains and desert territory where it would be deployed.

The T-72 tank had to be bought from the Russians precisely because the indigenous engine for the Arjun was unable to produce the 1450 hp that would make the tank viable and the project had spilled into cost and time over-runs that were not acceptable.

The point the watchdog committee of Parliament seems to have missed is that no nation can aspire to become self-reliant or self-sufficient in any weapon system unless it is able to design and develop an engine that will produce enough thrust to take the load of the weapon platform and its battlefield requirement of ammunition and still have a little extra to be able to execute swift manoeuvres on the battlefield.

What it should be asking is what happened the "indigenous engine" that was supposed to power the Arjun tank? Was it so useless that there was no hope to revive it either through a sustained national effort or through a joint development programme either with the Russians from whom we bought the T series of tanks or from the Germans themselves for co-production and joint marketing?

That is where it would be interesting to see if accountability can be enforced. The progenitor of the tank project, former scientific adviser to the Minister of Defence, who held out great promise for the "indigenous engine" is now a resident of a US university and it will be impossible for India to secure his extradition because of his momentous contribution to making India's prestigious indigenous projects -the Arjun tank and the Light Combat Aircraft - totally dependent on foreign engines for being viable.

It was his concept that foreign engines should be imported to "prove" the viability of the indigenous weapons platform even as developmental work on the indigenous engine would continue to prove that the chassis and gun systems of the tank and the fuselage and subsystems of the LCA were fit to be series produced in Indian factories.

There were voices raised at the time that in case the local engines do not produce the required thrust-to-weight ratio to make both the projects viable then the nation will become dangerously dependent on the foreign engines in both its most prestigious and important projects because of the large numbers involved. That is exactly what happened to the tank engine and is now threatening to happen to the Kaveri engine that is to power the LCA. Therefore, simultaneous with its insistence that the Arjun tank be inducted in larger numbers than the two regiments that have already been ordered by the Indian army the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence would do the nation a great service if it orders a performance audit of the defunct engine project and examine whether it can be revived.

Joint development with any well-established foreign engine manufacturer would be a better option so that the next generation of the Arjun tank can be powered with an engine that will be able to cater to the battlefield requirements of the next decade instead of insisting on the induction of larger numbers of a tank that is totally dependent on an engine that is totally foreign and thus amenable to be used to politically manipulate the nation.

In this context it needs to be recalled that Germany which produces the MTU engine for the Arjun tank has proved to be a thoroughly unreliable partner in such a vital sector as national defence. In the case of the HDW hunter-killer submarines bought at about the same time as the engines for the tanks the Germans breached the contract by supplying the designs to the Government of South Africa which at the time was an apartheid (superiority of the white race) regime against which India had conducted a sustained campaign to get it to change its racist policy. And, of course there was that problem with kickbacks paid by the Germans to an agent to help seal the deal.

The result was that India did not complete the project of producing more of the HDW-designed submarines in an Indian dockyard. India's indigenous submarine project - nuclear powered no less - is also languishing and it remains to be seen whether the UPA government will go ahead with the NDA-initiated deal to buy the French Scorpene submarine which some of its members had opposed when it was first mooted.

The Scorpene's claim to fame is in its new propulsion technology known as air-independent propulsion (AIP) which makes it possible for the submarine to remain submerged for a marginally longer period than a diesel-electric one. The French have sold the technology to Pakistan for the submarines that it is manufacturing at the Ormara naval dockyard west of Karachi.

The Standing Committee would again be doing the nation a double service if it demands a performance audit of the Advanced Technology Vessel (ATV) project and insists that whatever financial or technological inputs that it now requires are provided to it (here too foreign joint development can be useful to kick-start the project) so that a nuclear powered submarine can be produced within the country in the timeframe that it would require to acquire the Scorpene submarine from France which would not be less than five years.

This is because a nuclear-powered submarine is a "true submersible" and can circumnavigate the globe without ever rising to the surface and would be worth its weight in gold.

Coming back to the Kaveri engine for the Light Combat Aircraft if it never sees the light of day or even if it eventually is fit enough to be fitted into the LCA in 2012, for the next seven years India will be totally dependent on the American General Electric F-404 engines which have, thanks to the former scientific adviser to the Minister of Defence who is currently enjoying American patronage, graduated from being needed only to "prove" the first 11 prototypes to becoming an integral part of the serial production of the LCA for the next seven years at least.

US strategists and destabilization specialists believe that it is through the supply of aircraft that a nation can be turned into a client. Thus the GE engine coupled with the offer of F-16 and F-18 aircraft raises visions of an India far from becoming a "strategic partner" to the world's only superpower but surely ending up a sophisticated banana republic because nearly all its indigenous military equipment projects that were intended to take it into self-reliance were suborned from within.

It bring to mind the words of American arms control specialist Dr Fred Ikle that there are enough Indians bent on turning India around to supporting American perspectives for the region and the world by 2005 or 2020.

(Syndicate Features)

Non-aligned movement regenerating deadwood

By J. N. Raina

We were elated when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was given the rare honour to speak on behalf of entire Asia, at the signing ceremony of a historic Asia-Africa Strategic Partnership agreement (AASP) at Bandung (Indonesia).The occasion was--- commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the first Bandung Conference that had, inter alia, given birth to non-aligned movement. Then, Non-alignment was meant to keep 'respectable' but 'safe' distance from two big powers, the United States and the erstwhile Soviet Union. Now there is only one superpower---thanks to the disintegration of the Soviet Union, because of its poor governance.

Manmohan Singh, an expert in his own right on economic affairs, while addressing the golden jubilee of the Conference, struck a right note when he called on the attending nations ---most of them still under-developed - " To be aware of the lacunae in the process of governance, that prevented them from effectively delivering services to the people". He told them that development process of a nation could not be planted from 'without', but it must be 'intrinsic and appropriate'.

Perhaps he was well aware why Bandung 1955 remained standstill and could not move forward. He knew why Bandung had failed to galvanize people on the right track, because of certain inherent contradictions within itself. Whether non-aligned movement (NAM) still remains a 'valid and effective instrument' as stated by Manmohan Singh, is doubtful.

The new Asia-Africa Strategic Partnership or NAASP is aimed at enhancing economic and political relations among nations of the two continents; and also to counter threats of globalization. The partnership document was signed by 106 countries from Africa and Asia, inhabiting over 40 per cent of the world population. Planting of saplings in the 'Asian-African Garden', a visit to the Asian-African Museum, and a 250-metre symbolic walk to the venue of the conference was part of the ceremony. Singh was even symbolic in his dress also, wearing a white kurta-churidar pyjama, Nehru jacket and blue turban. Africa was represented by Nigerian President Olesegun Obasanjo.

In fact, the entire region, comprising the twin continents (geographically, India was once part of Africa) can be likened to a sprawling garden, in which people of different religions, regions, races and varied cultures grow.

The first Bandung Conference was held in 1955, when 29 countries participated. They had just come out from long years of struggle against colonial powers, to carve out a niche for them and to preserve their individual identity. Their common goal was essentially to fight against colonialism, which was still then rampant in different countries in different forms. Till then, the world belonged to the two largest industrially-developed nations, the US and the USSR. The two powers were locked in a bitter prolonged cold war, for world domination.

Within a year after 1955, Bandung proved hollow. Evil forces surfaced and bickering started. There was uproar over Suez Canal crisis, involving Great Britain. It was followed by 'suppression' of Hungary by the Soviet Union. China invaded Tibet in 1959. India's first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was shocked when China, the principal author of Panchsheel, attacked India in 1962. Indonesian President Sukarno suppressed his own people. A decade later, there was genocide in Bangladesh, resorted to by the Pakistan Army. The death toll in the third world countries because of infighting during these fifty years is estimated to be 20 million.

Ironically, during the past five decades, Panchsheel just remained a 'mantra'. It was theory on paper and nothing beyond. A well-known writer has said "The Neros behind Bandung 1955, merely fiddled; as one country after another went up in flames'. Panchsheel was given a burial because it failed to deliver. There were conflicts, retarding the development of emerging nations. This is what the developed nations wanted, because their interests were at stake. There was cut-throat competition to acquire arms by third world countries. The race is still on.

The have-nots remained divided and unity amongst their ranks remained a formidable task. That was why NAM became in effective talking shop and lost all relevance. Be as it may, no country, big or small, can afford to remain in isolation during this era of globalization. No nation can afford to remain non-aligned in the real sense. At the same time, NAM does not mean 'neutrality'. Pakistan has had to pay a high price for its dependence on the U S, which did not come to its need at the time of 'crisis'. It was not for nothing Nehru had cautioned the developing nations (at Bandung, 1955) not to align with the big powers.

'By 1954, Pakistan was compelled to align herself with the West in the interest of her security', says former Pakistan President Ayub Khan, in his book 'Friends, not Masters'. Pakistan, he says, 'became a member of the Baghdad pact and the South-East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), both of which were suspect in the Communist world'.

Ayub Khan has said that "The most precise expression which the third world was given was in the Afro-Asian movement. We in Pakistan identified ourselves completely with the Afro-Asian movement, and I think we made a definite contribution in preparing for the second Afro-Asian Conference. Unfortunately, the Conference could not be held for reasons over which those entrusted with the preparatory work, had no control". That he has put the entire blame for the failure on Nehru is a different matter.

The five principles of co-existence were meant to respect each others' territorial integrity' but that remained just a dream. These principles were blinked at. Rather, it turned out to be the other way round. 'Intervention' became the norm. Fight for control of oil wells and water resources was obliquely resorted to. Intervention did not remain confined to military action alone. Now there is proxy war and Islamic terrorism.

During this era of globalization, 'intervention' is not being considered as 'unprincipled' because there is only one superpower, which dictates even to the United Nations. On one pretext or the other, it has resorted to what is called 'regime change' in countries which do not toe its line. This is apparently a new form of 'neo-colonialism'. The simple question arises: can NAM be revived under such circumstances? Or is it just regenerating the dead wood. AASP holds the key to these questions. (Syndicate Features)

 
 



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