EDITORIAL

Observe restraint

Whenever politicians of our State are under strain they make certain utterances that are totally out of place if not utterly provocative and are best avoided. Nothing underlines this distressing reality more than the debate on the Permanent Resident (Disqualification) Bill in the State legislature recently. Some members who are not only highly responsible but also experienced --- they included Finance Minister Muzaffar Hussain Baig and National Conference's Abdur Rahim Rather and Ali Mohammad Sagar --- cried foul as if their credentials as Indians were being doubted. There was no accusing finger pointed against them. Yet, they felt constrained to put emphasis on their loyalty to the country and the sacrifices they had been called upon to make. It was as if they were addressing a bigger audience beyond the Pir Panjal that has serious apprehensions about the Bill. In their over-enthusiasm to establish that their espousal of the purpose behind the proposed legislation was guided purely by their concern for the exclusive identity of the State, they clearly jumped the gun. How else can one explain, for instance, Mr Sagar's loud grumble that his party was not.......more

Arrest this trend

If one looks back over the developments involving politicians in the recent months, one would find that the courts of law have been
compelled to issue a series of arrest warrants against them......
more

Physician heal thyself!

By Joginder Singh

The world we live in is not ideal. Neither are the rulers nor for that matter people, who send criminals to the portals of power, as their mouthpieces and representatives. The following information about our Legislators in 2000 is an eye opener --- 29 were accused of spousal abuse, 19 of passing bad cheques, 117 bankrupted at least two businesses, three had been arrested for assault, 114 arrested on drug-related charges, eight arrested for shop-lifting, 21 were current defendants on various lawsuits and 84 were stopped for drunk driving in 1998 alone........more

Chip on the security

By M Rama Rao

Security has turned into an obsession with the Indian politicians who have tasted power and want to savour it even when they are out of it. The flashing lights, shrieking sirens and awesome-obtrusive security personnel at war with the general public reflect 'increasingly insecure' climate in the country.........more

Voting for something
"different"

By Rajendra Singh

Some years ago, there was a rather
amusing advertisement for
ketchup, which described the product as "different". Two actors (Javed Jaafrey and Pankaj Kapoor, if memory served....
more

EDITORIAL

Observe restraint

Whenever politicians of our State are under strain they make certain utterances that are totally out of place if not utterly provocative and are best avoided. Nothing underlines this distressing reality more than the debate on the Permanent Resident (Disqualification) Bill in the State legislature recently. Some members who are not only highly responsible but also experienced --- they included Finance Minister Muzaffar Hussain Baig and National Conference's Abdur Rahim Rather and Ali Mohammad Sagar --- cried foul as if their credentials as Indians were being doubted. There was no accusing finger pointed against them. Yet, they felt constrained to put emphasis on their loyalty to the country and the sacrifices they had been called upon to make. It was as if they were addressing a bigger audience beyond the Pir Panjal that has serious apprehensions about the Bill. In their over-enthusiasm to establish that their espousal of the purpose behind the proposed legislation was guided purely by their concern for the exclusive identity of the State, they clearly jumped the gun. How else can one explain, for instance, Mr Sagar's loud grumble that his party was not in need of a certificate of patriotism from the Congress or the Bharatiya Janata Party. Mr Rather was correct to the extent of saying that the matter of the 'threat to solidarity' was being raised to sow confusion in the minds of the people in Jammu and Ladakh and arguing that similar laws on the change of domicile had been adopted by legislatures in a couple of other states. He, however, has bitten off more than he could chew with his question: 'If nobody had challenged those laws, if nobody has doubted the integrity of legislators in those states, why should we be suspects?' As the leader of the NC, Mr Rather has every right to feel proud of his organisation's numerous sacrifices for backing the State's accession to India. He asked: 'We are part of this country and we want to live with this country. Where's the threat?' One of the most sober politicians Mr Rather may have made a perfectly valid point. But how was it relevant to the subject of discussion? By the same token there was hardly need for a competent lawyer like the Finance Minister to assert that that the Kashmiris were as patriotic and nationalist as anybody was anywhere in this country.

Only the naive and biased would ignore the fact that the NC leaders and workers have been facing the ire of the militants right from 1988. Of late the PDP cadre has also been attracting their fire. In fact there is hardly any mainstream political outfit that has not suffered in terms of loss of men during the last 15 years. Who can question their loyalty and courage of conviction except those who want to ill serve the wider interests of the country? There can be total justification for the leaders belonging to the Kashmir Valley to ruthlessly hit back at those who question their integrity as well as commitment to the nation. Indeed it will be enormously unfortunate if it is discovered that they have been provoked to say all that they have done by an overzealous votary of regional and religious sentiments that does exist in the State. In the past, however, one has seen the tallest of leaders whipping up the Muslim and Hindu sentiments to reinforce their vote banks in Kashmir and Jammu regions, respectively. On one occasion a leader who has had the best of relations with New Delhi could not help but remark as he came under pressure from political rivals on the home turf: 'Being Muslims our credentials are always suspect'. It is quite another thing that he ate his words immediately on coming to power. In the present instance, too, the argument that the Bill does not suit Jammu or Ladakh is not enough in itself. What has to be seen is whether or not it is to the advantage of the people as a whole? One can also make allowance for it if it facilitates the growth and well-being of any one major section of the population without substantially compromising with the interests of others.

In this case politics has unluckily taken over a question of social magnitude. The one-line issue is: Should the women of the State retain their status as the State subjects on marrying non-permanent residents or not? The proposed legislation seeks to deprive them of this position that the State High Court has granted them. From the developments that have taken place so far it is evident that only political parties with a major base in the Kashmir Valley are keen in having the Bill passed. One can, however, notice that they are influenced more by a strange logic: that its passage would strengthen their constituency that is the male voter. It is necessary, therefore, to hear the voice of the Kashmiri Muslim women which is suppressed at the moment. They must be encouraged to speak up on this matter that directly concerns them. It would be good if all political parties take a back seat and allow the affected segment of the population to discuss and clinch the issue. There is a danger that beating about the bush and nursing baseless and extraneous concerns would sharpen the regional and communal divide in the State unnecessarily complicating what is a simple societal topic.

Arrest this trend

If one looks back over the developments involving politicians in the recent months, one would find that the courts of law have been compelled to issue a series of arrest warrants against them. The Shibu Soren episode is too publicised to bear any repetition. Only the other day one has seen Bharatiya Janata Party leader Uma Bharti not only quit as the Chief Minister but also opt to go to jail following an arrest warrant against her. Now comes another report --- although the context in this case is entirely different --- that a TADA court in Jammu has issued similar warrants against former Chief Minister G.M. Shah, veteran leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Jammu-Kashmir Liberation Front chairman Mohammad Yasin Malik and 15 others in a 1987 case. It is the final step that the courts normally take after exhausting the entire procedure of issuing summons, bailable warrants and non-bailable warrants. Often it has been noticed that in the matters involving powerful and controversial figures the police and the executive are slow in implementing the adverse judicial directives to avert inviting reprisal by their followers. One has seen Ms Bharti, for instance, being allowed to address a series of public functions in Karnataka before surrendering in a court. The entire drama about her has been widely televised provoking Union Minister and Rashtriya Janata Dal supremo Laloo Prasad Yadav to remark that the Congress government in the Southern State and the BJP were hand in glove with each other over this issue. His objection was over the delay in executing the warrant. There can't be two opinions that the judicial orders should be promptly put in force. For this it is necessary that the increasingly visible trend of deliberate administrative inaction be discontinued.

Physician heal thyself!

By Joginder Singh

The world we live in is not ideal. Neither are the rulers nor for that matter people, who send criminals to the portals of power, as their mouthpieces and representatives. The following information about our Legislators in 2000 is an eye opener --- 29 were accused of spousal abuse, 19 of passing bad cheques, 117 bankrupted at least two businesses, three had been arrested for assault, 114 arrested on drug-related charges, eight arrested for shop-lifting, 21 were current defendants on various lawsuits and 84 were stopped for drunk driving in 1998 alone.

At least 100 MPs faced criminal charges ranging from minor misdemeanours like disturbing peace and rioting. Nearly 13 per cent were involved in heinous crimes.

About 12 were charged with murder, 10 with attempted murder and 11 were known as dons.

Even before the UPA Governments secured a vote of confidence from the 10th Lok Sabha, the Manmohan Singh Government faced embarrassment over the induction of Mohammed Taslimuddin in the Council of Ministers because of his criminal antecedents.

Infact, the Rashtriya Janta Dal (RJD) president, who secured him a berth in the Cabinet, was the Chief Minister of Bihar when seven cases were failed against Taslimuddin.

There was no drop or decline in the cases against him, even after the wife of the RJD chief succeeded him as the Chief Minister. There are 11 cases filled against the MP from Kishangunj including attempt to murder, extortion and violation of the Arms Act and cheating. The Minister, like his RJD chief, himself a Union Minister, is on bail, which can be revoked by the competent court.

In all fairness to the tainted Ministers, it is safe to assume that some cases could be the result of personal vendetta or rivalry by their rivals or disappointed opponents.

In all fair-mindedness to the criminals in position of power, there is little in their hands to help the fellow criminals if they go too much out of the way. With a vigilant press and an effective judiciary, the criminals have little chance of escaping, if the evidence against them is marshalled and its stands in the Court of law.

Taslimuddin was earlier included in the H.D. Deve Gowda-led United Front Government in 1996 as Minister of State for Home, on the insistence of Bihar Unit of Janta Dal. Following an uproar over his criminal antecedents he was forced to quit his office.

With friendly governments in power, who prefer to look on the other side of the criminal activities of their activists and political supporters, some of them have enjoyed full freedom to roam about, though technically in jail or hospitals, or in police or judicial custody.

The Supreme Court ordered on July 20, 2004 that Bihar's tainted politician Rajesh Ranjan alias Pappu Yadav be "immediately" shifted from the Patna Medical-College Hospital to the Beur jail.

In a related development, Patna High Court ordered the dismissal of a fast track court judge in Siwan for granting bail to RJD MP Mohammad Shahabuddin and allowing him to attend Parliament in violation of an earlier HC order. The Apex Court has also ordered Janata Dal (United) MP Prabhunath Singh to surrender in a court in Bhagalpur in a case related to the murder of four persons. Prabhunath was evading arrest for several years.

Thanks to a spirited judiciary, committed to upholding the highest values and an equally alert and watchful press, the going is to be tough for the criminals masquerading as successful politicians.

Criminalisation of politics is not something which has happened in 2004. In the last elections to the 13th Lok Sabha and State Assemblies, as many as 700 legislators, including 40 MPs with criminal background secured berths in the Parliament and State Assemblies. In the 1966 elections, 1,500 out of 13,950 candidates had criminal cases against them. In the year 2002, as many as 15 MPs and 635 MLAs had cases pending against them.

It may appear outrageous that 21 major national and regional political parties of dissimilar and separate ideologies and bitter foes of each other, joined hands to reject the Election Commission's directive, in pursuance of the Supreme Court Order seeking information of a candidate's possible involvement in any criminal case. They went a step further and passed a law, as such, which was declared void by the Supreme Court.

The truth is that all lamentation on the criminalisation of politics by politicians both inside and outside the legislatures, whether at the State or the National Level is seasonal and opportune. Almost all the political parties, except perhaps the Left, believe and practice the motto "power at any cost" even if it means embracing the devil and giving him a pie of the power. They are not bothered about the past of their associates, but what their association can fetch them now and in the future.

Even in the present Parliament, as per the affidavits filed at the time of contesting elections, 100 out of 543 members of the Lok Sabha have cases pending against them. In other words, it means that almost every 5th member of the Lok Sabha has had or will have tough brush with the cases pending against him.

It is true that most cases may be old and minor, in the perception of the accused. But they no longer take away the odium from them. The world's largest democracy has nearly one-fifth of its law makers, who at one time or the other broke the laws, which they have now sworn to uphold.

Compliance with the law is done as per the convenience and not, what should be taken, as a serious duty. Earlier there used to be censure, disapproval and denunciation, about anybody involved in the Court cases being given a party ticket for election to the Parliament or State Assemblies. Now the 'Lakshman Rekha' or boundary line has been stretched by several political parties to say, that while there can be no objection to a criminal becoming a legislator, there is a serious impairment of values, if such a person is made a Minister. It is because all political parties have such 'worthies' in their ranks and file as well as in the State and National Legislatures.

The only job left, which by accident and not design, out of the purview of criminalisation is that of the Prime Minister of the country. (It happened once that a Prime Minister was also chargesheeted in the infamous JMM Bribery case.) It might well happen, if we let the things go on, as they are going on now. Even here an accused in a number of serious cases, who is a Union Minister, has declared that one day he would like to occupy the Prime Ministerial Office.

One present Union Minister was absconding for days to evade the execution of an arrest warrant, so that he could get the whole matter stayed from a Higher Court in appeal. His house had to be searched by the police to trace him. It beats everything.

Said William Shakespeare, "If to do were as easy, as to know, what were good to do, Chapels would be Churches and poor men's cottage Prince's palaces. It is a good divine that follows his own instructions; I can easier teach twenty, what where good to be done, than be of the twenty to follow mine own teaching". The political parties which make noise will do well to keep the above observations of Shakespeare in mind.

It is a journey down the hill, partly because of the atmosphere of casteism, money power and muscle prevailing in the country and partly indifference of the good citizens, who chose not to vote to keep criminal elements out of power. It is time for a concerted drive by the enlightened citizens and media to expose the menace to w which our country is falling prey.

We have been independent for the last 57 years and as a democracy we are responsible for the State of the Nation. Opportunity has hair in front; behind she is bald; if you seize her by the forelock, you may hold her. If you let her escape, there is no way, you can catch it again. Shall we let this opportunity slip? If we don't, what is there to prevent Abu Salem or Chotta Rajan or Dawood to get a berth in the Rajya Sabha or even Lok Sabha, as some dacoits earlier got elected or even people with money power have succeeded in entering the upper house? Let not the wake up call be too late.

PTI Feature

Chip on the security

By M Rama Rao

Security has turned into an obsession with the Indian politicians who have tasted power and want to savour it even when they are out of it. The flashing lights, shrieking sirens and awesome-obtrusive security personnel at war with the general public reflect 'increasingly insecure' climate in the country.

Is the situation so bad or so has been made out by the 'privilege seeking' ruling elite? There are around 8,000 security personnel dedicated to protect 300 'high risk' category VIPs or VVIPs in the national capital. An estimated Rs.100 crore per annum goes into making politicians safe in the city itself. This is when only one policeman is scarcely available to over 200 people in the city with myriad tasks of controlling traffic to attend to calls of murder, dacoity, rape and common thefts.

The pressure on the policemen (and the exchequer) is much higher when the 'risk category' politicians make movements outside the Capital, Delhi. The security men are on the edge not only in case of President, Prime Minister and Union Council of Ministers but also when opposition leaders under security threat fly out.

Look at the security overdrive the recent 'Chintan Baitak' of the BJP held in Goa early August this month witnessed. Apprehending a possible 'Fidayeen' (suicide) attack, security personnel went into a tizzy. One Km stretch around Goa's International Centre, the venue of the BJP meet at Dona Paula was sealed from all the sides. A significant section of the beautiful sea coast was kept out of bounds for the commoners.

To cap it all, the Coast Guard and the Navy were alerted to keep vigil on the Goa waters and a company of CRPF rushed to Panaji from Pune to assist the Goa police. Centre alerted the police of all states along the west coast - Maharashtra, Karnataka and Kerala as also other southern states. Security was beefed up not only for our vulnerable leaders but also at key installations.

And at the Venue itself, around 40-policemen (apart from elite SPG personnel- for the security of the former prime minister Vajpayee, and Black cat commandos to protect the former number two L K Advani and four other BJP leaders) were on round the clock duty keeping a constant watch on visitors even though the BJP leaders were having a closed door meeting.

It is difficult to find fault with the security establishment for the extra mile they like to cover. After what had happened to Indira Gandhi and to her son Rajiv Gandhi, the police like to take no chance. And do all they can and to anticipate all possible threat angles. But of late however, 'paranoid' is the expression that has come to fit the mind set of Indian security and it has done enough to marginalize the common Indian who, more often than not, is on the receiving end with traffic derailment, arbitrary arrests, thrashing of those who innocently stray on the VVIP routes and general disruption of public life.

Funnily, though Security in India is so 'high profile', people with fake identity have had an easy access to Parliament with elaborate security rings caught unawares. Only last year, a television network led a look alike Shatrughan Sinha, the actor- MP in the BJP ranks, not only to his office in the Shipping Ministry ( at that time he was Shipping Minister) but also into Parliament with security men mistaking him as the 'Asili' BJP leader.

The 'duplicate Shotgun Sinha' not only was allowed to go inside but also gave interviews and received 'salutes' and 'Namaskars'!!

It is not out of place to recall a personal experience. A month after Indira Gandhi was assassinated, I found myself in Delhi as a reporter. And one of my first assignments was to report on a fire in the office of Atomic Energy Commission chairman at the South Block on Raisina Hill. I was yet to obtain my accreditation and security clearance. I had no identity card.

Yet, I had no difficulty to walk through the police cordon, enter the South Block, see the damage caused by short circuit, and talk to the Fire Officer and police officer on duty. When I returned to my office to file my despatch, my seniors really felt relieved because it was only after I left the office it dawned on them that the safari loving moochewala was a new comer to the city which was under a security blanket in those days.

The point is security whether in India or anywhere else is as effective as the man in uniform and not the gadgets given to the police. Also in countries like India, the police still believe in the pre-independence period mind set, that bandobust that creates fear psychosis- nothing more, nothing less. Suspicion and security go together. Trust is something alien to the security drill.

This is in direct contrast to a developed country like USA where security forces on the slightest suspicion don't hesitate to frisk even the nosy politician or high profile visitor. A case in the point is the now (in) famous 'stripping' of former Indian Defence Minister George Fernandes - not once but twice. In the West, security is a holistic idea not confined to 'heavy guns' and loud red lights but also in respecting public rights and privacy.

This, however, is not the case with the Indian system ( and to a large extent in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh) where those in power are class apart and must be treated many notches above the average man in the street. And the entry of the voter is completely blocked to Parliament where people's representatives' debate on what is good for him and the country, unless, of course, he/she has a Pass provided by an elected representative.

Walking through the parliament complex or driving through the area was a normal thing even in early seventies. City buses on their way to and from the Central Secretariat (just behind Parliament) used to pass through the Parliament gates. I was one of those who enjoyed ride on the top deck of a double decker bus that used to drive through the complex. Now it is a thing of the past.

In the wake of the dastardly terrorist attack on the Parliament building, the entire complex has become an 'impregnable' fortress. There are more than a couple of security rings besides an electric fence on the outer periphery. While a forced entry of a possible `suicide vehicle' into the space around Parliament would be rather difficult with heavy blockades placed and electronic devices doing the `sophisticated throwing off tricks', the security within sanctum-sanctorum of democracy is under the process of being made `fool proof.'

A month from now, the half a km road stretch between Parliament and Parliament annexe would be turned into traffic free zone. This is a part of the new effort to make Parliament 'safe' from all directions- outside and from within. What would be its effect on traffic in the area is too early to visualise. Police on their part of course are claiming that they have ensured the alternate arrangements would cause least inconvenience to the public!

The plastic identity cards issued to those entering high security Parliament zone (MPs and Journalists including) would now be replaced by Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) chips. These carry no photographs, just embedded frequency numbers.

Highly sensitive 'RFID readers' would recognize these frequency numbers as they approach the premises and 'send a signal' to the door to open. The new I-card enables the Security to keep tracking the movement of the person concerned inside the building.

Does this mean an undue 'surveillance' of the MPs and journalists concerned? Opinions differ. Also does this mean a Big Brother syndrome? Too early to say until the system is put to rigorous use. Any how, as a security expert avers, the dividing line between privacy and security is very thin and it may often get easily obliterated in the prevailing security milieu.

There is no gain saying, going by our past experience, the hi-tech security drill would not be able to pay positive results unless security is not linked to 'the snob value' of those being protected.. If the age-old 'feudal culture' refuses to disappear and keeps popping up it will undo the best of security deployment. Not only in our country. Any where! (Syndicate Features)

Voting for something "different"

By Rajendra Singh

Some years ago, there was a rather amusing advertisement for ketchup, which described the product as "different". Two actors (Javed Jaafrey and Pankaj Kapoor, if memory served me right) argued about what made this brand of ketchup better than its competitors and one of them insisted that it was different. The other was frustrated, unable to understand what that really meant. That soon became a popular tagline at the time, "It’s different".

The English language has several words that have omnibus uses and "different" is one of them. It is open to many interpretations. It allows the user to get away with vagueness, imposing no obligation on him to actually explain what exactly he means. It allows the user to gain control of the argument, putting the onus of understanding the situation on the listener.

But it also hides a multitude of sins. If you insist long enough that you are different, there is a good chance that people will not notice that behind that cover, you are more or less the same as everyone else. In that it is a useful word and the purveyors of that ketchup shrewdly realised that by the time buyers woke up to the fact that the sauce tested the same as others in the market, they would be hooked on to it.

The film industry uses this ploy all the time; every director insists his film is "different" from the run-of-the-mill formula product that Bollywood churns out week after week. When the film opens, the discerning audience is quick to see that it is the same old fare and they vote with their feet. When the film flops, the director cannot understand why the punters did not buy his different film. What worked for ketchup and Bollywood is now being applied in politics. Till not so long ago, every political party worked hard to carve out a separate niche for itself. The Congress was secular and socialist, the Communists were on the left of the spectrum and the Jan Sangh was blatantly rightwing.

They all had their supporters who knew what they were getting when they voted for their party. If the Congress was pro-Soviet, the Sangh called for closer ties with the United States; Where the Congress was all for a socialist economic policy, the Sangh was pro-business.

But the Congress occupied the centrist ground in Indian politics, which means it was not radically against this or that, and accommodated a wide variety of ideologies and interests. From SA Dange to Rajendra Prasad, the Congress party was an umbrella organisation that supported all comers, as long as you subscribed to its basic tenets. Indeed, accommodation was its basic tenet and the Congress was, and in many ways is, the best articulation of the Indian genius of adjustment. It was the biggest coalition of them all.

In such a situation, the other parties could at best hope to operate on the fringes. The organised Left had carved out its support base among workers, and the Jan Sangh among traders. Neither was in a position to win a general election on its own (the Jan Sangh couldn’t even form a state government.) Both tasted their first experience of power at the Centre in coalitions. When the Janata Party coalition Government fell, primarily because the Jan Sangh’s would not give up their membership of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the Sangh was out in the cold. It then tried to reinvent itself by first changing the party’s name to the BJP and then declaring it had embraced "Gandhian socialism", an idea that had been tossing around for years with no takers.

In any case, for a party that had never shown any love for Mahatma Gandhi or socialism, it was a poor strategic move and in 1984, the Rajiv tsunami drowned them and they were left with just two seats. Subsequently, of course, the party picked itself up, discovered a potent issue in the Babri Masjid issue and fashioned Hindutva into an election winning instrument.

The BJP had come into its own as a distinctive political voice. It called itself a "party with a difference".

Yet, the people could be forgiven for thinking that it is the Congress all over again. Consider the evidence. It has given up many of its key distinctive programmes long ago, Swadeshi being the most prominent one, and embraced economic reforms with gusto even the government of Mr. Narasimha Rao, progenitor of the reforms programme, found difficult to show.

The BJP, today, is as much a party devoted to the personality cult as the Congress was during Indira Gandhi’s time (why, even the scenes at the airport when the supreme leader leaves and returns are much the same). And what is more, it even has its own Nehru-Gandhi family heir in Varun Gandhi.

The RSS has not made its views on the last development known, but those who were jailed during Emergency cannot possibly be happy about it. Of course, the BJP is pragmatic if it is anything (witness the drama over the admittance and then dismissal of DP Yadav just before parliamentary elections) but even so. Clearly then, the party has occupied the ground that the Congress ruled over for decades, and it could be argued that any party in power in India will have to take the centrist route; India is too disparate for extremists to rule. The jury is out on that one, because we do not know what the BJP without the burden of the NDA will do (maybe Gujarat and now Madhya Pradesh gives us some pointers). Yet, it is also obvious that too much "difference" will not work as a slogan, in reality, to survive and grow a party has to appropriate ideas and people from other parties, even if they were anathema to begin with.

In these times, when ideology is reportedly dead and buried for ever more, every party is more or less the same, or so we are told. One has to only look at Britain, where Prime Minister Tony Blair is out Thatchering the lady herself to understand that. The bigger danger is that the consumer, in this case the voters and the citizens, will start believing this. In any case, politicians are seen as venal, unscrupulous and opportunist, and if the BJP is showing those symptoms, after proclaiming itself to be clean and principled, what is so surprising?

Who cares which party governs the country; we are all set on the road to greatness and growth. Why look at the details of every party’s programme, and in any case the BJP has jettisoned all those things that bothered pseudo-liberals, like Article 370, the Muslim personal law and the Ayodhya temple. Now it is nothing but the Congress, and a better run Congress too. If every ketchup basically has the same ingredients and all of them taste the same, then why not buy the one that proclaims itself to be different? Even if it ends up costing a little more. INAV

 
 



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