EDITORIAL
Snakes
and humans
Why should snakes be angry
with the fire brigade staff in Jammu? They are not humans
certainly not politicians who should take
umbrage over everything the others do. There is no way
the snakes would have been offended by those whose job is
to extinguish fire and not ignite it: it is only left to
some members of the political class to trigger the
turmoil to express their displeasure even after their
decisive defeat in the Parliamentary elections. According
to a report buried in a corner of newspapers, 17 snakes
found their way into bathrooms of the fire brigade office
and had the human beings on their toes. There was a big
drama till all of them were caught and removed to the
nearby forest area. What were they planning to do? Not
all snakes are poisonous. In fact, they share all the
traits of the human beings: some just scare the others by
their presence because of the general impression about
them that they are the killers while the others carry out
their deadly job and disappear. For those without any
poison it is galling that they cant speak and
explain that they belong to gentle species. Who cares for
gentlemen in this world anyway whatever their shape?
Those in human form at least can ventilate their
grievances and shed tears. The other living beings
dont have that luxury. The plants, for instance,
are just plucked and thrown around: this, despite
everybody knowing that they also breathe. It is quite
another thing that they avenge their humiliation in their
own silent manner. More they are uprooted from the soil,
more parched the earth is with serious consequences for
the existence of those who treat them with disrespect.
The law is now protecting them. The same preferential
treatment is being given to the animals by keeping them
in zoos and formulating legislations for protecting those
facing.....more
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Siachen
or Tehelka
Can
Army afford these scandals?
By Maj Gen V K Madhok (retired)
Two issues which need to
be addressed squarely-with great promptitude, and which
should raise the heckles of.........more
To
stop the outflow
By Jayant Muralidharan
Two years ago, adivasi
women in Plachimada, a small hamlet in Palghat, Kerala,
started a movement against.........more
Media
lessons from Election 2004
TALES OF TRAVESTY
By Dr. Jitendra Singh
If the BJP led National
Democratic Alliance met with a defeat by a certain margin
in Election 2004, the media operators, the media
commentators and the media ''Pundits''......more
Manpower
Planning
By H C Katoch
Manpower planning
machinery barely exists any where in the Government set
up especially in the State of Jammu and Kashmir. It is
true of other States also and the Centre too. Even if
..........more
J&K:
Nature of the
2004 poll verdict
By Hari Om
The 2004 election verdict
in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) is as fractured as it is
in the rest of the country. No party can claim .......more
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Siachen
or Tehelka
Can Army
afford these scandals?
By Maj
Gen V K Madhok (retired)
Two issues
which need to be addressed squarely-with
great promptitude, and which should raise
the heckles of those in authority today
or in the future, whether in the Army or
in the civil, are: the resurgence of
Tehelka type incidents which gave
explicit details of sex scandals by Army
officers on TV. And now, the reporting of
fake incidents and encounters to earn
decorations and promotions, at Siachen.
Secondly, a study report concerning the
management of Army's officer cadre with a
view to remove disappointment amongst
juniors.
No doubt,
dubious methods were employed to tempt
officers who fell prey to Tehelka's
designs. Yet Tehelka's revelations are
unforgivable. But there were no
temptations at Siachen except to cook up
false evidence of encounters. Surely,
this is not the way for anyone who wears
the uniform of Indian Army.
Therefore,
it is time for deep introspection by the
Nation. Because the moral decay has not
taken place overnight but over the years.
Tehelka was bound to happen when the
country has failed to indigenise and
purchases 75-85 percent of its military
hardware from abroad where all the money
is. Therefore with foreign companies
vying for contracts, with Indian
middleman as their conduits positioned
next to the controlling officers, it was
only a matter of time before such dirty
deals came to public notice. And this
would be repeated should India fail to
indigenise.
Concurrently,
it would be sheer hypocracy, even to
think, that a country dubbed as one of
the most corrupt in the world, can have
an honest army inspite of all the rules,
regulations and an Army Act to monitor
and punish dishonesty. This is a
contradiction in term. Yet, the Army must
be honest, guided by the highest ideals
and led by leaders with character and
integrity. Or the Army will-in the long
run, not obey orders or follow leaders
who don't have moral strength and will
disintegrate. There should be no doubt
about it. Fortunately for India, a couple
of more years are required for total
degeneration. Currently, Army's fighting
arms (Infantry and Armed corps) are
certainly not contaminated. The scope for
corruption with them is minimal. Army's
supporting arms (Artillery, Signals and
Engineers) are competent.
All the
Tehelka type of exposures pertain to the
areas of Logistics, of contracts and
purchases where there is tremendous scope
for corruption. The chief players hail
from the polity, bureaucracy,
businessmen, foreign companies, arms
agents, advertising firms, whose target
is the Army officer, uninitiated in the
art of business warfare. Finally, it is
he who has to project demands for arms
and equipment, conduct user trials and
finally approve induction of what he
needs.
Now all
this or what happened at Siachen should
have been known to the Army Chief, Raksha
Mantri and the Prime Minister. They have
all the intelligence resources at their
disposal: IB, CBI, RAW, Army's
intelligence and so on. It is they who
have to be held responsible for such
lapses in the first instance instead of
throwing the blame on some junior Major
commanding a company at Siachen. If this
does not happen then the Nation would do
well to blame itself.
As regards
the management of Army's officer cadre,
there are two burning issues. Firstly,
besides promotion there are numerous
critical areas with problems leading to
disappointment. No Army Chief or Raksha
Mantri has applied himself to address
these with concern. Either they lacked
understanding or will? Or these problems
would have been put right in a short
time. These are also the reason why the
youth does not want to join the Army and
those serving in it would rather leave
for greener pastures in the civil after
doing correspondence courses and a
minimum tenure to earn pension. Some of
these problems are : long waits and even
denial of accommodation in peace
stations. Some officers spend 50% of
their peace tenure waiting for
accommodation. Then also, the
accommodation may be sub-standard.
Further, there is the issue of children's
education and to get admission in good
schools without donations. Repeated
tenures in high altitudes or non-family
stations, denial of priority in courts,
extra demands on combat fit officers due
to shortages, an insensitive society,
which looks at a soldier as fit only for
security duties. And the struggle to find
a job on retirement or on disability and
so on.
Secondly,
there is a crisis in military leadership.
The youth does not want to share the
responsibility for national security.
Therefore, with 50 percent deficiency in
the officer cadre (20,000 against 42,000
or so authorised), Army's 600 or so
fighting units (Infantry and Armed corps)
have full strength of nearly 50 JCOs each
but only 6-7 functional officers against
21-24 authorised. Thus, India has a JCO
led army : The JCO, with 22-24 years
service is a fine soldier. But he cannot
match the vigour, dash and elan of a
young officer. While the Nation needs an
officer led army with 50 officers and
only 5-6 JCOs each in a combat unit.
What needs
to be done? Firstly, the Army must review
its promotion system to ensure that sub
standard material does not reach higher
ranks. This system must be debated in the
Parliament and not left to the whims of
Army chiefs or the Ministry of Defence.
In this system, integrity and not only
knowledge must become the focus for
promotion. And anyone found wanting in
integrity must be thrown out.
Secondly,
India must get an effective Reservist
System going. It is only on paper today.
If the Army was to despatch call-up
notices to its Reservist officers, it
wont get more than a dozen odd fit
officers. That is what happened in 1971
during Bangladesh operations. When the
Army could muster only half a dozen fit
and willing officers for its fighting
arms. The question is, why should the
Army not have a 100percent Reservist
officer corps? In addition, why should
the Nation not expand its Territorial
Army from its present 40,000 strength to
atleast two crores or so and create an
officer corps within this army which can
make up the deficiency of regular army in
an emergency.
Finally,
it should be clear, that there can be no
army without officer leadership. And
unless the moral fibre of army leadership
is impeccable, the Army will remain
sub-standard. Further, No army means No
India. Send the Army away on a day's
casual leave and see what happens in
India? The Parliament has to institute
measures which will bring leaders of
character and integrity on top. Also, to
retain experienced officers to fulfill
their minimum essential tenures instead
of easing them out with Golden handshakes
or Voluntary Retirement Schemes.
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To
stop the outflow
By Jayant Muralidharan
Two years
ago, adivasi women in Plachimada, a small
hamlet in Palghat, Kerala, started a
movement against Coca-Cola. Today, the
Coca-Cola plant in Plachimada has been
shut down. The victory of the Plachimada
movement is a major step in reversing the
corporate hijack of our precious water
resources. It provides both inspiration
and lessons for building "water
democracy" in other parts of India
and in the rest of the world.
The
Coca-Cola plant in Plachimada was
commissioned in March 2000 to produce
1,224,000 bottles of Coca-Cola, Fanta,
Sprite, Limca, Thums Up, Kinley Soda and
Maaza. The panchayats had issued a
conditional licence for installing a
motor for drawing water. However, through
electric pumps, the company started to
illegally extract millions of litres of
clean water from more than six bore wells
installed by it in order to manufacture
soft drinks. The water level started to
fall drastically.
Not only
did Coca-Cola "steal" the water
of the local community, it also polluted
what was left. Before pumping the
wastewater into dry bore wells within the
company premises, it deposited them
outside. During the rainy season, the
waste spread into paddy fields, canals
and wells, causing serious health
hazards. Complaints were also received
from tribals and farmers that storage of
water and sources of water were being
adversely affected by the indiscriminate
installation of bore wells for tapping
ground water. This had serious
consequences for cultivation in the area.
When the
panchayats asked for details and the
company failed to comply, it served a
show cause notice and cancelled the
licence. Coca-Cola tried to bribe the
panchayats president, but without any
success. In 2003, the district medical
officer informed the people of Plachimada
that their water was unfit for drinking.
The women already knew the water was
toxic and walked miles from home to
collect drinking water. Coca-Cola had
created water scarcity in a
water-abundant region, and the women were
not going to allow this
"hydro-piracy". They started a
dharna at the gates of Coca-Cola. On
September 21, 2003 a huge rally was
organised to give an ultimatum to
Coca-Cola. In January, a World Water
Conference brought global activists like
Jose Bove and Maude Barlow to Plachimada
to support the local activists.
A movement
started by local adivasi women had thus
unleashed a national and global wave in
their support. On February 17, 2004 the
Kerala chief minister, under pressure
from the growing movement and the
aggravation of the water crisis, ordered
closure of the Coke plant. The victory of
the movement was the result of forging
broad alliances and using multiple
strategies. The rainbow alliances
beginning with local women and activists
grew to include the local gram panchayats
and its members. The local panchayats
used its constitutional rights to serve
notice on Coca-Cola. The Perumatty
panchayats also filed public interest
litigation in the Kerala High Court
against Coca-Cola.
The courts
supported the womens demands. In an
order on December 16, 2003, Justice
Balakrishnana Nair ordered Coca-Cola to
stop pirating Plachimadas water.
The order stated: "The Public Trust
Doctrine primarily rests on the principle
that certain resources like air, sea
waters and the forests have such a great
importance to the people as a whole that
it would be wholly unjustified to make
them a subject of private ownership
The doctrine enjoins upon the government
to protect the resources for the
enjoyment of the general public rather
than to permit their use for private
ownership or commercial purpose
The
State is the trustee of all natural
resources, which are by nature meant for
public use and enjoyment. Public at large
is the beneficiary of the seashore,
running waters, airs (sic), forests and
ecologically fragile lands".
In view of
the above authoritative statement of the
court, it can be safely concluded that
underground water belongs to the public.
The state has a duty to protect ground
water against excessive exploitation and
its inaction in this regard is tantamount
to infringement of the right to life
guaranteed under Article 21 of the
Constitution. So, even in the absence of
any law governing ground water, the
panchayats and the state are bound to
protect ground water from excessive
exploitation.
Even if
experts were to opine that the present
level of consumption by the plant is
harmless, it cannot be allowed to do so
since the underground water belongs to
the people and the company has no right
to claim a huge share to it. The
government has no power to allow a
private party to extract such a huge
quantity of ground water, which is a
property, held by it in trust. If the
company is permitted to draw such a huge
quantity of ground water, then similar
claims of the other landowners will also
have to be allowed, which will result in
the drying up of the underground
reservoirs.
Accordingly,
the company was directed to stop using
ground water after a month from the date
of the judgment. The time was granted to
enable the company to find out
alternative sources of water.
The
alliance grew to include people like
Veerandra Kumar of Mathrubhumi. The
January conference co-organised with the
local panchayats brought on one platform
every political party, especially the
leader of the opposition, V.S.
Achuthanandan, who kept up the pressure
in the Kerala assembly to translate the
court decision into executive action. The
literary movement provided leadership
through Sukumar Azhikode. And global
support came through the presence of Jose
Bove, Maude Barlow, European
parliamentarians and activists from
across the world. The womens
protest, which is the heart and soul of
the movement, got support through legal
action, parliamentary action and
scientific research.
This
pluralism and diversity in support of
local action was the secret of the
victory of people against Coke in
Plachimada. This is the strength of our
multiplicities and complementarities
which we have to mobilise in other part
so the India where Coke and Pepsi are
mining and stealing peoples water
resources. Coca-Cola has 52 plants in
India and Pepsi 38 plants. Each plant
will be extracting between 1-1.5 million
litres per day. This amounts to more than
one trillion or one lakh crore litres.
INAV
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Media
lessons from Election 2004
TALES OF
TRAVESTY
By Dr. Jitendra Singh
If the BJP led
National Democratic Alliance met with a defeat by
a certain margin in Election 2004, the media
operators, the media commentators and the media
''Pundits'' collectively met with a defeat by a
much larger and much more decisive margin.
Virtually every pre-poll or exit poll survey
forwarded by a variety of mushrooming TV channels
as also by print media agencies or columnists
fell much off the mark from the actual results
that emerged.
If nothing
succeeds like success, nothing also fails like a
failure. The failure of pre-election media
predictions has inadvertantly invited for its
predictors the allegation of putting in
''planted'' poll projections for dubious or
pecuniary or commercial considerations. Even if
such a wild accusation is dismissed away as too
far-fetched or quixotic, the subject still calls
for a debate on the academic sanctity, the
technical procedure and the material/method
adopted in conducting the much publicised
pre-election opinion or exit polls. For example,
in a country with 110 crore population where over
70 percent people live below poverty line and are
denied the privilege of owning a television or a
cell phone, how truly representative can be a
survey based on the opinion of a small fraction
of mostly those who are TV viewers or SMS users
or newspaper readers while a large majority
remains inaccessible in remote villages or slums
?
This obviously
leads to the next question. Is the Indian media
inadvertantly turning elitist even while
ostensibly catering equally as much to the
non-elitist sections of society ? Perhaps so! And
more so ever since the advent of mutually vying,
ruthlessly competitive private TV channels ! This
unconscious or subconscious tendency reflects not
only in the news related programmes but also in
the late-night drama serials which invariably
seek to satiate the appetite of upper middle
class semi-westernised viewer who is quite
alienated from the value-constraints observed by
a majority of Indian populace. In other words,
the new TV culture which has emerged in this
country in recent years is more consumerist than
effacing, more subjective than objective and more
merchantile than journalistic. This inevitably
brings back the thought of television's lesser
cousin called Radio which perhaps still continues
to identify more closely and realistically with
the needs and requirements, aspirations and pangs
of an unknown Indian.
The time-honoured
dictum in journalism is that report is sacred and
a reporter should never allow himself or herself
to become a participant in the event that is
being reported. The unwarranted media hype
willingly or unwillingly generated in favour of
the BJP did not only end up doing discredit to
the media persons but also cost dearly to the BJP
itself.
If the media work
is to be pursued seriously as a mission, then it
would not be so easy to churn out poll surveys
which is infact a painstaking research exercise.
This is the lesson to be picked up by the media
fraternity if it does not wish to lose its
credibility in the eyes of the common man. To
live up to the expectations of Umapathy, a
scribe needs to put in his sweat and blood, a La,
''Hum Se Poochhe Lahoo Maangti Hai Ghazal
Kitna, Sab Samajhte Hain Yeh Dhanda Aaraam Ka Hai
!''
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Manpower
Planning
By H C Katoch
Manpower planning
machinery barely exists any where in the
Government set up especially in the State of
Jammu and Kashmir. It is true of other States
also and the Centre too. Even if some wing is
created it has either gone in hibernation or
remained vestigial. Thus the equilibrium between
demand and supply of the working force is
destabilised resulting in social unrest. The
problem of manpower planning has thus in
existence even after entering the era of planned
economic development through the process of five
year plans. In the plan periods various schemes
are being tried and implemented with huge
investments in different sectors of the economy,
yet there is no specific approach as how to
strike a balance between demand and supply of
manpower. In fact it is just the age old concept
of Adam Smith popularly known as father of
economics in olden times when his lassaize-faire
economic thought was the watchword for economic
development.
When we examine
various endeavours made in different sectors of
the economy to create jobs on the basis of the
requirements for running the developmental or non
developmental programmes or implementing certain
schemes, this number is just an extremely small
fraction of the total available working force in
the employment market. The other approach is to
throw open some potential areas for private
enterprise by encouraging investments by
prospective entrepreneurs in the economy.
Development of infrastructure or to provide
subsidies and outright grants in specific
potential rich areas are also encouraged Despite
all this the unemployment or disguised
unemployment continues to surface that brings
upheaval in the socio- economic structure of the
nation.
It is a stupendous
task to plan for all human beings entering
employment market every year with different
physical and mental capabilities in different age
groups. Thus there is apparent need to
concentrate upon this concept for healthy growth
of the social system with economic development
for need based opportunities and income
generation for each home for happy living. The
parameters for assessment of manpower are quite
complex as these involve social, religious and
other angels of human behaviour. However, the
primary concern is to engage every able bodied
human being in meaningful actions for
contributing income to his livelihood and
consequently to national domestic product.
The ingredients
for manpower planning can be broadly identified
as under
(i) Population-the
main object for consideration.
(ii) Working
force-the division of human resource in different
occupations.
(iii) Natural
resources- land, water minerals and forests.
(iv) Potential for
exploitation of above natural resources.
(v) Constitution
of state domestic product-share of primary,
secondary & tertiary sectors.
(vi) Existing
infrastructure- communication and other network
facilities.
(vii) Investment
pattern - determination of priorities based upon
the potential to be exploited or the existing
structure to be strengthened.
viii) Behaviour of
economy with reference to latest technological
changes etc.
Internal and
external forces of political power and their
policies or the compulsions of the social system,
other constraints, or limitations of the system
and various other factors connected both with
human behaviour and values are other important
factors for analysing the scope of the exercise
to be taken up.
So far no such
exercise based upon the linkages between human
resource, bounties of nature and changes in the
tastes and habits or broadly living pattern of
the human beings has been attempted to my
knowledge in the country or even in the world.
Occurrence of trade cycles, too, is a pointer
towards unplanned production in the economy where
market competitive forces for achieving economy
of scale or maximising profits ultimately give
birth to fluctuations destablising demand and
supply equilibrium. This further lead to
imbalance in the structure of employment, growth,
production and demand for consumption. All these
issues and even more may crop up while detailed
exercise is attempted to plan for the human
resource.
To achieve perfect
social order which of course is nowhere possible
in the natural system because of unforeseen
calamities or even boons coming up from
unexpected gifts of nature or innovations carried
out by human beings, but the approach on
scientific lines for finding solutions can not be
underestimated. Thus it is suggested to give a
serious thought to plan for the human beings
especially the educated unemployed either in
established system or through creation of
opportunities in the system which still remains
obscure.
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J&K:
Nature of the 2004 poll verdict
By Hari Om
The 2004 election
verdict in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) is as
fractured as it is in the rest of the country. No
party can claim that it has won the people's
mandate to rule or interpret it as a victory
against other formations. It is, however, a
different story that the Congress and its
coalition partner, the People's Democratic Party
(PDP), and the National Conference (NC) are all
feeling jubilant over the poll outcome and
hailing the election results as their crowning
triumph.
Should we go by
what these parties are claiming or saying? The
answer under no situation could be yes. Even a
superficial study of the nature of the 2004 poll
verdict in the State would lay bare the
disparities between their loud claims and actual
ground situation. Take, for instance, the
assertion of the NC, the State's one of the
premier political outfits. The NC is saying that
its victory in the Baramulla and Srinagar
parliamentary constituencies in the Kashmir
valley is undoubtedly a victory against the
Congress supported PDP-led five-party coalition
and a clear verdict against the policies of the
State Government.
Admitted. But just
compare the 2004 performance of the NC with the
one in the 1998 general elections and you would
see the difference. In 1998, it had captured four
of the six parliamentary seats. It had won in all
the three constituencies in Kashmir and also
captured the Leh seat in the Cold - Desert
ladakh. Its performance in the Jammu region's
Jammu and Udhampur constituencies was also not
too bad. In both these constituencies, the NC was
number two, with the BJP winning both the seats
and the Congress facing a total rout and
humiliating defeat all over the State. In 2001,
the NC also defeated the BJP and won the Jammu
Parliamentary seat by a huge margin of over 57
thousand votes. That bi-election had been caused
due to the death of Vaid Vishno Dutt, the then
member of the Lok Sabha.
What does this
indicate? It only indicates the NC's virtual
demise in the State's two other regions - Jammu
and Ladakh. It has been badly humbled and
defeated in the Anantnag, Jammu, Udhampur and Leh
Lok Sabha constituencies. It has been able to
maintain its lead only in four of the 41 Assembly
segments in the Jammu and Ladakh regions. As for
its performance in Kashmir, it has led in 20 of
the 46 Assembly segments only. In other words,
the NC, which not so long ago dominated the
State's political scene, has maintained lead in
24 Assembly segments as against over 50 in 1996
and 28 in 2002. But more than that, the election
2004 has limited the area of its influence to
certain areas of the Valley.
This is something
that must compel the NC leaders to sit up and
find what has made it thoroughly unpopular in
Jammu and Ladakh and reduced its support base in
the Valley - its "core constituency."
As for the
Congress leaders, they are asserting very loudly
that the election results have proved that the
people of the State have rejected their political
opponents and endorsed their 18-month-old
policies, including the policy of "healing
touch". To prove their point, they are
referring to the party's victory in both the
parliamentary constituencies in the Jammu region.
It is true that the Congress has won both the
seats.
But it is equally
true that it is the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
which has led in 15 of the 37 Assembly segments -
10 in Jammu and 5 in Udhampur. And, it has led in
segments being represented since October 2002 by
none other than ministers, including the senior
Congress leader and State's Deputy Chief
Minister. In the constituency held by the Deputy
Chief Minister, the Congress had trailed behind
the BJP by a huge margin of more than 13000
votes. Besides, there are three other Assembly
segments in the Jammu Parliamentary constituency
- Akhnoor, Chhamb and Suchetgarh, where the BJP
has performed exceptionally well considering the
fact that these are also represented by the
Congress ministers, including the canny Congress
candidate Madan Lal Sharma, and the Speaker. The
victory margin of the Congress in these segments
is a paltry 907, 2454 and 913, respectively. On
the contrary, the vote share of the BJP in these
segments has increased from 8700 votes in 2002 to
21021 votes, 9288 votes to 17508 votes and 11207
votes to 13,908 votes, respectively.
The fact is that
it is the BJP which has considerably improved its
performance and led in 15 Assembly segments in
the Jammu region as against just one in the 2002
Assembly elections and lost the election in Jammu
by a very narrow margin of nearly 17,000 votes.
And, this, notwithstanding the fact that the
Congress exploited its official position to the
hilt, grossly misused the official machinery and
started developmental works during the election
campaign to influence the electorate, also the
so-called free and fair poll process in its
favour. It needs to be underlined that the
election authorities did not take any action
whatsoever on the complaints made repeatedly by
the non-BJP outfits through memoranda, statements
and press conferences regarding electoral
mal-practices openly indulged in by the Congress.
There are also reports that the ruling coalition
did tinker with electronic voting machines,
particularly in the remote Inderwal, Banihal,
Gulabgarh, Gool-Arnas, Darhal and Surankot areas
in order to benefit the coalition candidates in
the Jammu region. It is important to note that
the ruling elite has all along used these areas
for manipulating elections in favour of its
candidates whosoever they may be.
Again, there are
cogent reason to believe that there was some sort
of tacit understanding between the otherwise
known political foes - the NC and the Congress -
to help each other in Kashmir and Jammu. The
objective obviously was to ensure victory of the
NC president Omar Abdullah from the Srinagar
parliamentary constituency and defeat of the BJP
in the Jammu region. How else would one interpret
the wholesale transfer of the NC traditional
votes in the Jammu constituency's Rajouri and
Poonch districts and Udhampur constituency's Doda
and Udhampur districts to the Congress and the
transfer of the traditional Congress votes in the
Srinagar constituency to the NC? There is no
doubt whatever that the prime cause responsible
for the BJP defeat in the Jammu region is a
dramatic change in the voting pattern in the
areas referred to above and this change has taken
place in the electoral history of these areas for
the first time.
As far as the
performance of the PDP is concerned, it has
miserably failed to extend its areas of influence
beyond the South Kashmir's Pulwama and Anantnag
district. It's areas of influence continues to be
limited to these two districts and that is the
reason the people term this party as TDP
(Two-district party) and not PDP. The only silver
lining for this party is that it has won the
Anantnag seat and led in 23 Assembly segments in
Kashmir province. But this should be no
consolation for the Congress supported PDP-led
alliance. For, the coalition has trailed in 14
ministerial segments and performed very badly in
several other assembly segments represented by
ministers and chairmen of this board or that
board. The truth is that the coalition has led
only in 47 assembly segments as against 56 in the
last assembly elections, thus reducing the gap
between it and the opposition from 25 to a paltry
7.
The story of
electoral defeat of the J&K National Panthers
Party (JKNPP) - another coalition partner - is no
different. As a matter of fact, it has paid a
heavy price for its politics of blackmail, deceit
and rhetoric. It could manage a respectable lead
only in one assembly segment as against four in
the 2002 assembly elections. Courtesy the
Education Minister Harshdev Singh, who took the
plunge in the last stage and worked hard in his
own Ramnagar Assembly segment - the solitary
segment in which the JKNPP has led. As for
another coalition partner, the CPI-M, less said
the better. It was a marginal outfit and it
continues to be so. In the 2002 assembly
elections, it had won two seats from South
Kashmir. The Election 2004 has cut this party to
size, with the party General Secretary Mohd.
Yusuf Tarigami somehow managing a lead in his
Kulgam assembly segment. The real beneficiary of
the 2004 elections undoubtedly is Thupstan
Chhewang of the Ladakh Union Territory Front
(LUTF), who has trounched the NC and snatched the
Leh Parliamentary seat from the NC. The Leh-based
LUTF is the only outfit which can claim that it's
is a splendid victory.
All this should
serve to demonstrate that the Congress, the PDP,
the JKNPP and the CPI-M have not fared well. The
reasons for such a setback are not far to seek.
The most notable are (1) failure to fulfil the
2002 solemn promises, (2) adoption of the rabidly
anti-women Permanent Resident (Disqualification)
Bill, (3) withdrawal of the CSD canteen
facilities to the serving and ex-servicemen, (4)
dismissal of nearly 22,000 daily wagers, (5)
total neglect of the border migrants and educated
unemployed youth, (6) loot and plunder and (7)
militant-friendly policies. Other fundamental
factors responsible for the poor performance
being the non- implementation of the Wazir
Commission report or the creation of three new
districts in Jammu region, refusal to set up a
delimitation commission and establish regional
council for Jammu, discriminatory policies
against the people of Jammu region and the
failure of the Congress to honour its 2002
commitment that a vote for it would automatically
mean office of the Chief Minister to be the sole
preserve of Jammu.
What has been said
should clear all the cobwebs of confusion and
make all the political parties to refashion their
whole approach to the problems facing the people
inhabiting different regions in order to win over
them. All the political parties in the State have
suffered reverses. This is the message of the
verdict 2004. They must remember that the Indian
voters simply cannot be exploited. They want
results on the ground and dislike the politics of
rhetoric and deceit.
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