EDITORIAL

The BJP sideshow

Normally the revival of the Praja Parishad should have rekindled sentiments of a considerable section of the population of the Jammu region. A self-professed champion of the cause of this province and its people the party had a strong presence particularly in some of the urban areas. At the local level it had the active help at one point of time or the other of Mr Balraj Madhok and Mr Kidar Nath Sahani both of whom later rose high on its spectrum of politics at the national level. One of its experienced leaders was the late Premnath Dogra and it drew strength from the dedicated cadre of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The party found quite a few takers of its strident political campaign on the plank of 'ek desh mein do vidhan, ek desh mein do nishan; ek desh mein do pradhan nahin chalenge' ('in one country, .......more

Height of devotion

Imagine the joy of Takar Chakraborthy of Kolkata when he must have found on his arrival on the sacred hills of Trikuta that he has become part of history. He turned out to be the sixth-million pilgrim to pay obeisance at the holy cave of Vaishno Devi this year. Very rightly the Shrine Board has given him rare gifts and as one understands he will be entitled to free hospitality and special darshans in future. It was anticipated in these columns some months ago that the pilgrimage to the Trikuta hills would surpass all past records in 2004: so far the maximum turnout was in 2003 when 5.4 million pilgrims had come. This conclusion had its .......more

India's J&K policy

By S R Timmaraju

The Indian Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh said in Parliament on December 21, that he had told Pakistani President Gen Pervez Musharraf that while India is willing to look at various options for a negotiated settlement of the issue of Jammu & Kashmir, India will not agree to any redrawing of boundaries or another partition of the country. Though the Prime Minister expressed a similar opinion .......more

US links Jehadi terrorism
to J and K

By P N Khera

It is unlikely that the US will declare Pakistan as a State that sponsors terrorism but it has managed to send wrong signals by its formulation linking Islamic terrorism to events in Palestine and Jammu and Kashmir which is apparently intended to give comfort to Islamabad by giving its involvement ......more

Whither the tax culture ?

By M N Minocha

The Finance Minister, P. Chidambaram's call, in his Mid-Term Review of the Economy, for a stable tax regime is unexceptionable. But stability in tax structure goes hand-in-hand with a culture of full voluntary compliance among the tax-paying public. The record here, it must be said, is abysmal with fewer than 3 per cent of the population paying income tax. There is no gainsaying the fact that tax avoidance/evasion is a universal phenomenon, .......more

EDITORIAL

The BJP sideshow

Normally the revival of the Praja Parishad should have rekindled sentiments of a considerable section of the population of the Jammu region. A self-professed champion of the cause of this province and its people the party had a strong presence particularly in some of the urban areas. At the local level it had the active help at one point of time or the other of Mr Balraj Madhok and Mr Kidar Nath Sahani both of whom later rose high on its spectrum of politics at the national level. One of its experienced leaders was the late Premnath Dogra and it drew strength from the dedicated cadre of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The party found quite a few takers of its strident political campaign on the plank of 'ek desh mein do vidhan, ek desh mein do nishan; ek desh mein do pradhan nahin chalenge' ('in one country, two constitutions; in one country, two flags; in one country, two prime ministers would not be acceptable') and for the abrogation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution guaranteeing special status to the State. It had found wholehearted patronage across the country from the Bharatiya Jana Sangh with which it later merged itself as a natural corollary. The thrust of its protests --- almost every day its workers would take out processions in this city --- was directed against persisting with the distinct identity of the State by designating its popular head as the Prime Minister and by having its separate charter and standard. In both the avatars --- first as the PP and afterward as the pradesh unit of the Jana Sangh the party addressed the Hindu sentiments and was instrumental along with the vested interests that whipped up Muslim passions in the Valley for sharpening the regional divide in the State.

One would notice a slow change in its outlook and performance after it assumed the banner of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) following the collapse of the Janata Party experiment. As long as it was in the opposition the BJP showed awareness about the necessity for preserving the unity and integrity of J&K as an inseparable part of the Union (it opposed moves for the State's trifurcation and pleaded instead for setting up regional councils) and while it stressed the need for tough steps against the terrorism it was careful not to play the communal card in the State. Once in power the BJP underwent complete somersault. It completely turned away form the hawkish PP and JS phase. Apparently it realised the inevitability of striking conciliatory tunes in the Valley. It made peace with its arch enemy National Conference and gladly included it in the party-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA). It succeeded in generating a lot of goodwill but its past continued to haunt and did not yield any electoral breakthrough in the Valley. On the other hand, it had its traditional base in the Jammu region slipping away to the extent that the RSS too in the last Assembly polls turned its back on it and backed the Jammu State Morcha instead on the slogan of creating a separate state of Jammu. There was intense infighting. As a fall-out the party suffered immensely in the Jammu area not only in the Assembly but also in the Lok Sabha polls in which it was defeated in the two constituencies of Jammu and Udhampur it had won before that. What is to be noted is that the RSS and the JSM also did not gain in the process but in the case of the BJP these reverses notwithstanding, there was general feeling that the party's Central leaders meant well by the State. Broadly speaking, two reasons could be identified for the BJP's poor showing in the polls: the lack of participation of its pradesh leaders in the ruling Central leadership's vastly changed plans for the entire State and intra-party quarrels which had their genesis in the BJP-RSS tussle as well as the differences between the party leaders on account of their varied styles of functioning.

Given this background the reasons for the latest split in the pradesh BJP unit and the recent revival of the PP by one of its factions are easy to understand. Although the veteran leaders like Rishi Kumr Koushal who can justifiably claim the PP's legacy having constituted its backbone at one time are involved in this exercise it is doubtful whether they have the requisite organisational strength to carry it through. Most of them have got together because they nurse a grouse for having been marginalised in their parent body. It is evident from the proxy media war that is on between them and the ruling BJP group. What is fantastic, however, is the propaganda that the Congress has a hand in influencing the PP leadership. This is hoodwinking the truth that the BJP has to look within for its problems which it may find are entirely of its own making. The emergence --- in this case renewal --- of one more party in the name of Jammu and its people will lead to the division of votes and hence be detrimental to the cause all of them claim to serve. It can be anybody's guess.

Height of devotion

Imagine the joy of Takar Chakraborthy of Kolkata when he must have found on his arrival on the sacred hills of Trikuta that he has become part of history. He turned out to be the sixth-million pilgrim to pay obeisance at the holy cave of Vaishno Devi this year. Very rightly the Shrine Board has given him rare gifts and as one understands he will be entitled to free hospitality and special darshans in future. It was anticipated in these columns some months ago that the pilgrimage to the Trikuta hills would surpass all past records in 2004: so far the maximum turnout was in 2003 when 5.4 million pilgrims had come. This conclusion had its genesis in the enhanced pilgrims' interest and devotion, constant step-up in facilities during the trek through the divine hills and excellent means of travel. In 2000 and 2002 too more than five million devotees had made their way to the cave singing the glory of Vaishno Devi. The way the number of pilgrims has skyrocketed indicates an extremely rare success story of the Shrine Board as a manager and facilitator of the pilgrimage. Since it was conceived and established about two decades ago there has been more than four-time increase in visitors. As the word has spread about the entire yatra having become a remarkably smooth and comfortable affair it has encouraged people to undertake the expedition not only from distant corners of the country but also from all over the globe. Non-resident Indians notably have used it as an opportunity to fulfill their life-long ambition. What is to be welcomed is that there is a keen desire on the part of the concerned authorities to keep improving the existing arrangements and adding to them. This enthusiasm must be retained at all costs. This is all the more necessary with a railway line having already been constructed in the same vicinity expected to have its first train soon.

India's J&K policy

By S R Timmaraju

The Indian Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh said in Parliament on December 21, that he had told Pakistani President Gen Pervez Musharraf that while India is willing to look at various options for a negotiated settlement of the issue of Jammu & Kashmir, India will not agree to any redrawing of boundaries or another partition of the country.

Though the Prime Minister expressed a similar opinion during his two-day visit to Jammu & Kashmir in November, his statement in Parliament is being viewed as a policy statement to indicate to Pakistan the ground rules to be followed for dialogue on J&K issue. This has to be viewed from two different angles.

First with the bilateral talks with Pakistan gaining momentum, especially on the J&K question, a section of J&K watchers are feeling that some solution is likely to evolve in the coming months. In the process different viewpoints are being expressed about the manner in which the J&K problem is to be addressed to. The Government of India apparently thought it is prudent to explain its approach to the problem. It also set at rest the speculation in J&K where some of the separatist groups are talking that they may get some concessions from both India and Pakistan. To dispel such perceptions Dr Manmohan Singh decided to make India's stand clear to every one concerned.

At another level, it is a clear signal to power brokers in Islamabad that India will not enter in to any agreement with Pakistan that will adversely effect the core values of the Republic. In fact it is looking for strengthening these core values by demanding Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and Northern Areas due to be discussed in the talks on J&K issue in the forthcoming Indo-Pak bilateral talks. By raising these demands, India is making it clear that the hostile Pakistani attitude in India's commercial linkages with Afghanistan and Central Asian Republics is no longer acceptable to New Delhi. This new Indian stand sent new expectations among people in Northern Areas.

This also sent a clear signal to All Party Hurriyat Conference that their total silence on PoK and Northern Areas make them not as representatives of Kashmiri people. Instead New Delhi's quiet tilt towards elected representatives of J&K Assembly is slowly altering the political power dynamics in the Kashmir valley.

By this Dr Manmohan Singh's Government is conveying to Gen Musharraf, the ground rules of any negotiations with Pakistan on J&K issue has to be spelled out by both sides. Dr Singh is quietly telling the General in Islamabad not to get in to any unrealistic ideas like division of J&K and converting it it into UN administered territory etc.

The immediate question that arises is how Pakistan will view this unambiguous statement from Dr Manmohan Singh. Understandably the initial reaction from Islamabad is hostile. Pakistani armed forces feel that if their J&K stand is diluted in any fashion, it will reduce their predominance in the Pakistani polity. Even common man may start the relevance of large armed forces for Pakistan if there is no threat from India. That may introduce new equations in the power equations in the Pakistani polity.

In addition, Gen Musharraf will in all probability called traitor ''for this sell out to India''. The Jehadis created and nurtured by Pakistani establishment in all these years may also revolt against the ruling elite in Islamabad for giving up the J&K cause. There are reports that already Jehadis are upset with Gen Musharraf for his ''anti-Islamic'' policies.

Therefore, Gen Musharraf and his advisors may have to do some tight rope walking to convince the people that J&K is another lost cause of Pakistan. To persuade people to accept this harsh geopolitical reality may be willing to provide some more time to Islamabad.

But cynics among people watching Indo-Pak relations feel that it is too much to expect such a shift from Pakistan Islamabad insistence on J&K started from the day the US declared Pakistan as an important ally in its war on terrorism and started providing military and economic aid.

In fact, they point out that any one in Islamabad who tried to normalise relations with India never continued in power. The last of such people was Nawaz Sharif who signed the now famous Lahore Declaration in February 1999 and seven months later he was not only thrown out of power but was put behind bars.

The only silver lining, from Indian perspective, is Gen Musharraf's key advisors are people from extra regional powers; and they may persuade Gen Musharraf to change priorities of the country by adopting economic development as number one and down playing territorial disputes with India, in the new geo political realities.What ever may be the situation interesting developments are on anvil in Indo-Pak relations in the months to come. From present indications it is highly unlikely that Pakistan will be able to repeat any of its adventives again in J&K. That much is obvious. - CNF

US links Jehadi terrorism to J and K

By P N Khera

It is unlikely that the US will declare Pakistan as a State that sponsors terrorism but it has managed to send wrong signals by its formulation linking Islamic terrorism to events in Palestine and Jammu and Kashmir which is apparently intended to give comfort to Islamabad by giving its involvement there an "international" colouring.

The Newsinsight website has articulated these fears thus: "The Americans are floating a curious but dangerous theory in diplomatic circles, which is that if the Israeli-Palestinian crisis and the Kashmir dispute are resolved, Islamic terrorism will lose its momentum. Not in line with this theory, but in general sympathy with it, is the statement of the US deputy secretary of state, Richard Armitage, that General Pervez Musharraf recent proposal on Kashmir is "forward-looking" and "very interesting", and therefore, presumably, merits attention. Last week, we warned that a second-term president like George W.Bush could force matters on Jammu and Kashmir hoping that a resolution could get him big in history, and unfortunately, the early signs of that are there."

The website maintains that the American push on Kashmir can and should be resisted, but more dangerous is the theory that links J and K and the Middle-East crisis to Islamic terrorism. The Israeli-Palestinian dispute has certainly contributed to this terrorism, although to date the Al-Qaeda has no known Palestinian in its top hierarchy, plus, there is a certain amount of Arab opportunism or hypocrisy when they speak of the Middle-East crisis, because, in their hearts, the Arabs hate the Palestinians.

Also, Osama Bin Laden became a mujahideen leader in the war against the Soviets in Afghanistan but turned against his American mentors because of their presence in Saudi Arabia, the holy land of Muslims. He opposed their control of Saudi oil, OPEC, and their military presence in the kingdom after the first Gulf war.

This is a side of history that the Americans won’t look at, even though fifteen of the nineteen WTC kamikaze bombers were Saudis, fed on Osama’s angst. Kashmir, on the other hand, does not have even that tenuous link to international terrorism that the Israeli-Palestinian dispute has. Kashmir terrorism is a straightforward case of Pakistani terrorism, an instance of state-sponsored low-intensity war. Over the last fifteen years, the Indian government has presented enough evidence to foreign governments of the involvement of Pakistan’s establishment in the terrorism. The Pakistan army is involved, the ISI has been a big spearheader of J and K terrorism, and the main terrorist outfits active in the state, the Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad, are barely Kashmiri. They are lock, stock and barrel Pakistani entities.

Earlier, Pakistan denied any establishment terrorism, outsourcing it to Kashmiri groups like the Hizbul Mujahideen. But when the Hizbul obfuscated on the question of J and K’s eventually merger with Pakistan, Pakistan dumped it, and created its own terror outfits, the various Harkat formations first, then the Lashkar, and lastly, the JeM. No longer does Pakistan deny the involvement of indigenous groups in J and K terrorism, but it claims not to have control on them, which is bogus. By bringing them under the rubric of Islamic terrorism, the US is playing into Pakistani hands, providing Pakistan the justification for prolonging and intensifying terrorism in J and K. To date, this is the grossest misreading of J and K terrorism, and it looks more and more the case that the US is transferring the blame due to it on to others.

Before 9/ 11, frankly, Islamic terrorism was not considered as demonic. The American embassy bombings in Africa or the USS Cole attack while attributed to the Al-Qaeda hardly brought the Al-Qaeda as much notoriety as 9/ 11, and that was one aim of the WTC attack. The WTC attack was Wahabi terrorism, an outcome of the pressure-cooker states established in the Middle-East sheikdoms with the full knowledge and approval of America. The worst of these pressure-cooker states is Saudi Arabia, which had a long-standing protection-for-oil deal with the US, and to prevent democratic stirrings in the youth, the Saudi royalty prescribed jihadi syllabuses in madrasas, and dispatched hordes of jihadised youth to fight "infidels" in foreign lands.

This jihad started with Afghanistan in the seventies, and has not entirely ceased since, even though it has boomeranged on the House of Saud and its mentor, America. The fountainhead of all jihadi terrorism, Wahabi terrorism, Arab terrorism and Islamic terrorism is Saudi Arabia, both the cause of and provocation for them all, but it is being perversely protected by the US. The US topples the most secular Arab leader, Saddam Hussein, after a rash and disastrous war in Iraq, but raises not a finger at Saudi Arabia. That disastrous Iraq War is the foremost present cause for Islamic terrorism, but the US goes searching mainly for excuses in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Kashmir dispute.

By giving an Islamic tag to the Kashmir dispute, the US is lapsing into the vocabulary of Pakistani terrorists, who call India un-Islamic, an infidel state, and so on. India is certainly not an Islamic state, but it has no state religion either. If is, by constitutional definition, a secular state, where the "state" and "church" are distinctly separate. Being a Muslim-majority state, J and K has a special significance for India’s secular status. It is a daily repudiation of Jinnah’s Two-Nation Theory, on which basis Pakistan was created.

Pakistan believes it lacks an identity as long as J and K remains severed, but many in India aver that if the State goes, the process of dismemberment will begin. Indeed, many on this side hold that Pakistan’s real object is not Kashmir but to dismember India to avenge Bangladesh, and that it won’t stop with getting Kashmir. Even if dismemberment is farfetched, any proposal to give up Kashmir would strengthen the so-far fringe campaign of exchange of populations between India and Pakistan, the non-Muslims coming to India and Muslims going over. By their rash linkages, the Americans are opening explosive Pandora’s boxes. By their overarching theories about Islamic terrorism, they are making it worse.

Every region of present flashpoint has to be singularly and imaginatively addressed.

The Israeli-Palestinian dispute needs to be separately dealt from Al-Qaeda/ Wahabi terrorism. Saudi terrorism, fundamentalism, and Saudi advanced weaponisation plans have to be rudely contained, and while bringing democracy to Iraq, after all the disastrous hostility, is a worthy project, it would be perverse to ignore Saudi Arabia in the experiment.

And with Saudi Arabia, Pakistan must be forced into democracy, its army barracked, the jihadis disarmed and reeducated at youth, and Jammu and Kashmir will take care of itself. Without Pakistani terrorism, the sky is the limit in terms of relations between J and K and the Indian State. Anything is possible in the future, including virtual independence. J and K is a dispute because Pakistan wants it to be, and the essential nature of this should be recognised by the US. But India should not fall into the US’s classification trap, and remain insistent on Pakistani terrorism in J and K, which it has been, from first to last. By putting a label of Islamic terrorism to the J and K dispute, the US is internationalising it to Pakistan’s advantage. Beware. — (ADNI)

Whither the tax culture ?

By M N Minocha

The Finance Minister, P. Chidambaram's call, in his Mid-Term Review of the Economy, for a stable tax regime is unexceptionable. But stability in tax structure goes hand-in-hand with a culture of full voluntary compliance among the tax-paying public.

The record here, it must be said, is abysmal with fewer than 3 per cent of the population paying income tax. There is no gainsaying the fact that tax avoidance/evasion is a universal phenomenon, for the much wonted stability of the tax system is still proving elusive.

The common fear among taxpayers about dealing with the Income Tax Department still remains, reinforcing the belief, even from within, that more than the rates or the complex laws to blame for the poor compliance are administrative inefficiency and red-tapism, bureaucratic attitude and indifference, lack of financial and intellectual integrity, and laxity in enforcement. All this despite the Department putting through a make over, from a purely enforcement agency to a tech-savvy service organisation.

While the department is now seeking to propagate through a citizen's charter that revenue collection can be optimised only through a system that operates on mutual trust, confidence and cooperation between the taxpayers and the tax-gatherers, not many people are fully convinced that his is what the Department really wants.

The general feeling is that the punitive provisions of the tax laws are applied selectively, even as the number of non-filers of returns is increasing. A piece-meal approach to penal provisions and the frequent changes to various clauses of the I-T Act have led to this undersiable situation. A stable tax regime will not happen unless some of the issues are addressed upfront, as this has everything to do with efficiency optimisation and effectiveness of the Department. The Department's database is still not fully integrated, and till this happens, the interface with the taxpayer cannot be minimised for a hassle-free administration.

No one denies that in the new milieu the Department should forcefully deliver to the taxpayer the message on strict compliance of laws and payment of legitimate dues, or face the consequences. But this brings back the good old question: Can those living in glass houses afford to throw stones at others?

Agencies responsible for fiscal administration, including the I-T Department, must become tech-savvy and train and re-train officers and staff to deal with taxpayers in a just and fair manner. While no one has a quarrel with lower tax rates and zero exemptions as the only way forward, the mindset of the Assessing Officers has to change to become assessee-friendly.

If the Government is convinced of growing recalcitrance among I-T Department employees, steps should be taken to check this menace. Everyone agrees that the emphasis needs to be on withdrawing exemptions and rationalising the tax structure so as to eliminate subjectivity in the tax system. But for this to happen within a timeframe, the Central Board of Direct Taxes should quickly initiate a study of the various aspects of the tax compliance problem, as also the departmental inefficiencies, and find solutions for developing a healthy tax culture. INAV

 
 



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