The
power of numbers
By Arun
Nehru
The
politics of 'coalition' and the power of
numbers prevail as we witness events in
Bihar. The CBDT clears Lalu Yadav in the
income tax case and the CBI efforts in
the 1,000 crore fodder case are on very
similar grounds and there should be no
surprises on this account as the CBI/CBDT
cannot work in 'conflict' with the
government of the day and without Lalu
Yadav and his 26 MP's the government of
PM Manmohan Singh cannot run for a day!
We often talk of the rule of law and does
this prevail in the state of Bihar or for
that matter with the Central government
in matters pertaining to leaders from
Bihar? We witness action from the Patna
High Court in several matters pertaining
to the government in Bihar, we see the
directions from the Supreme Court in
regard to Pappu Yadav and what does it
all show when the 'lower' bureaucracy and
the police are involved with criminal
interests and 'senior' officers play the
survival game and look the other way! The
telephone calls by Pappu Yadav from jail
to several ministers makes a mockery of
the rule of law and he threatens
opposition leaders with threats as the
media report events in great detail.
Things go bad to worse as the senior
Congress/Left leaders maintain a
'deafening silence' as the Lalu Yadav/
Ram Vilas tirade is witnessed by the
nation and both deny allegations which
are made to TV and media channels and
clearly no one is interested in the 'rule
of law' or propriety as Cabinet Ministers
accuse each other of graft and here again
the 'rule of numbers' prevail over
governance and clearly the politics of
Bihar has arrived on the National scene.
Vendetta politics is very much on the
cards and can anyone rule out violence in
the near future as political issues may
well be determined by the bullet instead
of the ballot. All cases against Lalu
Yadav will collapse as no Central agency
can do anything against him and there
should be few surprises as you cannot
expect a Central government agency to
institute proceedings against someone who
controls the survival of the ruling
coalition.
The
Assembly elections are still three months
away and as Lalu Yadav battles for
survival with a great deal of visible
desperation and conflict within the
coalition the politics of violence
prevails and will be evident in 'poll
management' at the booths and clearly in
Bihar we are moving into a era where the
right to vote exists but the right to
exercise your vote and the 'choice' may
be subject to the interest of local caste
and criminal elements. Lalu Yadav cannot
afford to lose and he cannot afford to
allow the Congress or LJP to dilute his
superiority in 'numbers' in the Bihar
assembly and he can go to any extent to
protect his interests. A vindictive state
government with a committed lower
bureaucracy can manipulate and
manufacture cases and with the assistance
of 'mafia' interests in the districts and
sadly the rule of law fails but if we
look at past events nothing lasts forever
and there is always 'retribution' in the
end.
The
election picture in Bihar is still very
hazy and the choices are very difficult
for the Congress. They cannot go it alone
as Lalu Yadav will withdraw support at
the Center and they do not have the
security of 'outside' support as the SP
is hostile, the BSP is uncertain and the
NCP/JMM cannot be taken for granted = the
image of governance takes a 'beating' but
what are the choices? The NDA in Bihar do
not inspire confidence as a winning
combination and do not have a
'charismatic' leader to challenge the
domination of Lalu Yadav . The NDA had
nearly a dozen Central ministers and
clearly over a five year period did very
little to gain the confidence of the
people of Bihar and today besides Sharad
Yadav they have Nitesh Kumar who has a
'solid' caste base. Nitesh negotiates
with Ram Vilas Paswan who has the ability
to change sides and stay in the Cabinet
under different masters and both he and
Nitesh represent vital caste interests
and can pose a serious challenge to Lalu
Yadav and the RJD but will the
Congress/Left align with them to defeat
the RJD and can they ignore the 26 MP's
of the RJD which are vital for survival
at the Center. Anything can happen with
SP/BSP if Lalu Yadav pushes to hard = the
Congress cannot ignore the immediate
future and cannot allow the negatives of
Bihar to ruin their prospects for the
future and at the same time cannot put
their existence in jeopardy at the
Center. Elections approach in Haryana and
Jharkhand where they will have 'thumping'
wins [Lok Sabha they won nine out of ten
in both states] and then they will need
Lalu Yadav to tackle Mulayam Singh in UP.
Coalition
pressures put the Congress on the
defensive in Bihar and Lalu Yadav has
little option but to support Pappu Yadav/
Shahubudin/ Taslimudin and many others
without whose support and muscle he
cannot win and this is the reality of
political survival. Political battles are
won and lost by political forces and are
determined by the ballot and sadly in
Bihar and to a great extent in UP things
are changing as criminal elements and the
Mafia with strong financial and political
linkages create their own expertise in
'booth control' = the vast majority be
they the general public, the officials or
the police become silent and wait for
'deliverance' = the 'silence' comes out
of fear and the fear is real as the rule
of law does not prevail and those in
governance at the state and in the center
are powerless to act as they play for
political survival. The 'Pappu Yadav'
issue highlights this factor and he did
win a 'election' from jail and is a
member of the Lok Sabha and can well be a
member of the Cabinet if Lalu wins and
Pappu Yadav has ten MLA'S in Bihar = PM
Manmohan Singh will indicate as he has
done before that this is a part of
coalition governance and no one is guilty
unless convicted and Pappu Yadav has not
been convicted for any crime.
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Of
godmen and godwomen!
TALES OF TRAVESTY
By Dr.
Jitendra Singh
Without
going into the merits of the murder
charge against Shankracharya Jayendra
Saraswathi, without taking sides and
without getting involved in the ongoing
controversy surrounding the case, there
is still much.... and perhaps far more
important... that calls for a countrywide
discussion by a society which is
rediculously torn between a crisis of
traditional ethos on the one side and a
confusion of modern values on the other
side.
For a
society confused by ambiguity of
identity, this had to happen! This was to
manifest in one way or the other and,
manifest it has---- in this way.
Shankracharya's is therefore not an
individual case per se but an ugly
fall-out of blatant commercialisation
that has crept into every sphere of
activity. Call it professionalism, call
it business... it spares not even the
priestly vocation ! Even if Jayendra
Saraswati Shankracharya ultmately
succeeds in absolving himself of the
charge against him and proves out to be
absolutely innocent, he personifies a
culture where the success of even those
occupying the holiest of the holy
pedestals is measured by the
money-dispensing power and the political
clout wielded by them.
In a
total reversal of the age old proverb
that man is known by the company he
keeps, in contemporary Indian society man
is known only by his ability to keep the
company of the rich and resourceful
albiet notorious and tainted. Hence we
have all sorts of godmen and godwomen
ranging from Chandraswamis to Asa Rams
sharing dias with Amar Singhs and
Advanis, and feeling exuberantly elated
by this experience. Imagine, for
instance, a Ramakrishna Paramhans or a
Swami Vivekanand from an earlier age
indulging in this manner !
Most of
the successful spiritual gurus today lead
a lifestyle which is, to say the least,
absolutely in contrast to the one
prescribed for hermits and saints who are
supposed to have renounced the worldly
comforts. Most of these modern-day
''Gurus'', ''Bapus'' and ''Mahaprabhus''
lead a lifestyle which finds parallel
only in the shallow extravagance of
neo-rich society. They fly around in
chartered aircrafts sponsored by their
wealthy disciples. They stay in five star
hotels. They deliver discourses either
for sponsored TV channel slots or for
auditorium--- audiences comprising
politicians, industrialists and film
stars. To add another feather to their
dubious credentials, most of these godmen
are under police or court scrutiny for
one or the other allegation ranging from
misappropriation of money and evasion of
tax to rape and molestation.
In the
course of his renunciation followed by
evolution from Siddhartha to Buddha, the
prince turned hermit had gradually
decided to give up even the minor
niceties of life like, for example, a
pillow or a drinking water bowl because
he was convinced that he no longer
required them. In quite a contrast today,
the 21st century claimants to Buddha's
legacy seem to become more and more needy
if not greedy after they have professed
to launch themselves on the path to
renunciation. In other words, they
invariably renounced their material
deprivations in return for choicest
luxuries of life.
Do such
godmen and godwomen hold any inspiration
for the common man who on many an
occasion appears more enlightened and
more baptised than these ''holy''
worthies? Umapathy has the last
laugh with a poetic butt '' Yeh Jo
Madarase Ke Bigrhe Hue Hain Mulla, Inhen
Mahkhaane Mein Le Aao Sanvar Jaenge !''
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Towards
dynamic university administration
By Prof. Khurshid Ali
The working of our
Universities is generally tradition based and
tends to rely on rules, statutes, procedures and
techniques, which have not been
changed over the years. The administration is
very much office oriented and fails to catch up
with the new task and responsibilities entrusted
to it by the changing social order. University
teachers often complain the rigid administrative
procedures, and financial controls hamper
departmental initiative, especially in the field
of research.
Existing
Shortcomings
The analysis of
the management practices of the Universities
reveals the following short-comings:
Absence of
Perspective Planning A major deficiency of the
University administration is the absence of
perspective planning which comprises the
determination and laying down of objectives,
policies, systems, budget, standards and
strategies. The planning that is resorted to
currently in our Universities, pertains to only
day to day operational matters with very little
rather negligible contribution to such strategies
that might affect positively or negatively to
these operations.
Financial
Constraints: Operational and maintenance
grant allocated by state governments provided in
the routine budget are very limited. Universities
are usually forced to use part of the development
budget to cover the shortages in the routine
expenditure
The objective to
improve academic quality and to produce high
quality manpower is badly hampered due to
financial constraints. Although the autonomy is
statutorily provided in the framework of
universities, yet this appears on paper only as
their relationship with the government is not in
conformity with their autonomous status. Apart
from the built-in situation for financial
dependence on government officials for money, to
keep the university going, the autonomy of
Universities is undermined in subtle ways by
those who have financial administrative clout by
interfering and operating extra constitutional
pressures
Lack of
Decision Making : Decisions even on simple
and routine matters are not taken expeditiously
by the concerned Department / Section Heads but
are passed on to officers who in turn pass the
same to next higher Officers and so on, causing
thereby un-necessary delay and resentment among
the people. The Vice-Chancellor, as the Chief
Executive Head, who is expected to devote
sufficient time to matters of academic
importance, long range planning and development
of the University, finds himself encircled with
routine administrative matters.
Role of
Vice-Chancellor : In a University set up the
Vice-Chancellor is the chief executive and
Principal Academician. On him depends the future
growth and development of the Institution. As the
Chief Executive, he is expected to regulate the
conduct and duties of the employees, to see that
the provisions of the Act, statues, the
regulations and the rules are observed. He should
lead the University and not just manage it. Thus
the choice made in the appointment of the Chief
Executive eventually affects the future of the
University and the stability and the control of
the University system. While the office of the
Vice-Chancellor is full of troubles, the real
misfortune hits a University when a weak and
in-effective or un-reasonable (with bureaucratic
tendencies) Vice-Chancellor is appointed. There
are certain characteristics like favoritism, lack
of academic and administrative ability, which
make a Vice-Chancellor to destroy the University
for a long time to come.
Lack of
Co-ordination: Coordination which is the
orderly synchronization of group efforts so as to
provide unity of action in the pursuit of a
common purpose, is lacking in the Universities.
The Chief Executives are over-burdened in doing
routine work, from sanctioning leave to that of
selection of employees, instead of devoting their
attention in coordinating the activities of the
different sections i.e. students, teachers, non
teaching staff, government and public.
Teaching
Community : Teachers who play a vital role in
the advancement and the development of the
Universities are at times entangled and engrossed
in rivalry. The most general problem faced by the
rivalry is the existence and dynamics of rival
groups in the teachers. If certain teachers are
associated with various activities in the
University because of their ability and
potentiality, their rivals automatically become
critical of administration. Whatever a
Vice-Chancellor decides, opposition and stir are
bound to be there.
Rotation of
Headship of Departments introduced in
Universities enables the Departments to benefit
more from young and fresh experience of
individuals concerned. However, in certain
situations it has meant war of nerves between
past / present / future Head of Department, thus
hampering the development of the Department and
retarding the process of growth of the
University.
Litigation
Exercise of jurisdiction of courts in matters
pertaining to governance of University and
operation of statutes and regulations, has
frustrated the attempts of the University to
introduce discipline among students, teachers and
non-teaching staff. When punishment is awarded,
after thorough enquiry, the person goes scot-free
when the punishment is challenged in a court of
law on some flimsy technical grounds.
The Student:
The students even though they may have a very
little role in administration, are the most
important links first because of their numbers
and second because of their amenability to
exploitation due to their in-experience and
immaturity
Personnel Weakness
of the existing organization is related to
personnel. It has varied aspects like shortage of
personnel at the higher level, lack of
specialized officers, in -experienced and
un-qualified staff, lack of dedication,
in-adequate provision of in-service training and
un-satisfactory conditions of services. Most of
the Universities do not have any job evaluation
schemes and whether one works or not, one gets
annual increments regularly and even regular
promotions.
Towards
Administration Dynamism: The impediments and
disincentives stated above are by no means
exhaustive. The purpose is not to project the
negative perception of the various constituents
that make the present University educational
syndrome. The truth must be stated, though the
perception may not be objective. The disease must
be exposed before the educational doctors in
order to arrive at right remedies.
Our Universities
by and large are characterized by bureaucratic
hierarchy where bureaucratic controls are strong.
The working cultures are different. Files move in
a rigid order from Vice-Chancellor to down below
the Junior Assistant and this more than not
results in delays and un-necessary hurdles and
obstacles. Sometimes, a file may keep on moving
in vicious circles or may become un-traceable.
When a particular clerk is on leave, the work
comes to virtual stand-still as the process halts
there. It may take two - three weeks for a letter
to be opened and two to three weeks to put it up
and another two to three weeks to process it.
Such a process even is not automatic, rather one
has to follow the file to keep it moving.
The system of
bureaucracy has sufficiently defined procedures,
but not sufficiently defined accountabilities for
employees. In fact the procedures are
over-defined and rigidly followed. A clerk may
find scores of rules for creating obstacles and
to justify why not to agree to the submitted
proposal / statement. Concept of sincerity and
punctuality are largely missing. The employees
keep coming to office till 12 O'clock and start
moving back by 2:30 p.m. When in office the
employees present are either gossiping or
pursuing their side-business. Job security being
so strong, the employees treat their salaries as
their pensions
To be precise MIS
in the Universities needs to be streamlined and
smoothened. The focus needs to be on efficiency.
Over systemization has to be dispensed with.
There has to be a sense of responsibility and
system of accountability. This involves work
cultural and attitudinal change. The approach has
to be continuously supported from the top and
constantly communicated at all levels. An
alternative has to be adopted to age-old practice
of putting up notes. The record keeping has to be
improved. The level of rigidity of the
organization hierarchy has to be well determined.
A new approach to job security has to be tried
out and adopted. PCs' are not be kept as show
pieces in the rooms of bosses who in many cases
do not even know how to operate them. Information
technology which has reached new horizons has to
be made best use of for the over all efficiency
and excellence in university system.
There is an urgent
need of combined will and effort on the part of
the government the teachers the non-teaching
staff and the students to help in the proper
growth and development of the highest seat of
learning. There have been attempts to reform the
academic side of the educational institutions, by
introducing new ideas and innovations but seldom
was it thought prudent to infuse reforms in the
administration of these institutions. If the
administrative machinery is overhauled and
exposed to modern ideas and concepts in
management and accordingly properly trained, it
will do a lot of good towards fulfilling the
objectives of the University. If the University
administration were to work with vision, it must
not end by merely assisting the academics in
their routine academic work and spending most of
their time in solving the problems of Campus
people only, it must be closely linked up with
the planning for the future of the University,
its goals and objects. Much emphasis should be
laid on the academic roles of the University as
against the administrative roles, otherwise the
teachers may see their preferred career paths in
administration rather than in academic. The
higher functionaries are supposed to provide
leadership to see that the provisions of the Act,
the statutes, the Regulations and Rules are fully
observed, otherwise academic standards get
lowered and un-ethical conduct breeds in.
The academician
and the administrator are partners, engaged in a
great and noble task of maintaining academic
standards. The former is capable of advancing
intellectual horizons and thus should act as an
enlightened advisor in the administration of the
University, while the latter must endeavor to
make the administration efficient and effective.
There seems to be no conflict of interest between
the two. There is only the community of interest
in improving the image of the University in the
society. The highly educated, who have chosen for
themselves the noblest of all professions
represent the elite of the University
administration. The Universities should enjoy the
autonomous character as envisaged in the Act and
lesser government interference be ensured. There
should be a unified academic and financial
control of the University. Qualified and
efficient staff of the higher level be provided
and there should be a scheme of evaluation for
all the employees and incentives to be given only
on the basis of the progress and achievement
reports. Even though the University
administration comprises of the teachers,
non-academic staff and students, it is the Vice
Chancellor who has to act as a friend,
philosopher, a guide and an efficient
administrator. Once having been set on rails, the
university administration would definitely
fulfill its purpose and accomplish the defined
objectives of excellence in teaching and
research.
(The author
is Dean Academics University of Kashmir)
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World
textile trade and India
By Pallab Bhattacharya
With barely a
month left for the dismantling of the Multi Fibre
Agreement (MFA) from January 1, 2005, the Indian
textile industry is on the threshold of a huge
opportunity for growth as well as a major
challenge.
There is as much
optimism as trepidation in the industry. Optimism
because many in textile sector believe post-MFA
could replicate almost the same scale of success
as the Indian information technology. Trepidation
because the unfolding scenario may not be as rosy
as it is made out to be. But there is general
consensus that India stands to gain in a
quota-free international textile trade.
With its
contribution of nearly three per cent to GDP,
about 24 per cent of India's total exports,
accounting for more than 14 per cent of total
industrial output and generating eight per cent
of central excise revenue, the textile industry
occupies a key place in the Indian economy.
In the
international textile arena, India has an
important place as it is the third biggest
producer of cotton and cellulose fibre/yarn,
second largest producer of cotton yarn, largest
manufacturer of jute, second largest producer of
silk and fifth largest producer of synthetic
fibre/yarn.
More importantly,
India is among the select countries which have a
presence across the entire value chain of textile
and apparel business--- production of fibre,
spinning, weaving/knitting, processing and
garment manufacturing.
Given these
advantages, it is but natural that the Indian
textile sector would be in a position to benefit
in post-quota regime and restore its great
legacy.
In a short in the
arm for the textile industry ahead of the
post-quota regime, readymade garments exports
from India to quota countries have grown by 10-12
per cent in quantity and nearly 48 per cent in
quality terms in October this year.
On hopes of a
surge in exports, textile shares have been in
great demand at the bourses with scrips of
several leading textile mills climbing
dramatically up.
The launch of
economic reforms in the 1990s gave a further
fillip to Indian textile industry and more steps
were taken to free the sector from shackles of
controls. The sector was de-licensed and reforms
were taken on fiscal and external fronts.
The international
textile trade has been governed by MFA, which has
been in forces since 1974 enabling developed
countries to check imports from developing
countries. The agreement was also aimed at giving
time textile sectors in developed countries to
prepare for the competition in quota-free regime.
How does the
post-MFA scenario look like for India? A survey
conducted by Federation of Indian Chambers of
Commerce and Industry (FICCI) recently showed
that Indian textile and apparel exporters expect
a sharp rise in imports from US, Canada and
Europe.
The survey shows
that 13 per cent of the companies covered would
see their exports going up by 30 to 40 per cent
and 22 per cent expect an increase of 40 per cent
in their export volumes.
According to
experts, China and India would be biggest gainers
in that order of a quota-free access to Western
markets. The World Trade Organisation estimates
India's share of global textile and clothing
sector to rise from four to 15 per cent in the
next six years as against China whose share is
projected to rise from 16 to 50 per cent. The
changed situation post-MFA is also expected to
set off a churning in India's export front with
only the efficient exporters benefitting.
In the last five
years in the run up to the quota-free regime, the
focus of Indian textile industry has been on
technology upgradation, benchmarking costs,
capacity augmentation, improving quality and
cutting lead time in supplying orders.
With the focus on
technology development, Textile Minister
Shankersinh Vagehla has said the Government is
considering hiking interest subsidy provided to
textile units under the Technology Upgradation
Fund Scheme (TUFS) to eight per cent from the
present five per cent.
He said the
offtake from the Rs. 250 bn TUFS has been just
Rs. 60 bn in the last five years. In the first
six months of 2004-05, disbursements under the
scheme stood at Rs. 9.56 bn as against Rs. 8.56
bn during 2003-04.
The Government has
already lowered the threshold for taking
assistance for spinning units from 25,000 to
12,000 spindles and for other units the minimum
size for subsidy has been reduced from 12,000 to
8,000 spindles.
But there are a
number of other areas of concerns which have to
be attended to if India's share of international
textile market has to go up in a highly
competitive environment in post-MFA regime.
According to the
FICCI survey, the textile industry is not
actively studying new markets which would open up
in quota-free regime not is it laying stress on
studying changing consumer trends, tastes and
styles.
The Indian textile
exporters have also expressed apprehensions that
developed countries might resort to protectionist
measures like anti-dumping duties, anti-subsidy
measures in the most immediate phase of post-MFa
period to restrict imports from low-cost
manufacturers like India.
Besides, there are
regional trade arrangements by developed
countries with preference being given to exports
from member-countries. Secondly, non-trade issues
--- both social, notably labour, and
environmental --- could be raised to check
imports from some developing countries. Thirdly,
developed countries can give preference to
exports from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka
at the expense of India.
The textile
industry has complained about "rigidly"
of labour laws affecting its competitiveness but
it is a well recognised fact that it is a
political hot potato for any Government to
handle.
PTI
Feature
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Anti-Congressism
By Kedar Nath Pandey
For around 36
years, India has had strong intermittent currents
of anti-Congressism. Two main types of
anti-Congressism sometimes get entwined. One type
is historical anti-Congressism. This consists in
diminishing, denying or decrying the historical
role of the Congress in its various aspects.
Another type is contemporary political
anti-Congressism. This is geared primarily to
excluding the Congress, for contemporary reasons,
from the centres of political power in India. Ram
Manohar Lohia’s anti-Congress activism was a
post-independence phenomenon primarily of the
second type. It was one of the few varieties of
anti-Congressism that was not strongly entwined
with historical anti-Congressism. The causes for
historical and contemporary anti-Congressism are
often scrutinised. But anti-Congressism has
itself not been sufficiently scrutinised. And,
particularly in the case of historical
anti-Congressism, there have been few attempts
within the traditions sponsoring these tendencies
to define the possible limits to the phenomena.
The Congress
itself has been neglectful of its history. Even
on contemporary issues, its own leaders have come
uncritically to internalise the narratives of its
opponents. Thus, the Congress leaders were
convinced that the last Gujarat Assembly election
could not be fought unless the campaign was
placed in the hands of former BJP men. In
considering the limits upon anti-Congressism, it
is necessary to bear in mind that Congress
history and the formation of the Indian nation
are interlinked in a way in which nation
formation and no other party is or can be linked.
Historical anti-Congressism itself has had many
varieties. There are, for example, the
anti-Congressism of Hindutva, the Muslim League,
the Ambedkarite section of the Dalits as well as
the anti-Congressism of the pre-independence CPI.
Most important, there was in addition the
anti-Congressism of the colonial state and of the
imperial apparatus. These varieties often
intersect in contemporary writings. Thus British
anti-Congressism, for example, sought to present
the historical anti-Congress trends among the
Dalits and Muslims as being the only trends
within these sections that are worthy of note.
The historical
anti-Congressism of Hindutva is built around a
few talking points. One such point circulated by
the RSS among its cadres involves a selective
portrayal of the Khilafat issue of the 1920s.
There is a tendency for many varieties of
anti-Congressism erroneously to refer to the
non-cooperation movement of 1920-22
interchangeably with the Khilafat movement. The
non-cooperation movement, led by the Congress,
was based on three issues: The Punjab wrongs
(1919), the demand for ‘swaraj’ and
support for the Muslim grievances related to
Khilafat. And the last, it is well to remember in
the current context of the United States’
attack on Iraq, involved not simply the question
of the Caliphate but the impropriety of Indian
troops being used against countries towards which
India had no animosity.
Hindutva
anti-Congressism attacks the Congress on
Khilafat, but some leading Hindutva figures were
part of or supported this movement. B. S. Moonje
of the Hindu Mahasabha was a signatory to the
October 1921 manifesto, which called for
non-cooperation with the British. Hedgewar, who
later founded the RSS, was arrested in 1920 for
his participation in the movement. Subhas Chandra
Bose, who Hindutva spokesmen seek to appropriate,
approved of the Khilafat issue being raised as
part of the movement. His only objection, by
hindsight, was an organisational one. For all its
rhetoric, Hindutva cannot afford to give up on
the concept of nationhood that the freedom
movement led by the Congress fostered. To give it
up would set the country aflame, as happened in
Gujarat. The realisation will dawn on the BJP, in
the interests of its own-self-preservation, that
to abandon Indian nationhood for Hindu nationhood
would be not only a moral disaster, for which it
may not care, but also an economic one, which it
cannot ignore.
The Muslim League
too attacked the Congress. But there were certain
Congress programmes on which it discreetly
withheld criticism. The ‘khadi’
programme was one of them. Thousands of Muslim
spinners, weavers and artisans benefited from it.
No movement for freedom had ever been able to put
together a major programme of this kind even
before it attained power. The Frontier Gandhi,
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, speaking at the Bombay
Congress session in 1934 about his tour of rural
Bengal, observed that where the ‘khadi’
programme had reached, it had brought an
awakening and enabled people to get at least one
meal a day. Again, with independence, it was the
Congress that enabled the Muslim community,
which, as Maulana Azad pointed out, had been left
in the lurch by separatist politics, to overcome
the trauma of partition and seek a confident
future in India.
In contemporary
writings, it is the communist Left which
energetically seeks to own secularism. Its
activities in this direction are creditable. Yet,
the secular polity in India owes its existence to
the Congress. It is not a gift of the
pre-independence CPI or of the Muslim League.
Post-1947 League-oriented writings sought to
discredit the historical Congress so as to
vindicate the Pakistan movement. Spilled over in
the Indian context, such writings were
dysfunctional. Pakistan vindication and the
establishment of a secular state in India were
two distinct projects. The first project required
the discrediting of the very movement which had
attempted to guarantee a fair dispensation for
Muslims in independent India. The Congress was
targeted also in the historiography of the
pre-Independence CPI. Yet it is through
participation in the Congress movements that
communist leaders reached the peasantry. Although
in the 1940s, the CPI, along with
Anglocentricism, tended at the very least to
equate the Congress with the Muslim League, the
contrast between the land reforms conducted in
India and Pakistan is tell-tale.
The same goes for
Dalit politics. The space for growth of Dalit
power in India was, in many ways, the product of
Congress movements and Congress rule. The
movements against un-touchability, carried out at
an all-India level, created the social atmosphere
that made further change possible. Every other
Congress MP in the first three Lok Sabhas had cut
his teeth in activities of the Harijan Sevak
Sangh or other programmes of related social
reform. It was only in independent India that
un-touchability was abolished and its practice
made an offence. This created an atmosphere,
which made it possible for Dalits to make a bid
for political power in the country’s most
populous state. Generations of Dalits recognised
this role of the Congress. That is why they
participated in the Congress-led struggles, went
to jail for it and, in most of India, especially
outside Maharashtra, continued to support it for
several decades after independence.
Significantly, the
BSP has repeatedly come to power in Uttar Pradesh
not on the basis of the separate electorate that
the British sought to provide, but on the
composite electorate system for which the
foundations were jointly agreed to by Mahatma
Gandhi and B. R. Ambedkar in 1932 and put into
final shape by the Constitution drafted under the
stewardship of Ambedkar.
Denial of the
Congress role has led a section of Dalits to deny
their own history and for a section of, largely
Anglocentric, scholarship to connive in this
denial. It is necessary for Dalits to reclaim
this history, for it is theirs too. The various
traditions of anti-Congressism may have their
claims to validity. But it is well for the
Congress and also all Indian varieties of
anti-Congressism to recognise that there are
limits to this tendency. INAV
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