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EDITORIAL Less than a week
ago Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee had |
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EDITORIAL Less than a week
ago Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee had From all available indications, the Deputy Prime Minister would be talking to the Moulvi Abbas Ansari faction of the Hurriyat Conference. It is both strange and ironical. No Government at the Centre had in the past felt the need to talk to the Hurriyat Conference which was, indeed, a formidable force as long as it was a cohesive organisation although of different ideological groups. Hurriyats mulish insistence that Pakistan should be involved in the process meaning thereby that the talks should be tripartite had proved a major hindrance in paving the way for a dialogue. The Central Government, irrespective of party in power, has been rightly opposed to any such suggestion. Of late, the Hurriyat Conference has been considerably weakened because of undergoing multiple splits down the line. Apart from its two main factions, one headed by Moulvi Abbas Ansari and the other by Syed Ali Shah Geelani, two of its important erstwhile constituents, the Jamaat-e-Islami (J&K) and the Jammu-Kashmir Liberation Front, have been adopting neutral stances ever since the split in their umbrella organisation. The presence of both of them, holding diametrically opposite ideological convictions, in the Hurriyat Conference had lent credibility to the secessionist conglomeration which is seriously dented at this juncture. It is not clear why both JKLF Chief Yasin Malik and Mr Geelani were arrested hours before the Central Government had gone ahead with its announcements. Mr Geelani and the Jamaat leadership have not severed their relations despite some initial difference in their views about splitting the Hurriyat Conference. With this background in view, one does not see any gains in sight by involving Mr Advani in talks with just one faction of the Hurriyat Conference. Some one has really grossly misread the present scenario. It is to be noted that one important constituent of the Abbas Ansari faction, namely the Peoples Conference, was a participant in the last years Assembly elections, albeit by proxy, while the other significant partner, Awami Action Committee of Mirwaiz Moulvi Umar Farooq, is always inclined to talk to the topmost leadership. Moulvi Abbas Ansari himself and Prof Abdul Gani Bhat, leaders of the remaining two constituents of the formers faction, are not exactly mass-based leaders. It may interest many to know that while the Moulvi belongs to the Shia sect, the majority of which does not share the views of any faction of the Hurriyat on the issue of J&K, Prof Bhat has the late Mohammad Ali Jinnah as his ideal and is fond of saying as Jinnah had never gone to jail, he would also not go behind the bars. Whatever that may be, it is incomprehensible that the Central Government should have left its own interlocutor on J&K, Mr N.N. Vohra, one of the countrys ablest bureaucrats, virtually high and dry. It has been said that there is no change in Mr Vohras role. Any such statement would not carry conviction considering that once the Deputy Prime Minister is asked to flex his muscles in the ring, few would take notice of anybody else. At best, Mr Vohra may assist the Deputy Prime Minister. One can, however, only sympathise with those who think that Mr Vohra would be called upon to deal with the complexities of the issues involved while Hurriyat leaders should be content with a formal photo opportunity with Mr Advani. Only two leaders have gained in the entire process. One is Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed. He had of late stepped up his demand for the appointment of a special emissary by the Prime Minister to talk to the Kashmiri leaders who were willing to enter into a dialogue only with the topmost political functionary in the country. In any case, it was his commitment also that he would facilitate a dialogue at the highest level. The other leader to benefit is Moulvi Abbas Ansari who must congratulate himself for being back in the reckoning. He had been virtually marginalised to a considerable extent following the recent convulsions in his organisation. All of a sudden he finds himself enjoying his finest political moment irrespective of how long it lasts. It is for the first time that the countrys Deputy Prime Minister would be directly exposed to the factional politics in the secessionist camp in the State. While dealing with each other in 1974 Indira Gandhi and Sheikh Abdullah, the tallest of the Kashmiri leaders, had taken care not to directly enter into the picture. They had stayed firmly beyond the scene even as their historic accord was formulated and finally signed by their top lieutenants. In such a situation, one only sincerely hopes that the Deputy Prime Ministers presence on the scene would lead to the emergence of a silver lining in the dark clouds hovering over the State. If, at the same time, there are smoother links between India and Pakistan this should augur well for peace in the sub-continent. |
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