EDITORIAL

This lady from Italy

At one level it sounds funny. The issue of the foreign origin of Congress president Sonia Gandhi. The way it is raised and buried is at times just hilarious. Political leaders tend to think that the public memory is short. So they raise the controversy to the hilt when it suits them to hit the Congress and its leader. Then, they just brush aside it as if it was a dirty word. This happens when they know that they can’t do without the Congress. Nationalist Congress Party leader Sharad Pawar,......more

No, thank you

Either the report is wrong or some one does not know what he is talking about. This is about the West Midlands police in the United Kingdom planning to open a station in Srinagar in Jammu and Kashmir. Its purpose would be to tackle criminals ‘who target Britain from India’. Sheer absurdity of the suggestion is shocking. Admittedly, the West Midlands have a sizable number of people from Mirpur, Bangladesh and Pakistan. For most of them UK is the country of their adoption. Why....more

Turmoil in Nepal
spells trouble for India

By Tukoji R. Pandit

Ever since Maoist rebels called off a seven-month cease-fire on August 27, things have looked perilous in Nepal. The rebels reportedly used the lull in the fighting to rearm, re-train and recruit volunteers. An Army colonel who ........more

Sufferings of saffron

By R D Gupta

Saffron (Crocus Sativus), the socalled red gold of Jammu and Kashmir Himalayas, is of much economic importance. In Kashmir saffron is a legendary crop of the well drained plateau of Pampore. In Jammu, it is grown .....more

The two icons giving
joy for 50- years

By Zeenat Zafar

Mush as it defies belief, Dev Anand has reached 80-years. Wasn’t it just the other day he was serenading Mumtaz with Kanchi re kanchi re. It is sobering ........more

EDITORIAL

This lady from Italy

At one level it sounds funny. The issue of the foreign origin of
Congress president Sonia Gandhi. The way it is raised and buried
is at times just hilarious. Political leaders tend to think that the public memory is short. So they raise the controversy to the hilt when it suits them to hit the Congress and its leader. Then, they just brush aside it as if it was a dirty word. This happens when they know that they can’t do without the Congress. Nationalist Congress Party leader Sharad Pawar, for instance, has chosen to revive the controversy at a public meeting in Delhi. He knows fully well that Congress and its leader are not in a position to strike back at this particular moment. Pre-occupied with Assembly elections in five states, the Congress would not like to have a problem on hand — at least for the time being — in Maharashtra where it runs the Government in coalition with NCP. A wiser course for the Congress perhaps would be to remind the people of what the Maharashtra strongman had said in the past. Not very long he had told the Women’s Press Corps in the national capital that Mrs Sonia Gandhi would be their candidate for the office of the Prime Minister. In his famous letter to the Congress Working Committee, co-authored with former Lok Sabha Speaker P. Sangma, he had actually praised Mrs Gandhi for having revived the party and wished that she would continue to lead it. Their objection, however, was that as a foreigner she would not be entitled to become the Prime Minister. In short, Mrs Gandhi should win the battle for them to occupy the much-coveted office! Take the case of Samajwadi Party supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav. No more does he think that Mrs Gandhi is a foreigner and that she can’t occupy the highest offices in the land. It is because his purpose of becoming the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh has been served with the help of the Congress. In April 1999, when he was ignored by Mrs Gandhi, he had shouted on the top of his voice that no person who was born outside India could become President, Vice-President or Prime Minister.

At one time, the Bharatiya Janata Party was the most vocal critic of the Congress on this count. Party Chief Minister Narendra Modi had built his entire campaign in Gujarat around her Italian origin. He had swept the elections not because his argument had clicked; it was purely because he had been able to polarise society in his state on communal lines. Not any more the party’s top Central leaders are attacking Mrs Gandhi’s foreign antecedents. Leading a multi-party coalition Government, they can ill afford to enter into a running duel with the main opposition party. Every leader will not like to be in the company of Defence Minister George Fernandes who has been facing the boycott of the Congress and Left parties in Parliament ever since the Tehelka exposure. For Mr Fernandes this is an unenviable situation. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee can be seen making an extra effort to accord Mrs Gandhi honour due to her as the Leader of the Opposition in the country. He has praised her in certain matters not only in the country but on the foreign soil as well. This is the way democracy functions. Pettiness must give way to magnanimity of hearts. Once the Congress had elected her its leader, it was its problem to bother about her background. Eventually, it is for the people, who are the ultimate arbiters, to call the bluff, if any. In the initial days, the party could have been easily faulted for having selected an inexperienced and unwilling person to spearhead it perpetuating dynastic succession which is anathema to democracy. The Congress has failed to get a leader outside the Nehru-Gandhi family is its inherent weakness. However, to single out the party and condemn it alone on this score would again be unfair. Most of the political parties presently are rotating around dynasties and the way children and relatives of BJP leaders themselves are seen enjoying attention of senior bureaucrats it seems an infectious tendency.

On her part, Mrs Gandhi has come a long way. She had acquired the Indian citizenship long ago. Her much-improved Hindi shows the hard work she has put in. She also makes a determined effort to project herself as an Indian bahu. From a housewife to the Leader of the Opposition has been a long journey for her. She is now brushing shoulders with the leaders like Mr Vajpayee, Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani and CPI-M stalwart Somnath Chatterjee, all of whom have a long and distinguished track record. By any standards, it is not a mean achievement. Does it really matter any more that she was not born in India?

No, thank you

Either the report is wrong or some one does not know what he is talking about. This is about the West Midlands police in the United Kingdom planning to open a station in Srinagar in Jammu and Kashmir. Its purpose would be to tackle criminals ‘who target Britain from India’. Sheer absurdity of the suggestion is shocking. Admittedly, the West Midlands have a sizable number of people from Mirpur, Bangladesh and Pakistan. For most of them UK is the country of their adoption. Why should they be working against their own nation? In any case, who told the West Midlands police that it could keep tabs on people in these areas from Srinagar? Why should not they find safe sanctuaries in their own native countries? Obviously the author of the idea does not have the elementary knowledge of geography of the sub-continent. Unless, of course, he is suffering from colonial hangover and would better have an office on the paradise on the earth rather than tackling crime in his home territory! It is alleged that criminals flee from Britain to the sub-continent after commiting murders, extortions and drug trafficking. There is a well-laid procedure by which they can be dealt with. This only requires some basic information about how the police functions in international arena. There is an organisation called Interpol which facilitates global cooperation against crime. Moreover, there is a whole gamut of extradition treaties to take care of any eventualities. Of course, if there is a major problem — like the kidnappings of five foreigners by the terrorists in Kashmir in the nineties or the use of Dubai or Portugal by underworld dons to create mischief in India — sleuths of the concerned countries do undertake visits to relevant places and, if that is not possible, exchange notes. They don’t set up permanent police stations because that amounts to encroaching upon the integrity and soverignty of a nation. Even though the sun has set on the British empire long ago, some of its subjects don’t appear to be learning about the realities of the present world. If at all, any country should be setting up stations anywhere it should be India doing so in UK. After all, Great Britain has become sanctuaries to Khalistani and Kashmiri militants. It should, therefore, look within than outside. On their part, Indian media persons working in London should doubly cross-check such silly reports. Just because they have been first published in British newspapers does not mean that they have to be purveyed to their own country without establishing their veracity.

Turmoil in Nepal spells trouble for India

By Tukoji R. Pandit

Ever since Maoist rebels called off a seven-month cease-fire on August 27, things have looked perilous in Nepal. The rebels reportedly used the lull in the fighting to rearm, re-train and recruit volunteers. An Army colonel who was to mount an anti-Maoist operation and a former Minister who was the Government negotiator in the failed peace talks have been killed. The ancestral home of a Minister was set on fire. Two banks were robbed and the nation had a three-day strike on the call given by rebels.

The Maoist guerillas have a list of 217 VIPs they want to kill. Peace talks with the rebels are off. Kathmandu, till recently the number one destination of Nirvana seeking backpackers and Indians with a yen for gambling in casinos, is becoming a dangerous city. The tourism industry of Nepal, its biggest foreign exchange earner, is in trouble like the country itself.

Nepal would, in fact, appear well set for a plunge into a dangerous civil war as Maoist rebels arrive in the capital, Kathmandu, fully armed with their merchandise of terror and death. Should they be able to dig their feet deep into the Nepalese capital and its nearby areas, the consequences will be not only serious for the only Hindu kingdom of the world but also for India. Nepal would then become an easy launching pad for export of all kinds of terror and mayhem into India by countries like Pakistan, Bangladesh and China.

Beyond sending some military equipment and, as reported in a section of the media, military experts (along with the US) to Nepal it is not clear what else New Delhi is doing to help Nepal in its hour of crisis. Events in that landlocked country certainly deserve to be taken seriously by India for its own good. Of course, any excessively overt show of interest in Nepal by India would further infuriate the well-entrenched anti-India lobby in Nepal as well as the Maoists who have been making common cause with their Indian counterparts operating in the neighbouring Indian State of Bihar and beyond.

It can be said that militants in India and Nepal have been in touch with each other for long, coming and going at will without being hurt too much by security forces in either country. Also, the terrorists coming into India from Pakistan have not felt handicapped by the difficult terrain along the line of control in Kashmir as well as the international border.

But if all this is topped by the installation of a regime in Nepal that swears by violence, as the Maoists do, the security scenario in India will become that much difficult. It can be assumed that an avowed unfriendly country like Islamabad will act in double quick time to cultivate such a regime in Nepal where the ISI has already established a broad base for launching anti-India activities.

Much of the trouble in Nepal can be traced to the long neglect of development of the impoverished country by its royalty as well as the (unstable) democratic forces which have been in power for about 14 years. But the phenomenon of neglect of the poor is nothing new in the subcontinent. A great many poor Indians believe that nothing much has been done for them since the country became free in 1947. And there are militant groups who are active in many parts of the country in the name of bringing about some kind of a proletariat rule in India.

In Pakistan, the gulf between the rich and the poor is perhaps wider than in India. But the numerous militant groups that operate in Pakistan are more keen to establish a rule of the 'pure' than in emancipation of the under privileged.

Nepal would seem to be different case. Many observers believe that the Maoists in that country have a very large support base, probably close to half its 26 million population. It is important to note that well over 40 percent of the population in Nepal lives below the poverty line.

Beyond the big cities and the capital, much of the countryside and the remote provinces are already said to be under the control of the rebels who find ready acceptance among the populace. But the rebels did not acquire this hold over a vast territory overnight. Obviously, the rulers in Kathmandu had allowed things to drift even after signs of an impending Maoist onslaught had appeared on the horizon.

Nepal has, of course, been simmering for many, years. At one time the Ranas held the King as virtual hostage. Then two years ago, the Royal Palace was witness to one of the most gruesome sights as a fully sozzled but jilted heir to the throne wiped out nearly his entire family. In 1989 the role of the monarchy in governing the country was curtailed as a new constitution saw the birth of Parliamentary democracy in Nepal.

It was a cherished dream of most Nepalese, but the dawn of democracy in the country only made people more disillusioned as the elected politicians showed little or no appetite for good governance and co-existence. The poor in Nepal continued to be neglected by the rules in Kathmandu. The situation was ripe for Maoists to exploit. And they did. It has not mattered to the poor in Nepal that the kind of Stalinist society the Maoists want to establish has been rejected by nearly country that experimented with it after the last World War.

The failure of the elected representatives to pay attention to the poor is what the Maoists in the country were awaiting. These representatives, not unlike their Indian counterparts, spent much of their time in quarrelling with each other for the spoils of office. Ministers came and went with amazing speed.

Though the ruling monarch might have also tried to fish in troubled waters, the fact is that in 13 years since the introduction of the new constitution, Nepal had 13 Prime Ministers. It was in 1996 that Nepal had joined the ranks of a growing comity of nations where guerillas were operating with the intention of regime change. The on going 'war' since then has taken a toll of 8000 lives, mostly in remote and rural areas. But now the 'war' has virtually entered Kathmandu to send alarm bells outside Nepal too.

The Nepalese Army and the police have been pressed into service to combat the rebels. These forces lack modern and the sophisticated equipment. But much faith seems to have been put in their numerical superiority: 68,000 soldiers and 57,000 policemen. In contrast, the rebel forces are said to consist of 500 commandos, 8000 regular troops and anywhere between 20,000 and 40,000 trained militants.

The numerical advantage becomes meaningless as the guerillas employ the hit and run tactics and use the element of surprise to inflict casualties on intended victims, uniformed as well as civilians. India knows only too well what the guerilla type war means and how inadequate the numbers look in combating them.

That leaves dialogue between the rulers and the rebels as the only route for restoring peace and order in Nepal and saving the once peaceful Kingdom from havoc the fallout of which will hit India hard. The rebels have not shown sufficient keenness to participate in the dialogue process. But they might have been encouraged to take a haughty stand in the face of constant jockeying or power among the elected representatives and reports of palace 'intrigues' and 'ambitions'. The outcome of dialogue process in such circumstances will always look doubtful—as the last failure of the cease-fire has shown.

(Syndicate Features)

Sufferings of saffron

By R D Gupta

Saffron (Crocus Sativus), the socalled red gold of Jammu and Kashmir Himalayas, is of much economic importance. In Kashmir saffron is a legendary crop of the well drained plateau of Pampore. In Jammu, it is grown in Kishtwar area of Jammu District.

The crop is valued for its dry stigmas obtained from flowers which actually constitute the saffron. It is lauded as a flavouring, digestive, sedative, dye, hangover cure, exhilarant, the present uses of saffron are largey culinary. Saffron is a stimulant, warming in effect and dry in action. It assists in urinary, digestive and uterine troubles. It too has several uses in pharmacy as coulouring and flavouring agent as well as abortifacient. Held in reverence by Jains, Hindus, Buddhists, saffron Sas was also used in the form of perfume strewn in Greek and Roman halls, theatres and baths.

In Kashmir, the saffron growers are generally called ''Kong Zamindars''. It is because in Kashmiri, the saffron is known as Kong. Although saffron is perhaps the constiliest spieces in the world, but it is facing some problems. Various reasons are amenable for this dismal state of affairs. Some say that terrorism in Kashmir has severely affected production of saffron which evinced a decline of more than 50 percent during militancy peak period from 1990 to 1998. During 1998-99 its total production diminished from several thousand kg to 500 to 600 kg as compared to previous years.

There are still others who were of the opinion that the changed weather conditions viz.low rainfall and more sunshine even during winters for the last 8 to 10 years, are responsible for bringing low yield of the saffron. Some of the saffron growers are, however, sanguine to get higher yield this year due to timely rains occured this year. Even apple and walnut growers are very happy and hopeful to obtain more yield of these fruits.

Saffron growes from Pampore regret the Government does not buy saffron directly from Kong Zamindars and as such they are exploited by the dealers having trading licence.

Most of the growers producing saffron have very small land holdings which are capable to yield very less quantity of saffron

Establishment of Industrial estate at Khonmoh, Installation of Bharat Gas Petrol Pump spreading at an area of 50 ha in saffron Karewas, the soap factories and joinery mills have resulted into the reduction of the saffron growing fields.

All the more destroying saffron fields in Pampore area these days, is the mushroom growth of stone crushers, stone quarries and cement factories built in the close vicinity of saffron growing fields. In Pampore alone there are about 30 to 40 stone crushers interspersed with the fields of saffron and on the edges of the road. Dust created from the stone crushers and cement factories not only pollute the atmospheric air and soil but also the saffron leaves. Dust accumulated on the saffron growing leaves impairs photosynthesis process, thereby rendering plant growth in active and eventually lessening saffron production. Quality also gets ruined.

Saffron corns are prone to diseases like galdiolus dry rot and gladiolus scab. These are also threatened by mice and birds particularly sparrows.

Sometimes the saffron is adulterated with turmeric, marigold, maize tassels, and even bits of wax and molasses. But according Kong Zamindars, they always sell purest saffron to traders. Quality control on their part is undoubtedly, assured as they fear that even a minor step in wrong direction on their part would crueally retard back. There is general grouse among saffron growers that the middle men and traders dye floral parts to make them akin to saffron flowers for mixing them with real saffron.

Despite so much public demand of saffron its cultivation has yet to get the status of industry which is the need of the hour. The Government should take necessary steps in declaring the saffron cultivation as an industry.

Research is needed to probe into the effect of dust accumulation on saffron leaves in relation to its productivity. Research is also required to assess the effect of accumulated dust on soil properties. Kong Zamindars appreciate and express sincere thanks of SKUAST Srinagar for the research centre established at Konibal Pampore in the heart of saffron growing belt to conduct research for increasing saffron production. However, it is the dire need of the hour that all scientists (Plant breeder, plant pathologist/entomologist, soil scientist and agronomist) must work together to exploit maximum potential of saffron.

The two icons giving joy for 50- years

By Zeenat Zafar

Mush as it defies belief, Dev Anand has reached 80-years. Wasn’t it just the other day he was serenading Mumtaz with Kanchi re kanchi re. It is sobering to think that in Hare Rama Hare Krishna he was very close to his Golden jubilee, not usually a time of life when men go around singing and romancing.

Since the mid to late-1970s, when he had a few hits like Amir Garib and, more modestly, Chhupa Rustam, Dev Anand has not made any successful films, but that has not stopped him from regularly churning out movies like Swami Dada and Mein Sola Baras Ki. Then there was that embarrassing turkey: Return of Jewel Thief, a sequel to possibly the best caper film of all time. That too crashed at the box office. Not that failure has stopped him from enthusiastically, and energetically forging ahead with new projects. In the offing are a film based on Nepal’s royal family massacre and another on Ravi Shankar and his two daughters.

Any other actor would have been ridiculed for turning into a pathetic parody of himself, still believing he has box office draw. But India continues to love Dev Anand and forgives him for his cinematic trespasses; when you have a body of work that includes Johnny Mera Naam, Nau Do Gyarah, Paying Guest, Taxi Driver and Guide, you don’t have much left to prove. That oeuvre speaks for itself and, for generations of filmgoers, Dev Anand will always remain evergreen.

No less evergreen is Lata Mangeshkar, who turned 75 this month and whose birthday was celebrated with much more public fanfare that Dev Anand’s. Is there any award, accolade or honour left to bestow on the Nightingale of India? She has been an inseparable part of the nation in the last 50-plus years, starting her career when the nation was in the throes of shedding its colonial past, and still around with us when it is emerging as a global cultural presence. She may have cut down her assignments, and may not be a part of the export quality Indipop scene, but is there any young singer who can hold a candle to her? Someday, undoubtedly, there will be a remixed version of Aayega aane wala, but will it last in public memory for as long as the original has? I think not.

Longevity is, of course, something that Lata Mangeshkar and Dev Anand share in common. But something else binds them too. Both had to struggle in their initial years, working in films for a pittance and making enough to just get by. Lata Mangeshkar (and Asha Bhonsle, for that matter) has spoken about rushing from one end of Bombay by local trains to another to sing in decrepit studios with old equipment for years after she made her debut.

Aayega aane wala was a huge hit even in the late 1940s, but that did not make Lata Mangeshkar a millionaire. The same goes for Dev Anand, who turned producer early on, but barely scraped by to make enough money to pour into his next film.

That struggle informed their work and made it richer. Dev Anand made a credible taxi driver in the eponymous film because his life experience was close to the characters. This was true of many actors in Hindi cinema for several decades. From Raj Kapoor to Dharmendra to Naseerudin Shah to Shatrughan Sinha to even Amitabh Bachchan, all of them had come from the school of hard knocks, struggling to find a place for themselves in a tough world. And when they did, by sheer dint of hard work and talent, it showed in their onscreen presence.

This does not imply that an actor must go through the ‘sleeping on Marine Drive’ experience before he does a role. But consider the actual interaction with real life that someone like Abhishek Bachchan has had. Barring his cook and his driver, he must not have had many opportunities to talk to people outside his class, listen to their stories, observe them in their natural habitats and even observe their mannerisms and accents. Could he ever essay a role of a country bumpkin credibly? Indeed, could he bring any depth to a portrayal of suffering? Is it surprising that audiences see through the synthetic acting enveloped in glossy production values and stay away from cinemas?

Lata Mangeshkar too had to go through difficult times for years before she established herself as the premier singer in Hindi cinema. We often read about the Mangeshkar monopoly and the alleged games played by her to sabotage young, upcoming singers. The names of Suman Kalyanpur, Sudha Malhotra and Vani Jayram are mentioned the most and there is no dearth of rumours and stories about how Lata short-circuited their careers to ensure that there was no competition.

Perhaps some of it is true. Certainly in the 1960s Suman Kalyanpur was being mentioned as a serious threat to Lata. Some music directors whom Lata fought with (and there are several of them) turned to Kalyanpur and created some hit songs. O.P. Nayyar, who felt snubbed by Lata, vowed never to work with her and gave us scores of memorable numbers with Asha Bhonsle. But could Lata Mangeshkar have survived merely on the strength of petty politicking?

One must also remember than when Lata Mangeshkar came on the scene, she was a stripling in a film industry dominated by stalwarts like Noorjehan, Suraiya, Shamshad Begum, Zohra Bai Ambalewali and others. Noorjehan left for Pakistan, but the others were still very much around. Lata was during those days rejected for her thin voice and had to resort to copying Noorjehan to survive in the game.

But soon enough, the bhari awaazi singers began fading away; the new film makers of a newly independent nation realised that they had to make films that appealed to a pan-Indian audience and the hitherto lucrative East Punjab and Sindh markets was no longer freely available. What worked in pre-Partition India would not click in the new India. A new filmi idiom, a new approach, a new set of ideas was needed to reach out to audiences all across the emergent nation. Lata, who worked hard to acquire a Hindustani inflexion and remove all traces of her linguistic and regional background fit the bill: She was truly a republican voice that sang to and for India. And she has continued to do so for nearly six decades.

If both Lata Mangeshkar and Dev Anand are still around, still working and still loved by millions of fans, it is because of that early hard work and commitment in the most adverse of conditions which have distilled themselves to reflect in everything they do. They had no TV soaps, no channels with deep pockets, no marketing whiz kids and no music videos to create their images and instantly beam it to millions of people. There were no glossies, which gave us manufactured controversies and daily newspapers did not write about Hindi cinema. Weak voices were not jazzed up with the help of technology and 16 track recording equipment and then presented to gullible audiences. It was the real world, not a synthetic and plastic one. Which is why every Indian and lover of Hindi cinema must celebrate these two milestones, which are not mere birthdays but also reminders of how fortunate we have been to live in the same era as these two giants. Who cares if Lata Mangeshkar is not a bit high-pitched or Dev Anand’s films have turned into a joke? The question to be asked is: How many of the present-day stars and singers will still be giving us joy 50 years later? INAV

 
 



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