EDITORIAL
This
lady from Italy
At one level it sounds
funny. The issue of the foreign origin of Congress
president Sonia Gandhi. The way it is raised and buried
is at times just hilarious. Political leaders tend to
think that the public memory is short. So they raise the
controversy to the hilt when it suits them to hit the
Congress and its leader. Then, they just brush aside it
as if it was a dirty word. This happens when they know
that they cant do without the Congress. Nationalist
Congress Party leader Sharad Pawar,......more
No,
thank you
Either the report is wrong
or some one does not know what he is talking about. This
is about the West Midlands police in the United Kingdom
planning to open a station in Srinagar in Jammu and
Kashmir. Its purpose would be to tackle criminals
who target Britain from India. Sheer
absurdity of the suggestion is shocking. Admittedly, the
West Midlands have a sizable number of people from
Mirpur, Bangladesh and Pakistan. For most of them UK is
the country of their adoption. Why....more
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Turmoil
in Nepal
spells trouble for India
By Tukoji R. Pandit
Ever since Maoist rebels
called off a seven-month cease-fire on August 27, things
have looked perilous in Nepal. The rebels reportedly used
the lull in the fighting to rearm, re-train and recruit
volunteers. An Army colonel who ........more
Sufferings
of saffron
By R D Gupta
Saffron (Crocus Sativus),
the socalled red gold of Jammu and Kashmir Himalayas, is
of much economic importance. In Kashmir saffron is a
legendary crop of the well drained plateau of Pampore. In
Jammu, it is grown .....more
The
two icons giving
joy for 50- years
By Zeenat Zafar
Mush as it defies belief,
Dev Anand has reached 80-years. Wasnt it just the
other day he was serenading Mumtaz with Kanchi re kanchi
re. It is sobering ........more
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EDITORIAL
This lady from Italy
At one level it sounds
funny. The issue of the foreign origin of
Congress president Sonia Gandhi. The way it is raised and
buried
is at times just hilarious. Political leaders tend to
think that the public memory is short. So they raise the
controversy to the hilt when it suits them to hit the
Congress and its leader. Then, they just brush aside it
as if it was a dirty word. This happens when they know
that they cant do without the Congress. Nationalist
Congress Party leader Sharad Pawar, for instance, has
chosen to revive the controversy at a public meeting in
Delhi. He knows fully well that Congress and its leader
are not in a position to strike back at this particular
moment. Pre-occupied with Assembly elections in five
states, the Congress would not like to have a problem on
hand at least for the time being in
Maharashtra where it runs the Government in coalition
with NCP. A wiser course for the Congress perhaps would
be to remind the people of what the Maharashtra strongman
had said in the past. Not very long he had told the
Womens Press Corps in the national capital that Mrs
Sonia Gandhi would be their candidate for the office of
the Prime Minister. In his famous letter to the Congress
Working Committee, co-authored with former Lok Sabha
Speaker P. Sangma, he had actually praised Mrs Gandhi for
having revived the party and wished that she would
continue to lead it. Their objection, however, was that
as a foreigner she would not be entitled to become the
Prime Minister. In short, Mrs Gandhi should win the
battle for them to occupy the much-coveted office! Take
the case of Samajwadi Party supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav.
No more does he think that Mrs Gandhi is a foreigner and
that she cant occupy the highest offices in the
land. It is because his purpose of becoming the Chief
Minister of Uttar Pradesh has been served with the help
of the Congress. In April 1999, when he was ignored by
Mrs Gandhi, he had shouted on the top of his voice that
no person who was born outside India could become
President, Vice-President or Prime Minister.
At one time, the Bharatiya
Janata Party was the most vocal critic of the Congress on
this count. Party Chief Minister Narendra Modi had built
his entire campaign in Gujarat around her Italian origin.
He had swept the elections not because his argument had
clicked; it was purely because he had been able to
polarise society in his state on communal lines. Not any
more the partys top Central leaders are attacking
Mrs Gandhis foreign antecedents. Leading a
multi-party coalition Government, they can ill afford to
enter into a running duel with the main opposition party.
Every leader will not like to be in the company of
Defence Minister George Fernandes who has been facing the
boycott of the Congress and Left parties in Parliament
ever since the Tehelka exposure. For Mr Fernandes this is
an unenviable situation. Prime Minister Atal Bihari
Vajpayee can be seen making an extra effort to accord Mrs
Gandhi honour due to her as the Leader of the Opposition
in the country. He has praised her in certain matters not
only in the country but on the foreign soil as well. This
is the way democracy functions. Pettiness must give way
to magnanimity of hearts. Once the Congress had elected
her its leader, it was its problem to bother about her
background. Eventually, it is for the people, who are the
ultimate arbiters, to call the bluff, if any. In the
initial days, the party could have been easily faulted
for having selected an inexperienced and unwilling person
to spearhead it perpetuating dynastic succession which is
anathema to democracy. The Congress has failed to get a
leader outside the Nehru-Gandhi family is its inherent
weakness. However, to single out the party and condemn it
alone on this score would again be unfair. Most of the
political parties presently are rotating around dynasties
and the way children and relatives of BJP leaders
themselves are seen enjoying attention of senior
bureaucrats it seems an infectious tendency.
On her part, Mrs Gandhi
has come a long way. She had acquired the Indian
citizenship long ago. Her much-improved Hindi shows the
hard work she has put in. She also makes a determined
effort to project herself as an Indian bahu. From
a housewife to the Leader of the Opposition has been a
long journey for her. She is now brushing shoulders with
the leaders like Mr Vajpayee, Deputy Prime Minister L.K.
Advani and CPI-M stalwart Somnath Chatterjee, all of whom
have a long and distinguished track record. By any
standards, it is not a mean achievement. Does it really
matter any more that she was not born in India?
No, thank you
Either the report is wrong
or some one does not know what he is talking about. This
is about the West Midlands police in the United Kingdom
planning to open a station in Srinagar in Jammu and
Kashmir. Its purpose would be to tackle criminals
who target Britain from India. Sheer
absurdity of the suggestion is shocking. Admittedly, the
West Midlands have a sizable number of people from
Mirpur, Bangladesh and Pakistan. For most of them UK is
the country of their adoption. Why should they be working
against their own nation? In any case, who told the West
Midlands police that it could keep tabs on people in
these areas from Srinagar? Why should not they find safe
sanctuaries in their own native countries? Obviously the
author of the idea does not have the elementary knowledge
of geography of the sub-continent. Unless, of course, he
is suffering from colonial hangover and would better have
an office on the paradise on the earth rather than
tackling crime in his home territory! It is alleged that
criminals flee from Britain to the sub-continent after
commiting murders, extortions and drug trafficking. There
is a well-laid procedure by which they can be dealt with.
This only requires some basic information about how the
police functions in international arena. There is an
organisation called Interpol which facilitates global
cooperation against crime. Moreover, there is a whole
gamut of extradition treaties to take care of any
eventualities. Of course, if there is a major problem
like the kidnappings of five foreigners by the
terrorists in Kashmir in the nineties or the use of Dubai
or Portugal by underworld dons to create mischief in
India sleuths of the concerned countries do
undertake visits to relevant places and, if that is not
possible, exchange notes. They dont set up
permanent police stations because that amounts to
encroaching upon the integrity and soverignty of a
nation. Even though the sun has set on the British empire
long ago, some of its subjects dont appear to be
learning about the realities of the present world. If at
all, any country should be setting up stations anywhere
it should be India doing so in UK. After all, Great
Britain has become sanctuaries to Khalistani and Kashmiri
militants. It should, therefore, look within than
outside. On their part, Indian media persons working in
London should doubly cross-check such silly reports. Just
because they have been first published in British
newspapers does not mean that they have to be purveyed to
their own country without establishing their veracity.
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Turmoil
in Nepal spells trouble for India
By
Tukoji R. Pandit
Ever since
Maoist rebels called off a seven-month
cease-fire on August 27, things have
looked perilous in Nepal. The rebels
reportedly used the lull in the fighting
to rearm, re-train and recruit
volunteers. An Army colonel who was to
mount an anti-Maoist operation and a
former Minister who was the Government
negotiator in the failed peace talks have
been killed. The ancestral home of a
Minister was set on fire. Two banks were
robbed and the nation had a three-day
strike on the call given by rebels.
The Maoist
guerillas have a list of 217 VIPs they
want to kill. Peace talks with the rebels
are off. Kathmandu, till recently the
number one destination of Nirvana seeking
backpackers and Indians with a yen for
gambling in casinos, is becoming a
dangerous city. The tourism industry of
Nepal, its biggest foreign exchange
earner, is in trouble like the country
itself.
Nepal
would, in fact, appear well set for a
plunge into a dangerous civil war as
Maoist rebels arrive in the capital,
Kathmandu, fully armed with their
merchandise of terror and death. Should
they be able to dig their feet deep into
the Nepalese capital and its nearby
areas, the consequences will be not only
serious for the only Hindu kingdom of the
world but also for India. Nepal would
then become an easy launching pad for
export of all kinds of terror and mayhem
into India by countries like Pakistan,
Bangladesh and China.
Beyond
sending some military equipment and, as
reported in a section of the media,
military experts (along with the US) to
Nepal it is not clear what else New Delhi
is doing to help Nepal in its hour of
crisis. Events in that landlocked country
certainly deserve to be taken seriously
by India for its own good. Of course, any
excessively overt show of interest in
Nepal by India would further infuriate
the well-entrenched anti-India lobby in
Nepal as well as the Maoists who have
been making common cause with their
Indian counterparts operating in the
neighbouring Indian State of Bihar and
beyond.
It can be
said that militants in India and Nepal
have been in touch with each other for
long, coming and going at will without
being hurt too much by security forces in
either country. Also, the terrorists
coming into India from Pakistan have not
felt handicapped by the difficult terrain
along the line of control in Kashmir as
well as the international border.
But if all
this is topped by the installation of a
regime in Nepal that swears by violence,
as the Maoists do, the security scenario
in India will become that much difficult.
It can be assumed that an avowed
unfriendly country like Islamabad will
act in double quick time to cultivate
such a regime in Nepal where the ISI has
already established a broad base for
launching anti-India activities.
Much of
the trouble in Nepal can be traced to the
long neglect of development of the
impoverished country by its royalty as
well as the (unstable) democratic forces
which have been in power for about 14
years. But the phenomenon of neglect of
the poor is nothing new in the
subcontinent. A great many poor Indians
believe that nothing much has been done
for them since the country became free in
1947. And there are militant groups who
are active in many parts of the country
in the name of bringing about some kind
of a proletariat rule in India.
In
Pakistan, the gulf between the rich and
the poor is perhaps wider than in India.
But the numerous militant groups that
operate in Pakistan are more keen to
establish a rule of the 'pure' than in
emancipation of the under privileged.
Nepal
would seem to be different case. Many
observers believe that the Maoists in
that country have a very large support
base, probably close to half its 26
million population. It is important to
note that well over 40 percent of the
population in Nepal lives below the
poverty line.
Beyond the
big cities and the capital, much of the
countryside and the remote provinces are
already said to be under the control of
the rebels who find ready acceptance
among the populace. But the rebels did
not acquire this hold over a vast
territory overnight. Obviously, the
rulers in Kathmandu had allowed things to
drift even after signs of an impending
Maoist onslaught had appeared on the
horizon.
Nepal has,
of course, been simmering for many,
years. At one time the Ranas held the
King as virtual hostage. Then two years
ago, the Royal Palace was witness to one
of the most gruesome sights as a fully
sozzled but jilted heir to the throne
wiped out nearly his entire family. In
1989 the role of the monarchy in
governing the country was curtailed as a
new constitution saw the birth of
Parliamentary democracy in Nepal.
It was a
cherished dream of most Nepalese, but the
dawn of democracy in the country only
made people more disillusioned as the
elected politicians showed little or no
appetite for good governance and
co-existence. The poor in Nepal continued
to be neglected by the rules in
Kathmandu. The situation was ripe for
Maoists to exploit. And they did. It has
not mattered to the poor in Nepal that
the kind of Stalinist society the Maoists
want to establish has been rejected by
nearly country that experimented with it
after the last World War.
The
failure of the elected representatives to
pay attention to the poor is what the
Maoists in the country were awaiting.
These representatives, not unlike their
Indian counterparts, spent much of their
time in quarrelling with each other for
the spoils of office. Ministers came and
went with amazing speed.
Though the
ruling monarch might have also tried to
fish in troubled waters, the fact is that
in 13 years since the introduction of the
new constitution, Nepal had 13 Prime
Ministers. It was in 1996 that Nepal had
joined the ranks of a growing comity of
nations where guerillas were operating
with the intention of regime change. The
on going 'war' since then has taken a
toll of 8000 lives, mostly in remote and
rural areas. But now the 'war' has
virtually entered Kathmandu to send alarm
bells outside Nepal too.
The
Nepalese Army and the police have been
pressed into service to combat the
rebels. These forces lack modern and the
sophisticated equipment. But much faith
seems to have been put in their numerical
superiority: 68,000 soldiers and 57,000
policemen. In contrast, the rebel forces
are said to consist of 500 commandos,
8000 regular troops and anywhere between
20,000 and 40,000 trained militants.
The
numerical advantage becomes meaningless
as the guerillas employ the hit and run
tactics and use the element of surprise
to inflict casualties on intended
victims, uniformed as well as civilians.
India knows only too well what the
guerilla type war means and how
inadequate the numbers look in combating
them.
That
leaves dialogue between the rulers and
the rebels as the only route for
restoring peace and order in Nepal and
saving the once peaceful Kingdom from
havoc the fallout of which will hit India
hard. The rebels have not shown
sufficient keenness to participate in the
dialogue process. But they might have
been encouraged to take a haughty stand
in the face of constant jockeying or
power among the elected representatives
and reports of palace 'intrigues' and
'ambitions'. The outcome of dialogue
process in such circumstances will always
look doubtfulas the last failure of
the cease-fire has shown.
(Syndicate
Features)
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Sufferings
of saffron
By R D
Gupta
Saffron
(Crocus Sativus), the socalled red gold
of Jammu and Kashmir Himalayas, is of
much economic importance. In Kashmir
saffron is a legendary crop of the well
drained plateau of Pampore. In Jammu, it
is grown in Kishtwar area of Jammu
District.
The crop
is valued for its dry stigmas obtained
from flowers which actually constitute
the saffron. It is lauded as a
flavouring, digestive, sedative, dye,
hangover cure, exhilarant, the present
uses of saffron are largey culinary.
Saffron is a stimulant, warming in effect
and dry in action. It assists in urinary,
digestive and uterine troubles. It too
has several uses in pharmacy as
coulouring and flavouring agent as well
as abortifacient. Held in reverence by
Jains, Hindus, Buddhists, saffron Sas was
also used in the form of perfume strewn
in Greek and Roman halls, theatres and
baths.
In
Kashmir, the saffron growers are
generally called ''Kong Zamindars''. It
is because in Kashmiri, the saffron is
known as Kong. Although saffron is
perhaps the constiliest spieces in the
world, but it is facing some problems.
Various reasons are amenable for this
dismal state of affairs. Some say that
terrorism in Kashmir has severely
affected production of saffron which
evinced a decline of more than 50 percent
during militancy peak period from 1990 to
1998. During 1998-99 its total production
diminished from several thousand kg to
500 to 600 kg as compared to previous
years.
There are
still others who were of the opinion that
the changed weather conditions viz.low
rainfall and more sunshine even during
winters for the last 8 to 10 years, are
responsible for bringing low yield of the
saffron. Some of the saffron growers are,
however, sanguine to get higher yield
this year due to timely rains occured
this year. Even apple and walnut growers
are very happy and hopeful to obtain more
yield of these fruits.
Saffron
growes from Pampore regret the Government
does not buy saffron directly from Kong
Zamindars and as such they are exploited
by the dealers having trading licence.
Most of
the growers producing saffron have very
small land holdings which are capable to
yield very less quantity of saffron
Establishment
of Industrial estate at Khonmoh,
Installation of Bharat Gas Petrol Pump
spreading at an area of 50 ha in saffron
Karewas, the soap factories and joinery
mills have resulted into the reduction of
the saffron growing fields.
All the
more destroying saffron fields in Pampore
area these days, is the mushroom growth
of stone crushers, stone quarries and
cement factories built in the close
vicinity of saffron growing fields. In
Pampore alone there are about 30 to 40
stone crushers interspersed with the
fields of saffron and on the edges of the
road. Dust created from the stone
crushers and cement factories not only
pollute the atmospheric air and soil but
also the saffron leaves. Dust accumulated
on the saffron growing leaves impairs
photosynthesis process, thereby rendering
plant growth in active and eventually
lessening saffron production. Quality
also gets ruined.
Saffron
corns are prone to diseases like
galdiolus dry rot and gladiolus scab.
These are also threatened by mice and
birds particularly sparrows.
Sometimes
the saffron is adulterated with turmeric,
marigold, maize tassels, and even bits of
wax and molasses. But according Kong
Zamindars, they always sell purest
saffron to traders. Quality control on
their part is undoubtedly, assured as
they fear that even a minor step in wrong
direction on their part would crueally
retard back. There is general grouse
among saffron growers that the middle men
and traders dye floral parts to make them
akin to saffron flowers for mixing them
with real saffron.
Despite so
much public demand of saffron its
cultivation has yet to get the status of
industry which is the need of the hour.
The Government should take necessary
steps in declaring the saffron
cultivation as an industry.
Research
is needed to probe into the effect of
dust accumulation on saffron leaves in
relation to its productivity. Research is
also required to assess the effect of
accumulated dust on soil properties. Kong
Zamindars appreciate and express sincere
thanks of SKUAST Srinagar for the
research centre established at Konibal
Pampore in the heart of saffron growing
belt to conduct research for increasing
saffron production. However, it is the
dire need of the hour that all scientists
(Plant breeder, plant
pathologist/entomologist, soil scientist
and agronomist) must work together to
exploit maximum potential of saffron.
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The
two icons giving joy for 50- years
By Zeenat Zafar
Mush as it defies
belief, Dev Anand has reached 80-years.
Wasnt it just the other day he was
serenading Mumtaz with Kanchi re kanchi re. It is
sobering to think that in Hare Rama Hare Krishna
he was very close to his Golden jubilee, not
usually a time of life when men go around singing
and romancing.
Since the mid to
late-1970s, when he had a few hits like Amir
Garib and, more modestly, Chhupa Rustam, Dev
Anand has not made any successful films, but that
has not stopped him from regularly churning out
movies like Swami Dada and Mein Sola Baras Ki.
Then there was that embarrassing turkey: Return
of Jewel Thief, a sequel to possibly the best
caper film of all time. That too crashed at the
box office. Not that failure has stopped him from
enthusiastically, and energetically forging ahead
with new projects. In the offing are a film based
on Nepals royal family massacre and another
on Ravi Shankar and his two daughters.
Any other actor
would have been ridiculed for turning into a
pathetic parody of himself, still believing he
has box office draw. But India continues to love
Dev Anand and forgives him for his cinematic
trespasses; when you have a body of work that
includes Johnny Mera Naam, Nau Do Gyarah, Paying
Guest, Taxi Driver and Guide, you dont have
much left to prove. That oeuvre speaks for itself
and, for generations of filmgoers, Dev Anand will
always remain evergreen.
No less evergreen
is Lata Mangeshkar, who turned 75 this month and
whose birthday was celebrated with much more
public fanfare that Dev Anands. Is there
any award, accolade or honour left to bestow on
the Nightingale of India? She has been an
inseparable part of the nation in the last
50-plus years, starting her career when the
nation was in the throes of shedding its colonial
past, and still around with us when it is
emerging as a global cultural presence. She may
have cut down her assignments, and may not be a
part of the export quality Indipop scene, but is
there any young singer who can hold a candle to
her? Someday, undoubtedly, there will be a
remixed version of Aayega aane wala, but will it
last in public memory for as long as the original
has? I think not.
Longevity is, of
course, something that Lata Mangeshkar and Dev
Anand share in common. But something else binds
them too. Both had to struggle in their initial
years, working in films for a pittance and making
enough to just get by. Lata Mangeshkar (and Asha
Bhonsle, for that matter) has spoken about
rushing from one end of Bombay by local trains to
another to sing in decrepit studios with old
equipment for years after she made her debut.
Aayega aane wala
was a huge hit even in the late 1940s, but that
did not make Lata Mangeshkar a millionaire. The
same goes for Dev Anand, who turned producer
early on, but barely scraped by to make enough
money to pour into his next film.
That struggle
informed their work and made it richer. Dev Anand
made a credible taxi driver in the eponymous film
because his life experience was close to the
characters. This was true of many actors in Hindi
cinema for several decades. From Raj Kapoor to
Dharmendra to Naseerudin Shah to Shatrughan Sinha
to even Amitabh Bachchan, all of them had come
from the school of hard knocks, struggling to
find a place for themselves in a tough world. And
when they did, by sheer dint of hard work and
talent, it showed in their onscreen presence.
This does not
imply that an actor must go through the
sleeping on Marine Drive experience
before he does a role. But consider the actual
interaction with real life that someone like
Abhishek Bachchan has had. Barring his cook and
his driver, he must not have had many
opportunities to talk to people outside his
class, listen to their stories, observe them in
their natural habitats and even observe their
mannerisms and accents. Could he ever essay a
role of a country bumpkin credibly? Indeed, could
he bring any depth to a portrayal of suffering?
Is it surprising that audiences see through the
synthetic acting enveloped in glossy production
values and stay away from cinemas?
Lata Mangeshkar
too had to go through difficult times for years
before she established herself as the premier
singer in Hindi cinema. We often read about the
Mangeshkar monopoly and the alleged games played
by her to sabotage young, upcoming singers. The
names of Suman Kalyanpur, Sudha Malhotra and Vani
Jayram are mentioned the most and there is no
dearth of rumours and stories about how Lata
short-circuited their careers to ensure that
there was no competition.
Perhaps some of it
is true. Certainly in the 1960s Suman Kalyanpur
was being mentioned as a serious threat to Lata.
Some music directors whom Lata fought with (and
there are several of them) turned to Kalyanpur
and created some hit songs. O.P. Nayyar, who felt
snubbed by Lata, vowed never to work with her and
gave us scores of memorable numbers with Asha
Bhonsle. But could Lata Mangeshkar have survived
merely on the strength of petty politicking?
One must also
remember than when Lata Mangeshkar came on the
scene, she was a stripling in a film industry
dominated by stalwarts like Noorjehan, Suraiya,
Shamshad Begum, Zohra Bai Ambalewali and others.
Noorjehan left for Pakistan, but the others were
still very much around. Lata was during those
days rejected for her thin voice and had to
resort to copying Noorjehan to survive in the
game.
But soon enough,
the bhari awaazi singers began fading away; the
new film makers of a newly independent nation
realised that they had to make films that
appealed to a pan-Indian audience and the
hitherto lucrative East Punjab and Sindh markets
was no longer freely available. What worked in
pre-Partition India would not click in the new
India. A new filmi idiom, a new approach, a new
set of ideas was needed to reach out to audiences
all across the emergent nation. Lata, who worked
hard to acquire a Hindustani inflexion and remove
all traces of her linguistic and regional
background fit the bill: She was truly a
republican voice that sang to and for India. And
she has continued to do so for nearly six
decades.
If both Lata
Mangeshkar and Dev Anand are still around, still
working and still loved by millions of fans, it
is because of that early hard work and commitment
in the most adverse of conditions which have
distilled themselves to reflect in everything
they do. They had no TV soaps, no channels with
deep pockets, no marketing whiz kids and no music
videos to create their images and instantly beam
it to millions of people. There were no glossies,
which gave us manufactured controversies and
daily newspapers did not write about Hindi
cinema. Weak voices were not jazzed up with the
help of technology and 16 track recording
equipment and then presented to gullible
audiences. It was the real world, not a synthetic
and plastic one. Which is why every Indian and
lover of Hindi cinema must celebrate these two
milestones, which are not mere birthdays but also
reminders of how fortunate we have been to live
in the same era as these two giants. Who cares if
Lata Mangeshkar is not a bit high-pitched or Dev
Anands films have turned into a joke? The
question to be asked is: How many of the
present-day stars and singers will still be
giving us joy 50 years later? INAV
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