EDITORIAL

Inter-regional harmony

Shedding copious tears in the name of harmonious relations between different regions of Jammu and Kashmir has been the common trait of the State’s ruling elites. They have thumped their chests on this count only to raise a bigger psychological barrier between Jammu and Srinagar than the visible Pir Panjal not to speak of the one between the rest of the State and the trans-Himalayan territory of Leh. Commissions of inquiry have been set up in the past to solve regional grievances. Most of their recommendations continue to gather dust. Autonomy committees have been established to work out some mutually acceptable formulae. They have ended up leaving behind a trail of acrimony and bitterness. One would have, therefore, contemptuously dismissed Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed’s homilies about inter-regional balance delivered during his address to the members of Jammu Club recently. Unlike his predecessors, however, the Mufti deserves to be listened to because he has given a convincing proof of his good intentions by treating both the districts of Ladakh with dignity and equanimity. Leh Buddhists who had no love lost for the Farooq Abdullah.......more

Gandhi's legacy and
Indian scenario

By Narendra N Sinha

October 2, the day of Mahatma Gandhi's official remembrance, has passed. The only spot of public significance on the day is Raj Ghat in Delhi, where VIPs and other people make their ritualistic visits and pay floral homage. The .........more

CBMs and Indo-Pak relations

By Mushtaq Ahmed

In a conflict zone, any peace initiative can succeed only if it is preceded by Confidence Building Measures (CBM) with a view to creating a favourable environment and removing all irritants confronting the parties in conflict for .....more

Exporting harm: The high -tech trashing of Asia

By Arvinder Kaur

The electronics industry is one of the world’s largest and fastest growing manufacturing industries. Though computers use many new age materials and production methods, they still contain....more

EDITORIAL

Inter-regional harmony

Shedding copious tears in the name of harmonious relations between different regions of Jammu and Kashmir has been the common trait of the State’s ruling elites. They have thumped their chests on this count only to raise a bigger psychological barrier between Jammu and Srinagar than the visible Pir Panjal not to speak of the one between the rest of the State and the trans-Himalayan territory of Leh. Commissions of inquiry have been set up in the past to solve regional grievances. Most of their recommendations continue to gather dust. Autonomy committees have been established to work out some mutually acceptable formulae. They have ended up leaving behind a trail of acrimony and bitterness. One would have, therefore, contemptuously dismissed Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed’s homilies about inter-regional balance delivered during his address to the members of Jammu Club recently. Unlike his predecessors, however, the Mufti deserves to be listened to because he has given a convincing proof of his good intentions by treating both the districts of Ladakh with dignity and equanimity. Leh Buddhists who had no love lost for the Farooq Abdullah Government are for the first time genuinely praising the present Chief Minister. Kargil, although a bastion of National Conference, has also been accorded due status to bring it on a par with Leh. Both the districts now have autonomous hill development councils. More importantly, there is less tension in the rarefied air in Ladakh than seen in the recent past.

There are reasons to believe that if only Jammu and Kashmir provinces had been integrated politically and emotionally, the present turmoil in the Valley would not have occurred at all. Instead, almost systematically, an effort was made over the years to encourage vested interests in both the regions as a result of which they have drifted apart. If the Congress can be faulted for not having found the support of genuine leaders in the Valley, the National Conference has taken almost a vicarious pleasure in having encouraged a second-grade leadership in Jammu. Between them, the two parties have ruled the State for more than 50 years and must share the greater blame for any wrong-doing. Since the past can only generate bitterness, it may be more helpful and rewarding to look ahead in the hope that there would be stronger inter-regional ties than ever before. Nothing illustrates the need for such positive outlook more than the present predicament of the Bharatiya Janata Party. For years it had projected itself as the champion of the Jammu region. For too long its leadership, particularly those in the higher echelons of power in the country at this moment, had taken pleasure in lambasting the Kashmiri leaders from the Jammu side of the Pir Panjal without venturing into the Valley. Now its perception has entirely changed. Because of the onerous responsibility of running the country, the party’s Central leadership is no more enamoured of Jammu alone; it does realise that given the global compulsions it can’t treat the Kashmir region in isolation. Instead, it is convinced that it would be better if the State remains united in its present form contrary to what its parent organisation --- Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh --- thinks. So much so that during his last Jammu visit, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee --- one of the main architects otherwise of BJP’s Jammu fixation --- virtually chidded the people of Jammu ‘for crying that we have been eliminated’. ‘I have been seeing this for 50 years but nothing of the sort has happened’, he had added. Ask any BJP sympathiser, he would say that Mr Vajpayee had made an excellent speech at his own party’s reception ‘but for this one sentence’. This is not to mock at the Prime Minister’s observation. The fact is --- and Mr Vajpayee has effectively driven home the point --- that no one region can claim to be a sufferer when the others, too, are sailing in the same boat although for different reasons.

Some of the points that the Chief Minister has made at the Jammu Club are quite relevant. He has correctly sensed the sense of insecurity prevailing among the people of Jammu about the changing demographic character of their region. People from the Valley have set up big colonies on the periphery of Jammu city. Since the majority of them happens to be the Muslims, the fear of an Islamic domination lurks in the Hindu mind and the existing situation in the sub-continent leads to even wilder interpretations. The Mufti has sought to cheer up the mood in Jammu by saying that if the Muslim migration has taken place, along with those of the Kashmiri Pandits, it is only because they ‘get love and affection from their Hindu brethren’. What is remarkable that he has invited people from Jammu to settle down in the Valley and, he has, unbelievably, offered them help in allotting land for constructing houses. This is by way of, he has said, ‘a measure of integration and communal harmony’. Of course, he has reiterated that the Kashmiri Pandits should return to their homes in the Valley. His most convincing observation is that if changes for the better are taking place in the Kashmir region, it is because the local people want them --- there is nothing that can happen without their understanding and concurrence. They do realise that a damage has been done to their ethos and it needs to be repaired.

In the light of the Chief Minister’s remarks --- and before him those of the Prime Minister who must have been carried by the knowledge that he is talking to his family, his party men, with whom he has dealt for so long --- there is one thing which needs to be remembered. It is an era of finding and establishing one’s identity. First as an individual, then as a caste, then as a community, then again as a region and finally as a society. This is a vicious cycle. Who can write off the Kashmiri identity nursed so warmly by Habba Khatuns, Laldeds and Mahjoors (misconceived opera shows in Srinagar notwithstanding)? Why should one look back to the past when all whether they were Afghans or the Sikhs have become part of that overwhelming identity? Who can dare overlook brave, gallant and chivalrous Dogras of Jammu? Besides, of course, several descendants of Panjabi families who had moved to Jammu along with Maharaja Gulab Singh? To brush aside Leh and Kargil would be tearing upon the heart of the State itself. The former is the only region where Buddhism survives in J&K --- its people and grand monasteries are an immensely valuable asset. Kargil gives Shias a tremendous sense of belonging. If people from one region move to the other, it would only add a new healthy dimension to their own strong individual identities. People of Jammu must take the Mufti on his word. One is sure that they would get a warm, reciprocal response in the Valley. Only people of this State can reverse the harmful trend being witnessed elsewhere in the country --- they can create a vibrant and healthy civil society first, a mixture of all individual identities, because that alone can help build a strong nation and the lesser considerations can follow. J&K has an inherent potential to play a positive role. It should be easy to exploit it now that ruling political classes both in the State and the Centre are sensitive to the actual situation and willing to rise above partisan considerations.

Gandhi's legacy and Indian scenario

By Narendra N Sinha

October 2, the day of Mahatma Gandhi's official remembrance, has passed. The only spot of public significance on the day is Raj Ghat in Delhi, where VIPs and other people make their ritualistic visits and pay floral homage. The irony, of course, is that the place has absolutely no association with Gandhi's birth. At Raj Ghat, his mortal remains were cremated and, therefore, it was a less haloed place than the spot on 30 January Marg where he fell to a mindless fanatic's bullets 55 years ago.

After his departure, the leaders who were left behind in the country to carry on Gandhi's programme of 'swaraj' which aimed at upliftment of the common people in towns and villages, chose different paths to fulfil his dreams, moved away according to their own lights and finally fell into two broad groups.

Dr Rajendra Prasad, Jawaharlal Nehru, C Rajagopalachari, Maulana Azad and many others were in the Government engaged in the gigantic task of rehabilitation and reconstruction of a country ravaged by foreign colonial exploiters who preferred to call India a subcontinent.

There were others, equally eminent leaders of the freedom struggle, who chose to serve the people in a Gandhian way and not through the instruments of power. Among them were Acharya Kripalani, Purushottam Das Tandon, Jai Prakash Narayan, Aruna Asaf Ali, and many others like Acharya Vinoba Bhave who had launched the Bhoodan and Gramdan movement in the early seventies.

Jai Prakash Narayan (JP) later wanted to revive the Gandhian concept of decentralization of political power, by constituting ''Janta Sarkars'' (people's governments) at the village level. Actually, it all started with JP's feeling of disappointment and frustration over the movement. At the same time came up a violent movement by the Naxalities (a pro-Maoist group of young extremists). This extremist group in those days had started a 'land grab movement' by killing the big landlords and distributing the grabbed land to the landless poor. This violent group had also threatened the Sarvodaya workers who were busy in implementing Bhoodan land distribution programme in Bihar.

JP was also very unhappy over the then prevailing political uncertainties in the country. Growing corruption in the high political offices and more and more centralization of political power in the hands of a few, unemployment among the youth and skyrocketing prices of the essential commodities were the other important issues that JP wanted to take up.

Coincidentally, on 3rd January 1973, students of LD Engineering College Ahmadabad, Gujarat, launched a strike against sharp increase in the hostel-mess fee. It sparked the anger of the students and the youth of Gujarat against the then Chimanbhai Patel Government who demanded his immediate dismissal from the Chief Minister's post. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, unhappy with Patel's performance, sacked his Government. But the students, instead of being grateful to her for the prompt action she took, joined hands with other youths obviously at the instigation of political forces opposed to Mrs Gandhi and invited JP to address a huge rally.

Being a seasoned leader, JP found in this rally an appropriate platform and a genuine opportunity to utilize the youth unrest for launching his ''Total Revolution''. Sarv Seva Sangh, the pioneering organization of Sarvodaya Movement, under the leadership of Acharya Vinoba Bhave, and supported him.

By this time Vinobaji had retired to his Ashram in Paunar, Wardha. The political opposition to Mrs Gandhi, which at that time was totally fractured, also saw a ray of hope of survival under JP's leadership. Except the Communist Party of India (CPI), the entire Opposition jumped into the fray for ''Total Revolution''. This clever political move of the Opposition succeeded in catching the attention of national and international media in no time. Public was also desperate with increasing hardships due to skyrocketing prices of their daily need commodities.

There were basic differences between Vinoba and JP on the issue of a call for ''Total Revolution'' with the political back-up of the disgruntled opposition parties. The media soon highlighted these differences, which became visible very soon. In a very subtle way the movement for ''total Revolution'' was turned into a ''Indira Hatao Loktantra Bachao'' (Remove Indira and save Democracy) campaign.

JP started losing the grip over the movement at this stage and the set goal for ''Total Revolution'' was slowly pushed aside. It became a political fight focused on removing Mrs Gandhi from the seat of power. Coincidentally, Mrs Gandhi's election to Parliament from Allahabad at this critical juncture was decided illegal and she was disqualified to vote as a Member of Parliament by the High Court. This suddenly changed the situation, and gave a new impetus to the nationwide call of the opposition parties demanding Mrs Gandhi's forthwith as the Prime Minister of the country. The rest is history.

From 1979-80, till date no nationwide movement could be built to focus on Gandhi's goal of 'Swaraj' and Sarvodaya, the 'peoples' democracy' at the grassroots level and decentralization of political and economic power. During this period, several nationwide campaigns were launched. These include ''Narmada Bachao Andolan'', '' Save Ganga, Himalaya Campaign against Tehri Dam Project'', ''Azadi Bachao Andolan'', ''Bachpan Bachao Andolan'', Paryavaran Bachao Andolan'', ''Land Rights Movement'', ''Movement Against Prawn Culture'', ''Bharat Joro Yatra'', 'Movement Against Globalization'', ''Campaign Against Bonded Labour'', 'Movement for Human Rights, particularly for the rights of the Dalits''. Most of such campaigns were led by eminent social activists. But none of these 'mini-movements' could take the shape of a nationwide struggle for political and social change.

Besides the abovementioned action campaigns ,a few hundred thousand NGOs (Non-Government Orga- nisations) also emerged all over the country. These NGOs have been operating with the financial help of the Government and foreign funding agencies for the developmental activities like saving forests, rivers, protecting environment, health, education and overall development in the rural and urban areas.

Unfortunately, all these scattered efforts could involve only small groups and hence could not make an impact on the day-today life of the people.- CNF

CBMs and Indo-Pak relations

By Mushtaq Ahmed

In a conflict zone, any peace initiative can succeed only if it is preceded by Confidence Building Measures (CBM) with a view to creating a favourable environment and removing all irritants confronting the parties in conflict for the peace process to take its shape. However, in the case of Indo-Pak relations despite several attempts, although attempts were made many times to develop a strong friendly relations, no success was achieved to the desired extent. In the present case also, after Indian PM's historic offer of hands of friendship to Pakistan, some forward movement at the people level is visible but at the Government level there is complete stalemate. The onus for failure of CBMs lies in the obstinacy of Pakistani leaders, who have a fixed mind set to tackle the Indo-Pak relations. Besides, Pakistani leaders also suffer from a complex that can best be described as 'Indo-phobia'. Beginning towards CBMs were made many a time. Secretary level talks were held; visit to each other countries of the opinion makers, intellectuals, politicians, artists etc. were encouraged; NGOs were involved to pursue track-II diplomacy; and interactions of the people from both sides of the border were facilitated. All these, however, failed to achieve the desired level of CBMs from where the two countries could move forward and talk in an environment free of suspecision. The two countries, in fact, on most of the times, have remained in conflict. The reasons are many.

Pakistan's obsession with Kashmir is the first obstacle in the way of CBMs between the two countries. Pakistan wants Kashmir issue to be solved first before addressing any other issues that imperil the development of good neighbourly relations. This implies solving outstanding complex issue before going for confidence building measures. Such approach negates the very principles of CBMs. Besides Pakistan is also trying to internationalize the Kashmir issue, which is purely a bilateral issue between the two countries. It is also not ready to end the proxy war that is causing only bad blood and does no good to CBMs.

Failure on the part of successive Pakistani leaders - both Civilian and military - to understand India's security concern also comes in the way of CBMs. India has a wider security concern than Pakistan. While security concern is India - centric, India's concern goes well beyond South Asia and Pakistan. India shares large borders with China. Pakistan fails to realize that any security strategy of India is incomplete without taking China factor into account with which it still has unresolved border dispute. In addition, China is also involved in Pakistan's nuclear and missile development programme. Despite this, Pakistani leaders has strong desire to seek parity with India. Decades of western prompting and aid (Pakistani was used as a pawn against the USSR during the cold war era) has given Pakistan a misplaced feeling that it is equal to India despite being much smaller in size. Pakistani officials and commentators by constantly emphasizing the need for Pakistan to maintain parity with India - a country four times its size in terms of geography, economy and population further strengthen such feelings.

India always wants peace with Pakistan for the benefit of the people of both the countries. However, the problem with India in pursuing the CBMs is that there is no stable political authority in Pakistan with which Indian State can enter into negotiations. While India with strong democracy is striving to become a modern progressive nation, Pakistan is plagued by political instability and frequent military coup. In addition, religious fundamentalist organizations there are not only engaged in worst form of international terrorism, they also aspire for a theocratic Islamic State. The Pakistani rulers have been encouraging such organizations that has given these organizations further strength. These organizations are averse to any compromise on Kashmir and this has also influenced the official policies because the rulers have been more than eager to maintain their Islamic credentials for their long term survival.

Activities of the ISI also come in the way of developing CBMs. ISI works autonomous of the Government. It has emerged as an important power centre in Pakistan. Its top brass are dead against good neighbourly relations with India as they think that easing of tensions might undermine their hold over power in Pakistan. Therefore, they continue to use terrorists in Kashmir as a pretext to score victory over India.

There is no denying of the fact that some military CBMs are place between India and Pakistan. These CBMs are designed to avoid military conflict and work as a check in case of eruption or escalation for military encounters. However, it is necessary to have CBMs in other areas too for creating right environment for problem solving. This spirit does not seem to be seen in Pakistan where the rulers, in order to prolong their stay in power indulge in rhetoric, whether it is thousand-year war with India or reiterate support to Kashmir secessionist groups.

The world has changed. The foreign policy of any countries is now governed more by economics than by other consideration. Sheeding their reservations and keeping their differences on the back seat, the countries are coming together and joining hand for economic upliftment of the region. The European Union and the ASEAN are the finest example of such cooperation where there is general desire among the all members nations to make economic progress. This spirit is not present in South Asia. SAARC is not taking off because of recalcitrance of Pakistan. It is high time that Pakistani rulers come out of their hate-India mentality and think for the betterment of their people and the region. If they want establishment of permanent peace in the sub-continent, they must support the India's peace initiative whole-heartedly.

Exporting harm: The high -tech trashing of Asia

By Arvinder Kaur

The electronics industry is one of the world’s largest and fastest growing manufacturing industries. Though computers use many new age materials and production methods, they still contain many toxic materials and hazards. Various reports now show that high-tech products also harm people’s health as well as the environment.

According to a report by the Basel Action Network, the dark side of high technology reveals polluted drinking water and birth defects, waste discharges that enter our food chain and result in high rate of miscarriages and cancer among workers involved in handling computer scrap.

There is a need to shed this toxic legacy by the industry, by adopting new approaches to be one that really represents the future. Worldwide the industry and governments have recognised, and a few have initiated action as well. Several countries have ecolabelling schemes that include both desktop and portable computers.

However, computer wastes are being imported into India as a means for cheap disposal by developed countries where obsolescence rates are very high. The disposal and recycling of computer waste in the country has thus become a serious problem. The methods of disposal are very rudimentary and pose grave environmental and health hazards.

A recent report published by Toxics Link, an Indian NGO, reviews the waste management situation that India has to deal with on the fast-widening information-technology highway.

E-waste is a collective name for discarded electronic devices that enter the waste stream. Of the entire e-waste generated, computer, waste poses significant environmental and health hazard. The changing lifestyle of people coupled with urbanisation has lead to increasing rates of consumption of electronic products. This has made electronic waste management an issue of environment and health concern. The dumping of e-waste, particularly computer waste, into India from developed countries because the latter find it convenient and economical to export waste has further complicated the problems associated with waste management, the report says.

In terms of production, internal consumption and electronics export industries have emerged as the fastest growing segment of Indian industry. Between 1995-2000, the Indian IT industry recorded a CAGR (Compounded Annual Growth Rate) of more than 42.4 percent, which is almost double the growth rate of IT industries in many of the developed countries. In the IT action plan, the Government has targeted to increase the present, level of penetration, from 5 per 500 people to 1 for 50 people, by 2008. This envisages applying IT in every walk of the economic and social life of the country.

When compared to the USA, the Indian configuration of 5 PCs per 500 people does not represent any sign of massive rise in PCs’ obsolescence rate. But of the nearly 5 million PCs in India, 1.38 million are either 4869 (old models) or below. This figure represents a vast amount of equipment soon to be added to the waste stream as upgradation beyond a point becomes uneconomical and incompatible with software in demand.

Added to this burden is the huge import of junk computers that, in turn, create ugly situations for solid waste management in India. The biggest source of PC scrap are foreign countries that export huge quantities of computer waste in the form of monitors, printers, keyboards, CPUs, typewriters, PVC wires, etc.

After separating all remaining components, motherboards are put for open pit burning to extract the thin layer of copper foils laminated in the circuit board.

E-waste contains a witches, brew of toxic substances such as lead and cadmium in circuit boards; lead oxide and cadmium in monitor cathode ray tubes (CRTs); mercury in switches and flat screen monitors; cadmium in computer batteries; polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) in older capacitors and transformers; and brominated flame retardants on printed circuit boards, plastic casings, cables and polyvinyl chloride (PVC) cable insulation that release highly toxic dioxins and furans when burned to retrieve copper from the wires, the report says.

Due to the hazards involved, disposing and recycling E-waste has serious legal and environmental implications. These materials are complex and difficult to recycle in an environmentally sound manner even in well-developed countries. The recycling of computer waste requires sophisticated technology and processes, which are not only very expensive, but also need specific skills and training for the operation.

In India, most of the recyclers currently engaged in recycling activities do not have this expensive technology to handle the waste. Computer scrap is managed through various management alternatives such as product reuse, conventional disposal in landfills, incineration and recycling.

Solid waste management, which is already a mammoth task in India, has become more complicated by the invasion of e-waste, particularly computer waste to India, from different parts of the world.

The import of hazardous waste into India is actually prohibited by a 1997 Supreme Court directive, which reflects the Basel Ban. The developed world, however, finds it more convenient and also economical to export e-waste to the third world countries like India, rather than managing and incurring high environmental and economic cost. Primary investigations carried out for Baael Action Network revealed that indigenous as well as imported computer waste has lead to the emergence of a thriving market of computer waste products and processing units for material recovery in different parts of India. So trade in e-waste is camouflaged and is a thriving business in India, conducted under the pretext of obtaining reusable, equipment or, donations, from developed nations.

Highly toxic chemicals found in the different components of computer parts can contaminate soil, groundwater and air, as well as affect the workers of the unit and the community living around it. Moreover, the workers in computer waste recycling operations may face dangerous working conditions where health and environmental conditions are compromised. Hence there is a clear reason to be concerned about the trade, the technology in practice and the existing poor disposal practices of computer waste in India.

The management of electronic waste has to be assessed in the broad framework of Extended Producer Responsibility and the Precautionary Principle, so that future policies can be made more responsive in addressing this issue. At present, management options for e-waste are extremely polluting and hence are of grave concern. This problem has assumed a global dimension, of which India is an integral and affected part. Interventions to check the polluting systems of recycling and give viable options for better management of computer waste can beet be suggested only after as assessment is done.

The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has issued guidelines for the environmentally sound management of used and scrap PCs. It describes the used computer as a new business with "somewhat informal origins." Although refurbishment and reuse of PCs take place to some extent in all countries, the 30-nation OECD says, ‘'it is considerably more prevalent in countries with transitional economics."

At least one international agreement focuses on the issue. The Basel Convention classifies CRT glass, mercury switches and other elements of computer scrap as hazardous waste. The United States has not ratified the convention.

The National Electronics Product Stewardship Initiative (NEPSI) met in downtown Seattle in June this year, in an effort to hammer out the basics for an agreement to solve the growing electronic waste or e-waste crisis in the United States.

Now, after greater global alarm about the scope of the e-waste crisis and with the adoption of European, Japanese, and imminent adoption of Canadian legislation to enforce product stewardship, manufacturers are reluctantly moving toward taking more responsibility for internalising end-of-life costs.

According to media reports, Indian Environment Ministry and its Central Pollution Control Board too have taken note of the electronic waste situation and the Ministry is said to be working on a Directive on the lines of European Union and Japan’s Directive.
PTI Features

 
 



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