Hurriyat and its Kashmir solution

By Hari Om

On October 22, the Vajpayee-led NDA Government at the Centre announced that it was willing to hold parleys with the Abbas Ansari-led faction of the All-Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC) on the Kashmir issue and that the man who would talk to its leadership would be none other than the Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani. Ever since, Abbas Ansari and his close associates, including two former chairmen of the APHC Mirwaiz Moulvi Umar Farooq and Prof. Abdul Gani Bhat, have been insisting on the involvement of the pro-independence JKLF, the pro-Pakistan Syed Ali Shah Geelani-led Hurriyat Conference and the Jamait-e-Islami in the dialogue process.

The upshot of their whole argument has been that if the new peace initiative is to culminate in a ''lasting and honourable solution to the Kashmir problem'', the involvement of all the separatist outfits in the proposed exercise is imperative. Yet another refrain of theirs has been that the dialogue should be ''without any preconditions''. They, in addition, have been putting forward one argument after the other to convince the Union Government of the need to associate Pakistan with the dialogue process, asserting that such an approach has become a dire necessity in order to resolve amicably the 56-year old ''Kashmir dispute'' and restore peace in South Asia.

It would not be out of place to mention here that Abbas Ansari has explained this line of his outfit, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq has emphasised it and chief spokesperson of the APHC Prof. Gani Bhat has made it the cornerstone of his speeches and reflections. Prof Bhat has even gone to the extent of suggesting that the APHC and similar other separatist outfits are the ''masters of the destiny of the people of Jammu and Kashmir'', that the ''initiative must emanate from Kashmir'', that the ideas must flow from the APHC'' and that ''its ideas alone should serve as a roadmap for a solution of the Kashmir dispute''. The fact is that each one of these leaders has been saying that the Kashmiri separatists are the ''chief determinants'' and that there is but one way in which the so-called Kashmir issue could be clinched and that is by accepting the ''ideas'' the APHC has been propagating ever since its inception.

Should we endorse any of the suggestions and formulations of the Ansari controlled APHC ? Or, should we take the APHC and similar other secessionist formations whom it has recommended for inclusion in the dialogue process as the sole factor in the political situation of the State on the assumption that recognising and honouring their religio-political agenda would be the same as fulfilling the aspirations and urges of all the people of Jammu and Kashmir? Any objective Jammu and Kashmir-watcher would at once dismiss all the ideas of the APHC as laughable, silly and ridiculous and surely vouch for the fact that the acceptance and implementation of the APHC ideas would simply make the State's political scene more complex and further disturb its already disturbed religio-political equilibrium. He would also agree that any attempt on the part of policy planners in the South and North Blocks to give any credence to the views of the APHC would not only provoke political explosions of portentuous dimensions in Jammu and Ladakh, but also in different parts of the Kashmir valley. And, all these fears are real.

It would be only prudent to remember that Jammu and Kashmir is a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-lingual State and that the political aspirations of the people of Jammu and Ladakh, who constitute half of the State's population and occupy over 89 per cent of the State's land area, and the APHC and its constituency are contradictory and mutually exclusive. For example, unlike the APHC, the battle-cry of the people of Jammu and Ladakh all along has been the State's complete merger with India and application of the Union Constitution to the State in full, leave alone their 56-year-old peaceful struggle in favour of a political instrument invested with full legislative, executive and financial powers or their slogans of separate Jammu State and reorganisation of the existing highly unitary and Kashmir centric State policy on a regional basis. The people of these two historically, ethnically, culturally, geographically and economically distinct regions consistently oppose such unsettling ''solutions'' as the ones ranging from the State's merger with Pakistan to independence to pre-1953 constitutional status or semi-independence, saying that for better, for worse, their destiny is linked with New Delhi and that they would continue to seek ther advance within India at whatever cost.

But the people of Jammu and Ladakh are not the only political elements who sincerely wish to strengthen further their ties with the democratic and pluralistic New Delhi. There are in Kashmir a number of religious and ethnic minorities, whose attitude to India and the Indian Constitution is almost identical. For instance, over three lakh internally-displaced Kashmiri Hindus and Sikhs, more than eight lakh ethnically Kashmiri Shiite Muslims, nearly eight lakh nomadic Gujjar and Bakerwal Muslims and approximately two lakh Dard and Balti Muslims (mostly Shias) are all opposed to the idea of Jammu and Kashmir getting independence or joining the essentially theocratic, sectarian and dictatorial Pakistan or obtaining a dispensation outside the constitutional organisation of India. It is one of their fundamental beliefs that any truck with the terrorist Pakistan or segregation of the State from India under whatever pretext would simply mean the destruction of the State from India under whatever pretext would simply mean the destruction of the all that they hold very dear and the beginning of an era in which their life would not be one of political and economic aspirations but of servitude. To be more precise, all or nearly all of them believe that under the dispensation the APHC and similar other organisations have been striving to achieve their plight would be no better than that of the Shias, Ahmediyas, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and the people of the enslaved ''Azad Kashmir'' and Northern Areas. And, we should not forget that these religious and ethnic minorities plus the Pothwari-speaking Muslims, who inhabit the areas all along the Actual Line of Control, constitute almost half of the population of Kashmir province.

What does this all mean? It means that the Kashmiri separatists, who are consistently fighting among themselves and letting each other down, have no right whatsoever to speak on behalf of the people of the highly diverse State. They cannot claim that they are the ''true representatives'' of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. They are simply taking the endorement of their sectarian and rabidly communal views by a handful of those in Kashmir, who still believe in the concept of two-nation or three-nation theory of Hindu, Muslim and Kashmiri, to mean that all the followers of Islam are with them.

It needs to be underlined that in sphere of influence, they are parochial; their reach is confined only to a few pockets in the Kashmir valley. Abbas Ansari has some influence among the Shias of Safa Kadal assembly constituency (Srinagar city) and parts of Pattan (Baramulla district). Yasin Malik of the JKLF has some say in the Maisuma area of Srinagar city. Mirwaiz Omar Farooq's reach is confined to two and half assembly constituency and again in Srinagar city. These are the Sunni-dominated Zaina Kadal, Id Gah and half of Safa Kadal. Prof. Abdul Gani Bhat has no constitency at all. The People's Conference of Sajjad Lone, son of the late Abdul Gani Lone, has its support-base in the Handwara tehsil and a few other parts of Kupwara district (Kashmir). Syed Ali Shah Geelani can call some shots in the Baramulla disticts' Sopore tehsil, the stronghold of Jamait-e-Islami. As for the Nelson Mandela of Kashmir Shabir Shah, he commands some support in certain parts of the Anantnag and Srinagar districts. That none of these leaders or organisations enjoys any universal support in the Kashmir valley can be seen from the fact that only one of the four ardent followers of Abdul Gani Lone, who had contested the last assembly elections as independent candidates with the ''tacit support'' and understanding of the People's Conference, could make it to the assembly from Handwara and he was Ghulam Mohi-ud-Din Sofi.

The Kashmiri separatists would do well to look all these facts in the face and behave accordingly. Instead of seeking to achieve what is unachievable, they should stop blood-feuds among them, put their own house in order and join the country's mainstream secular, liberal and pluralistic politics. This is the only option available to them. To conitinue to cling to their respective positions would be to wilfully ignore the stark realities and further add to the woes of the already suffering people. The authorities in New Delhi to have to refashion their views on Jammu and Kashmir considering the fact that Jammu and Kashmir is a very difficult State. Any attempt on the part of anybody to impose the political will of the APHC or any other separatist outfit on the people of Jammu and Ladakh and religious and ethnic minorities in Kashmir would certainly prove counter-productive. Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed also has to play his role according to the needs of the people and national requirements. He must review his controversial ''peace with dignity'' doctrine and refrain from making statements which have the potential of directly or indirectly encouraging the separatists.

Remembering Raman

By O P Sharma

Bharat Ratna C V Raman, known for his Raman Effects, was the first Asian scientist to get the Nobel Prize in the year 1928. He was the most illustrious scientist who placed India on the scientific map of the world.

He contributed a lot to the building up of nearly every research organisation in India and founded the Indian Journal of Physics and Indian Academy of Sciences.

Sir C V Raman was born on November 7, 1888 at Ayyanpettai in the Tamil Nadu state. He had his schooling at Vizagapatnam and soon acquired a command over English and developed a deep interest in scientific studies especially Physics.

Brilliant Student

He read voraciously especially scientific books. At the tender age of ten years only he got first class in matriculation ! In fact, he was first-ranker throughout. Inspired by Annie Besant, he studied scriptures and literature as well. in 1904 he graduated from Presidency College, Madras with first class first and bagged University Gold Medal.

For the next two years, when he was pursuing his further studies he was given special treatment for drawing as many books and for as much time as he liked. His article on Accoustics was published in " The Philosophical Magazine" of London in 1906 when he was barely 18 years of age. His second piece appeared in "The Nature", London. He passed MA (Physics) in January, 1907 securing first class first.

Other Pasture

After topping the list in the All-India Finance Department Examination, he became Deputy-Accountant General. He was dealing with matter accounts and finance but his interest continued in scientific field.

In 1917, the Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University,Mr Asutosh Mukerjee took Raman as Professor of Physics when he had rendered 10 years’ service with GOI. It is said Raman choose now the right profession and Mr Asutosh Mukerjee the right person as Professor of Physics. Two years later he became Secretary of Indian Association for Cultivation of Science and it was turning point for him.

Greatest Discovery

Soon he became famous. In 1922, he was conferred the degree of D.SC by Calcutta University. Two years later he founded Indian Science Congress and was it Secretary for four years. The Royal Society of London in 1922 awarded him fellowship and this opened more opportunities for him as he was invited to many institutions.

In 1924 he went abroad to UK, Canada and USA also paying a flying visit to Oslo, Stockholm, Copenhagen, Berlin and Paris. During 1925 he attended Russian Science Academy. He launched Indian Journal of Physics which published research papers. He was only non-German to contribute an article in Hand Book of Physics, the German Encylopaedia of contemporary Physics.

Highest Honours

In 1928, he made great discovery which made him world famous and won him Nobel Prize for Physics. In the Nobel Prize lecture he observed that during his first voyage to Europe in 1921, he was fascinated by the blue colour of Mediterrean Sea and became interested in it origin. The colour, he thought, was due to process of diffusion of sun light on its passage through clear water. He intensively experimented on this and the result was the Raman Effect.

This was hailed by the scientist community as the greatest discovery in the history of X-ray and radioactivity. Raman continued with zeal his study and research work.

Inspiring Figure

In 1932 Raman left Palit chair of Calcutta University and went to Bangalore as Head of the Department of Physics of Indian Institute of Science. During 1948 Raman was named the Director of Raman Research Institute at Bangalore and was soon awarded National Research Professorship which gave him Rs 2500 p.m. for research work.

From 1948 till his death on November 21, 1970 he remained Director of Raman Research Institute and carried out commendable researches in various fields as also inspired and trained distinguished scientists like Homy Jahangir Bhabba, Vikram A Sarabhai and K S Krishan.

This Nobel Laureate started as an humble investigator and worked in the small laboratories, having limited resources which his country could afford. He once wrote: " The essence of science is independent thinking, hard work and not equipment". His greatest quality was his single minded devotion to science. He not only attained international eminence but also raised status of India.

He was the awarded highest honour of Bharat Ratna in 1954.

Raman was always eager to secure for India a prominent place on the scientific map of the world. He asked the Government to provide more grants for scientific institutions for better facilities.

This great scientist was keen to see that science was used for the betterment and not for the destruction of mankind.