EDITORIAL
War for peace
Clearly, Pakistan
President Pervez Musharraf has tied himself in knots. As
it turns out, he cant swallow his statement about
Pakistan having left aside the United Nations
resolutions on Jammu and Kashmir, nor can he disown it.
Within 24 hours of his rather bold assertion, which
implied that a plebiscite in the State is no more an
issue, it has been hastened to clarify on his behalf that
this would be wrong to interpret it as Pakistan having
altogether given up its demand in this regard. As the
media is always a favourite whipping boy as and when a
leader finds his utterances having an undesirable impact,
it has been accused in this instance, too, of having
presented a distorted picture by quoting the General
out of context. In the same breath, however,
Pakistans Information and Broadcasting Minister
Sheikh Rashid Ahmed, has insisted that the General does
have certain ideas as a substitute for the plebiscite and
that they would be shared with India when serious
dialogue takes place. Has Mr Rashid not
further complicated the scenario? What does, for
instance, he mean when he talks of a substitute for the
plebiscite? Does this not lead to the inference that
Pakistan has given up its mulish adherence to a demand it
had been supporting for years? Having noted this
ambivalence, one should, however, sympathise with the
Pakistan President at this moment. There is no point in
ridiculing him. One might actually appreciate his
reluctant somersault on this issue if one looks into the
reasons for it. The General has put himself in the line
of fire of his opponents by talking of the irrelevance of
the UN resolutions. The opposition is charging him in his
country with a sell-out on Kashmir. That is
not all. So far as his political rivals are concerned
and they are many thanks to his own doings
the soldier-turned-politician has compromised with the
integrity and sovereignty of Pakistan. This should leave
no doubt that the General is engaged in a war on his own
home turf in frantic search for peace in the
sub-continent. Even the homespun Kashmiri terrorist
outfit, Hizbul Mujahideen, the leadership of which is
being protected by Pakistan in the occupied territory, is
looking askance at his latest posture. The temptation of
going into the Generals past can be great in this
context. Having subverted the democratic dispensation in
his country and usurped power on an anti-India plank, it
is surprising that the General should now be talking of
having normal relations with this country. It may,
however, be a better idea to dispel such thoughts for the
time being and give the General a chance to deliver on
his promise of contributing to peace in the region. No
Pakistani General-turned-dictator has talked in such a
reasonable way as President Musharraf has been doing of
late, whatever his reasons or compulsions for doing so
may be.
What is amazing is the
hype about the UN resolutions, which has virtually led to
digging them out of the grave. It flies in the face of
the fact that Pakistan has never been serious about their
implementation. It may be in order to recall that the
foremost clause of the most important of these
resolutions calls upon Pakistan to completely withdraw
its army from Jammu and Kashmir. Does anybody remember
this? Pakistan itself does not like to be reminded of
this directive, which should explain that it does not
want to give up its illegal control over a substantial
part of the State. Bilateral agreements at Tashkent and
Simla have long ago overtaken the developments involving
the two countries at the UN. The other nations are,
therefore, always more keen to tell both the neighbouring
nations to mutually resolve their differences instead of
seeking to do so on the basis of the world bodys
resolutions, howsoever significant they might have been
at some point of time in the past. There is another
interesting fall-out of Gen Musharrafs statement.
Should there be confusion in the minds of the leaders of
the occupied J&K territory, Pakistan has decided to
take them into confidence about its Kashmir policy. A
meeting is proposed to be held soon for this purpose.
This will be just a vain exercise. For one thing, the
leaders of Azad Kashmir, as a major part of
the occupied territory is locally known, have no
meaningful control over their own affairs. For another,
they have no inter-action worth the name with the leaders
of the strategic Gilgit region, which although a part of
the undivided State is directly administered by Pakistan,
leave alone with those on this side of the Line of
Control. Nevertheless, such developments across the LoC
are signals enough that the path to peace in the
sub-continent is paved with thorns. Until we find out how
honest the General is in his pursuit of normalcy, we must
not jump to any hasty conclusion as it may adversely hit
our own leaderships positive initiative in this
direction.
Unanswered questions
A close perusal of the
reports of the debate on the Jammu and Kashmir Specified
Wakafs and Wakafs Properties (Management and Regulation)
Bill 2003 in the just-concluded session of the State
legislature reveals that many questions about the
allegedly shady transactions in the case of Auqaf land
have remained answered. Is it true, for instance, that
the land at such a prized location as Srinagars
Idgah has been sold to the close relatives of National
Conference leaders at a throwaway price? Finance Minister
Muzaffar Baig has mentioned the names of buyers in this
case. He has also given the details of money that has
changed hands. One cant lose sight of the fact that
the NC leaders had by and large chosen to keep silent
after having sought the details of the transactions in
this case. The argument given by one of them that the
land at Idgah was sold by the Muslim Auqaf Trust (MAT)
during militancy, when the Hurriyat Conference controlled
it, and not the NC does not sound very convincing in view
of the disclosure of the identity of those who have
bought it. It is true that, like everything else, the MAT
has also been in the doldrums during militancy. That,
however, does not explain why it should have a bank
balance of just Rs 1 crore when it was taken over by the
State Government recently. This amount is just a peanut
considering that it is in control of numerous places of
worship and a large property. If anything, it only serves
to confirm that it has not been managed efficiently. In
sharp contrast, the much-revered Shahdara Sharief shrine
in the Jammu region, which has a separate management,
alone has a deposit of Rs 21 crore. Both the NC and the
Hurriyat would do well to put their record straight in
this matter.
We need to admit that the
establishment of the Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board and
its remarkable performance has changed our perception
about the management of the holy places. It has been
conclusively proved that the donations at such shrines
can be properly diverted for the welfare of not only the
worshippers but society as a whole. The Muslim shrines
should also be managed in a similarly efficient fashion.
Their resources should be used for the benefit of the
community at large. It is now for the new management of
the MAT to prove that it would do what has not been done
in the past.
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India's
non-military approach to terrorism
By B.
Raman
India
adopts a comprehensive approach to
terrorism, which makes a clear
distinction between domestic and
international terrorism and between
indigenous and foreign terrorists and
believes that counter-terrorism can be
effective only if there is a
multi-pronged approach based on a
national consensus.
Nearly
40,000 innocent civilians have been
killed by terrorists in India. The first
act of mass casualty terrorism on the
ground (not on an aircraft) targeting
economic nerve centres and innocent
civilians took place in Mumbai in March,
1993, resulting in the death of 250
civilians. An average of 950 foreign
terrorists, the majority of them
Pakistani nationals, are killed by the
Indian security forces every year since
1999. There have been 46 acts of suicide
terrorism or fedayeen attacks since 1999,
44 of them carried out by Pakistani
nationals.
India has
consistently adopted the classical
approach of treating terrorism as a
part-political-part-criminal, law and
order and internal security problem---
despite the external support received by
it--- to be countered through a mix of
the political, administrative and
operational approaches, with the police
as the main instrument and the Army only
as the instrument of the last resort.
"Counter-terrorism"
and not "combating terrorism"
and "campaign against
terrorism" and not "war against
terrorism" are still the key phrases
in the lexicon and thinking of India's
internal security managers. India's
avoidance of a military approach to
terrorism is based on the following
principles:
An Army is
meant to be used against an external Army
of an adversarial State and not against
non-State insurgent and terrorist groups,
except in exceptional circumstances where
the police and the para-military forces
are not able to deal with them. Where the
use of the Army is considered
unavoidable, it should be confined to
infantry elements using light and
medium-powered weapons and there should
be no use of the Air Force and no use of
weapons which could cause large
casualties unacceptable under
humanitarian laws.
In the
past, the Army had played an important
role in maintaining internal security in
India's North-east. It even now plays an
important role in J&K. However, its
role is more as a counter-infiltration
force to prevent the infiltration of
terrorists and the smuggling of arms and
ammunition from neighbouring countries
such as Pakistan and Bangladesh and not
as a counter-terrorism force, which role
continues to be performed by the Police,
with the assistance of the para-military
forces.
India's
comprehensive counter-terrorism policy
has two strands---the counter-terrorist
and the counter-terrorism. The
counter-terrorist strand treats terrorism
as a threat to national security and as a
law and order problem and focusses on
weakening the domestic terrorist
organisations and their members till they
realise that violence is not an option
and become amenable to a compromise
political solution through dialogue and
on neutralising the foreign terrorist
organisations operating in Indian
territory through the use of effective
and sustained force against them.
The
counter-terrorist policy of weakening
domestic terrorists provides for an
ultimate solution through dialogue. That
of neutralising foreign terrorists does
not provide for a dialogue since they
have no locus stand in India.
The
counter-terrorism strand, which applies
only to domestic and not to foreign
terrorists, treats terrorism as a
phenomenon with political, economic,
social, perceptual, psychological,
operational and diplomatic aspects, all
of which need equal and simultaneous
attention. It also holds that the
responsibility for the prevention of the
spread of terrorism is not that of the
intelligence agencies and the police
only. It is equally that of the political
leadership and the civilian
administration, which have to ensure that
unnoticed pockets of anger do not arise
and that unattended and unredressed
grievances of a reasonable and negotiable
nature do not build up resulting in
resort to terrorism by the aggrieved.
The
following are some illustrations of
India's political approach to
counter-terrorism:
Ensuring
that the terrorists are not able to
disrupt the democratic process. Terrorist
violence has not been allowed to come in
the way of elections in India's
North-East, Punjab and J&K. Despite
threats by Pakistan-based terrorists to
kill the officials and voters who
participated in the election process,
elections were successfully held to the
J&K Assembly last year.
Constantly
improving the quality of internal
security management and governance. In
December, 2002, India's third
non-governmental National Security
Advisory Board (NSAB) made
recommendations as to how to improve
internal security management. The fourth
NSAB is expected to recommend in February
next as to how to improve the quality of
governance. Amongst factors receiving
attention are increasing efficiency,
removing corruption, better monitoring of
grievances, improving the machinery for
grievances redressal, effective policing,
better police-community relations and
better co-ordination amongst agencies
responsible for counter-terrorism.
The
following are some illustrations of
India's economic approach:
Ensuring
that the terrorists are not able to
disrupt the normal economic life of the
affected areas and the country as a
whole. During the 1980s, the terrorists
in Punjab tried to disrupt the
agricultural economy of the State through
targeted killings of farm labourers from
other states and other means. Through
adequate security measures, the
Government thwarted their efforts. As a
result, even at the height of terrorism,
Punjab maintained its reputation as the
granary of India and produced record
harvests year after year.
In
J&K, the terrorists tried to disrupt
the examinations. The Government had the
students flown to Jammu at its cost to
take the examinations so that their
career did not suffer.
The
terrorists also targeted traders and
businessmen from other parts of India
going to J&K to buy the local
produce. The Government organised
Kashmiri Trade Fairs in New Delhi and
other parts of India and had the Kashmiri
producers, along with their products,
flown to those fairs so that they could
sell them. The terrorists disrupted the
tourist economy in J&K by targeting
foreign tourists in 1992 and 1995. To
compensate for the loss of revenue due to
the consequent decline in tourist
arrivals from abroad, the Government took
special measures to encourage domestic
tourism. During the summer of this year,
300,000 tourists from other parts of
India visited J&K.
Ensuring
that preoccupation with counter-terrorism
does not result in a neglect of the
economic development of the affected
area. The Government of India prepares
special economic packages for the
terrorism-affected areas in order to
ensure that their economic development
keeps pace with that in the rest of the
country not affected by terrorism. Since
tax revenues tend to fall down in the
terrorism-affected areas.
The
Government of India generously subsidises
their economic development. Some
counter-terrorism experts have argued
that the implementation of such expensive
economic packages even before terrorism
has been controlled might result in some
of the money earmarked for spending in
the terrorism-affected areas leaking into
the hands of the terrorists, thereby
rendering counter-terrorism difficult.
The Government has rejected such
arguments.
Ensuring
that the Government's preoccupation with
terrorism in different parts of the
country does not hamper the economic
development of the country as a whole.
Despite the intensification of
Pakistan-sponsored terrorism in J&K
since 1989 and the extension of it to
other parts of the country, India's
economy has continued to develop. During
the period when India was confronted with
the worst kind of externally-sponsored
terrorism, its economy continued to grow,
it emerged as a major information
technology power of the world, its
schools and universities produced some of
the best IT experts in the world who are
in great demand all over the world and
its foreign exchange reserves increased
from less than US $ five billion to US $
92 billion plus. They are expected to
cross US $ 100 billion within the next
three months.
There are
no quick-solutions to terrorism. It took
India 19 years to bring the
insurgency-cum-terrorism in Nagaland
under control, 20 years to restore
normalcy in Mizoram and 14 years to put
an end to terrorism in Punjab. Firmness
and determination in action tempered by a
civilised, democratic and patient
behaviour by the State have been the
hallmark of India's counter-terrorism
policy. It has already paid dividends in
Nagaland, Mizoram and Punjab. There is no
reason why it should not in J&K and
other areas where terrorism is not yet
totally under control. (adni)
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Neglecting
ex-servicemen
By Maj
Gen V K Madhok (retired)
The
reality which shocks a servicemen on
retirement is, the economic disparites
between the civil and military, no matter
what he rank! He realises that his meagre
pension is peanuts when compared to what
those employed in the corporate sector,
or others like actors and politicians or
those working as supervisors , clerks and
agents make. At this time he questions
whether he was wise or foolish-with
pride, to have served in the armed
forces, after mortgaging his personal
freedom, at great risk besides privation
to his family.
Some
60,000 to 70,000 servicemen retire every
year. They are young mostly in their mid
30s (leaving aside the top ranks), action
oriented and highly motivated. More
importantly, they are a political and
trained to function in adverse
circumstances. At any one time there are
nearly 50 lakh ex- servicemen of various
ranks and expertise on the pension rolls
of the Indian Exchequer. Selected on
merit from amongst lakhs of applicants,
only those who qualified in the stringent
selection tests were able to join the
Services. Take the NDA, for every course
of nearly 150-200 cadets, more then a
lakh of candidates apply. In 1992, 42,000
women had applied for women officers
Short service commission course in the
Air Force, only 42 were selected. The
situation in the Army or the Navy is no
different.
Further,
as many candidates are unable to make the
grade during training or while serving,
many have to leave for these or other
reasons such as on becoming a casuality
as a result of wounds before even they
qualify for pension. Besides, it is a
pity that the Society has yet to realise
that amongst Ex-Servicemen, there are
engineers, communication experts,
mechanics, doctors, advocates, nuclear
medicine experts, drivers, artificers,
pilots, aircraft maintenance specialists,
navigators, computor operators, weapon
designers, teachers, management experts,
thinkers and thousand other trades. Name
it and you have it. Yet the Society and
civil employers in general have to come
associate an Ex-Servicemen's image with
that of a mere sentry for security duties
or for fire fighting as reflected in the
media advertisements. No wonder, neither
the people's representatives in the
Parliament nor for that matter the
industrialists and the Government have
failed to make use of this vital national
resource.
The
Ministry of Defence (MoD) in turn has
left the problem to the Resettlement
Directorate functioning under it. Which
at best, can be described as an outdated
and obsolete employment registration
agency, functioning in a groove. Its
other representatives at the state and
district levels in the shape of Rajya
Sainik Boards and Zila Parishad Boards
respectively, designed to resettle and
help Ex-Servicemen haven't covered
themselves with glory either. We must
realize that Ex-Servicemen are the only
trained and readily available manpower
resource which the country has at its
disposal. Retired at an early age, when
their counter parts in the civil start
picking up momentum, 80-85 percent of
ex-servicemen land up in civil life
waiting for call up notices for a job
from the Resettlement Directorate or the
Employment exchanges which do not
materialise. The question to be answered
is, why has the country failed to make
use of their disciplined minds,
leadership qualities and talents honed
during their Service?
The
services must of course share a major
share of blame for this situation
alongwith the bureaucracy and
politicians. During his service, a
soldier remains isolated because of rules
and regulations mostly inherited from a
colonial past. These restrictions prevent
servicemen from stretching out to the
media thus isolating them completely from
what lies outside their environment. It
is to bridge this chasm that the media,
bureaucracy and the polity have to play
an important role of which they seem to
be completely oblivious. Further, a
feeling of neglect has a psychological
effect on tomorrow's Ex-Servicemen.
Failure to addres the issue cannot but
create a large number of frustrated Ex
Servicemen. On the other hand, those in
uniform, seeing the plight of their ex
comrades cannot remain unconcerned.
Because this will be their lot too sooner
or later. They would thus be compelled to
start spending an increasing number of
hours in training themselves for a civil
vocation on retirement while in service.
This needs to be avoided as soldiering is
a full time profession and not a nine to
five affair.
In a
country which has already become
ungovernable due to ill discipline, poor
administration, terrorism, over
population and corruption, the
contribution which can be made by a
disciplined body of men hardly needs any
emphasis. In the prevailing scenario of
chaos and total mess in Kashmir for
instance, where the civil administrators
and Cabinet ministers dare not move
freely or visit rural areas due to fear
of reprisals from the militants a
dedicated band of 8000 to 10,000
Ex-Servicemen, recruited solely to assist
the government in administering the
Valley of discontent would have done
wonders. In addition, composite task
forces of engineers, electronic
specialists and other skilled personnel,
if created in various states would ensure
that the citizen is not held to ransom
during electricity and water strikes or
other natural or man made calamities
which hit us periodically.
The
existing mechanism to make use of
Ex-Servicemen lacks coordination,
accountability and long term
perspectives. There is no visible or
substantial achievements from
organisations like the IESL (Indian
Ex-Servicemen's League). Although some
states like Maharashtra have assigned the
task of looking after the Ex-Servicemen
to one of the ministers but they have to
show visible results. Besides, although
the Society contributes liberally and
willingly to the Flag Day fund, there is
seldom an open announcement regarding the
specific purposes for which these funds
have been sub-allotted. The progress on
the previous projects and as to how the
newer ones are being financed from these
donations need to be monitored. It is
important that the Society and the
Ex-Servicemen get a clear picture
regarding expenditure from donations from
those who are supposed to administer
these.
Reverting
back to the issue as to how and where
Ex-Servicemen can be used most
effectively needs to addressed with
concern. Leaving aside the youth
programmes such as sports. trekking,
physical fitness and adventure training,
there are a variety of environmental
issues, relief work, construction work
and administrative coordination tasks
which await the involvement of
Ex-Servicemen. Further, any soldier,
whether serving or retired, is an
excellent implementor of plans. It is a
fact that in India, a majority of
projects or plans get bogged down no
sooner these take off from the black
board after funds have been alloted.
because we are poor implementors as our
past records show. It is this vacuum
which can be filled most effectively by
the Ex-Servicemen whose chief asset is to
see a mission through and they are
trained for it. But somewhere on the
line, efficient mechanism have been
missing to avoid leaving this national
resource in the lurch.
Finally,
the MOD is not in a position to
comprehend the psyche of an
Ex-Serviceman. But the Service Chiefs
can. Somehow they too-alongwith their
personal staff officers have been keeping
away from the Ex-Servicemen. In fact
whenever they visit an important station
they must address their former colleagues
as a matter of moral responsibility. It
would reinforce brotherhood and certainly
not compromise security. It is time that
the Service chiefs took upon themselves
to look after and use Ex-Servicemen
through a special branch instead of
leaving them in the hands of
disinterested bureaucracy or polity.
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Information
technology bridging the digital divide
By Arvinder Kaur
One of the key
challenges of the internet age, Digital Divide,
has been described by business analysts and IT
gurus as the knowledge gap between the rich, who
have access to internet and the poor who do not.
The Digital Divide also exists between the
educated and the uneducated, between economic
classes, and, globally between the more and less
industry developed nations. The divide, between
the information haves and have nots, based on
unequal access to technology and high-tech
skills, is expected to further deepen and
reinforce the divisions, that exist within the
society.
''The new
information and communication technologies are
among the driving forces of gloablisation. They
are bringing people together, and bringing
decision makers unprecedented tools for
development. At the same time, the gap between
information 'haves' and 'have-nots is widening
and there is a real danger that the world's poor
will be excluded from the emerging
knowledge-based global economy'', according to
Kofi Annan, Secretary General United Nations.
Technology
visionary and Director General of Council for
Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), Dr R A
Mashelkar, is equally convinced about the dangers
posed by the yawning Digital Divide and the
debilitating impact of IT literacy on India.
Calling upon the country's IT sector to bridge
the digital divide to make India a land of
opportunities, he said. ''India has a unique
chance to convert the threat of a digital divide
into a digital opportunity.''
According to
industry estimates, India needs to spend 3.81
billion dollars in the next four years to bridge
the growing technological divide, including the
construction of an internet device accessible to
illiterate villagers.
As of today, on
the one hand, while professionals in the
information technology sector continue to be the
apples of the eye for most developed economies,
things like internet blue chips, online shopping
and nanosecond e-mail have failed to cure
century-old malaises like illiteracy povert and
unemployment in India.
What more, the
digital divide is not restricted to less
developed states like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh,
Rajasthan and Orissa with traditionally weak
infrastructure but also the new ''IT states''
like Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh.
Information
Technology experts say, for any revolution to
take place, there are certain pre-requisites. The
digital revolution too requires an enabling
environment, which India has not put in place as
yet. And the main woe is infrastructure. Access
to technology is constrained by infrastructure
parameters like electricity the number of
personal computers and telephone lines. Per
capita electricity consumption in India remains
around 363 kw, far below the 4,959 kw in Hong
Kong, 5421 kw in Britain and 11,922 kw in the US.
India has 22
telephone lines per 1000 people compared with 70
in neighbouring China and three PCs per 1000
compared with nine in China. The installed base
of PC in the country is five million only five
out of every 1000 people have a PC.
In several parts
of the country, farmers and rural people are
beginning to realise how real time information,
made available either through state-sponsored or
private initiatives can connect them to the
new-age world. But experts feel lack of access to
communications and IT tools-coupled with the high
percentage of illiteracy in the rural areas act
as roadblocks on the way to becoming a knowledge
based society.
However, many
still feel that Internet is very much a city
phenomenon and confined to the elite classes who
have internet access both at home and workplace.
The digital divide can also be seen quite clearly
in schools in India's big cities. Here, the
children of rich and middleclass families go to
English-language medium schools stacked with
computers linked to the internet. On the other
hand, the urban poor send their children to
government schools that instruct in the venacular
language with hardly any access to vernacular
software or even computers.
The situation is
worse in India's vast rural hinterland. In Uttar
Pradesh, according to United Nations Development
Programme estimates, it will take the whole of
this century to make all of its 170 million
people literate. And the eastern state of Bihar,
with a population of 100 million, will not be
able to do this till the next century.
Only a handful of
South Asian nations can actually take advantage
of the region's much-acclaimed IT achievements.
With average annual income being very low, very
few can afford both a telephone and a computer.
Though South Asia
has emerged as the most promising nation for
sourcing information technology expertise, this
achievement is of use only to rich nations,
experts say.
Infact, the
so-called digital divide is being replicated
within the region, widening the already big gulf
between the majority poor and an English
language-speaking internet savy elite, they say.
The region's emerging prominence as an IT-
superpower, best seen in the case of India, is
said to be accentuating the sharp contrast
between an educated white collar citizen and the
rest. International economist Jeffrey Sachs has
rated India on top of list of companies with
potential for investment by foreign software
companies. But he placed the country at the
bottom when it came to infrastructure.
According to
International Telecommunication Union (ITU), lack
of data on access to information and
communication technologies (ICTs) in poorer
countries is maintaining the digital divide
between the rich and poor. ITU, in its latest
report finds that 60 per cent of all internet
user surveys are conducted in the wealthiest
countries, while not a single survey has been
carried out in the 59 poorest economies.
The report notes
that countries that best understand their
population's access to ICTs have been able to
formulate suitable policies, citing South Korea
as an example.
The Indian
government understands that digital divide is
harsher than than any other divide in the
country. Former minister for information
technology, Pramod Mahajan had said that the
divide did not emerge out of technology, but due
to inequitable distribution of technology. By
leveraging information technology, India could
replace the word 'digital divide' to 'digital
unite', he had said.
In order to bridge
the digital divide in India, experts propose a
four-point programme. Firstly, the government
needed to put in more efforts on educating the
masses. Although the literacy rate had touched 70
percent in the country it was of no avail unless
IT awareness and digital literacy increased. The
centre is already working with the states to
introduce IT as a compulsory subject at school
level, he said.
Increasing the
tele-density in the country was the second
important step to be taken to bridge the divide.
Telecom being an important tool to facilitate IT
development, telephones should be available at
cheap cost.
The IT hardware
industry also needs to explore ways to make
available PCs at extensively reduced costs. PCs
should be available in various gradation as per
the choice and need of the consumer. Power was
yet another sector that needed special attention.
The Ministry for
Information Technology has taken up many
initiatives recently- Community information
centres have been set up in the North East. More
than Rs 200 crore have already been spent on
setting up these centres.
The government
plans to set up 10,000 more such centres across
the country to connect 600,000 villages in India.
PTI Feature
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