EDITORIAL

War for peace

Clearly, Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf has tied himself in knots. As it turns out, he can’t swallow his statement about Pakistan having ‘left aside’ the United Nations resolutions on Jammu and Kashmir, nor can he disown it. Within 24 hours of his rather bold assertion, which implied that a plebiscite in the State is no more an issue, it has been hastened to clarify on his behalf that this would be wrong to interpret it as Pakistan having altogether given up its demand in this regard. As the media is always a favourite whipping boy as and when a leader finds his utterances having an undesirable impact, it has.......more

Unanswered questions

A close perusal of the reports of the debate on the Jammu and Kashmir Specified Wakafs and Wakafs Properties (Management and Regulation) Bill 2003 in the just-concluded session of the State legislature reveals that many questions about the allegedly shady transactions in the case of Auqaf land have remained.......more

India's non-military approach to terrorism

By B. Raman

India adopts a comprehensive approach to terrorism, which makes a clear distinction between domestic and international terrorism and between indigenous and foreign terrorists and believes that counter-terrorism can be ......more

Neglecting ex-servicemen

By Maj Gen V K Madhok (retired)

The reality which shocks a servicemen on retirement is, the economic disparites between the civil and military, no matter what he rank! He realises that his meagre pension is peanuts when .....more

Information technology bridging the digital divide

By Arvinder Kaur

One of the key challenges of the internet age, Digital Divide, has been described by business analysts and IT gurus as the knowledge gap between ......more

EDITORIAL

War for peace

Clearly, Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf has tied himself in knots. As it turns out, he can’t swallow his statement about Pakistan having ‘left aside’ the United Nations resolutions on Jammu and Kashmir, nor can he disown it. Within 24 hours of his rather bold assertion, which implied that a plebiscite in the State is no more an issue, it has been hastened to clarify on his behalf that this would be wrong to interpret it as Pakistan having altogether given up its demand in this regard. As the media is always a favourite whipping boy as and when a leader finds his utterances having an undesirable impact, it has been accused in this instance, too, of having presented a distorted picture by quoting the General ‘out of context’. In the same breath, however, Pakistan’s Information and Broadcasting Minister Sheikh Rashid Ahmed, has insisted that the General does have certain ideas as a substitute for the plebiscite and that they would be shared with India when serious ‘dialogue’ takes place. Has Mr Rashid not further complicated the scenario? What does, for instance, he mean when he talks of a substitute for the plebiscite? Does this not lead to the inference that Pakistan has given up its mulish adherence to a demand it had been supporting for years? Having noted this ambivalence, one should, however, sympathise with the Pakistan President at this moment. There is no point in ridiculing him. One might actually appreciate his reluctant somersault on this issue if one looks into the reasons for it. The General has put himself in the line of fire of his opponents by talking of the irrelevance of the UN resolutions. The opposition is charging him in his country with a ‘sell-out’ on Kashmir. That is not all. So far as his political rivals are concerned — and they are many thanks to his own doings — the soldier-turned-politician has compromised with the integrity and sovereignty of Pakistan. This should leave no doubt that the General is engaged in a war on his own home turf in frantic search for peace in the sub-continent. Even the homespun Kashmiri terrorist outfit, Hizbul Mujahideen, the leadership of which is being protected by Pakistan in the occupied territory, is looking askance at his latest posture. The temptation of going into the General’s past can be great in this context. Having subverted the democratic dispensation in his country and usurped power on an anti-India plank, it is surprising that the General should now be talking of having normal relations with this country. It may, however, be a better idea to dispel such thoughts for the time being and give the General a chance to deliver on his promise of contributing to peace in the region. No Pakistani General-turned-dictator has talked in such a reasonable way as President Musharraf has been doing of late, whatever his reasons or compulsions for doing so may be.

What is amazing is the hype about the UN resolutions, which has virtually led to digging them out of the grave. It flies in the face of the fact that Pakistan has never been serious about their implementation. It may be in order to recall that the foremost clause of the most important of these resolutions calls upon Pakistan to completely withdraw its army from Jammu and Kashmir. Does anybody remember this? Pakistan itself does not like to be reminded of this directive, which should explain that it does not want to give up its illegal control over a substantial part of the State. Bilateral agreements at Tashkent and Simla have long ago overtaken the developments involving the two countries at the UN. The other nations are, therefore, always more keen to tell both the neighbouring nations to mutually resolve their differences instead of seeking to do so on the basis of the world body’s resolutions, howsoever significant they might have been at some point of time in the past. There is another interesting fall-out of Gen Musharraf’s statement. Should there be confusion in the minds of the leaders of the occupied J&K territory, Pakistan has decided to take them into confidence about its Kashmir policy. A meeting is proposed to be held soon for this purpose. This will be just a vain exercise. For one thing, the leaders of ‘Azad Kashmir’, as a major part of the occupied territory is locally known, have no meaningful control over their own affairs. For another, they have no inter-action worth the name with the leaders of the strategic Gilgit region, which although a part of the undivided State is directly administered by Pakistan, leave alone with those on this side of the Line of Control. Nevertheless, such developments across the LoC are signals enough that the path to peace in the sub-continent is paved with thorns. Until we find out how honest the General is in his pursuit of normalcy, we must not jump to any hasty conclusion as it may adversely hit our own leadership’s positive initiative in this direction.

Unanswered questions

A close perusal of the reports of the debate on the Jammu and Kashmir Specified Wakafs and Wakafs Properties (Management and Regulation) Bill 2003 in the just-concluded session of the State legislature reveals that many questions about the allegedly shady transactions in the case of Auqaf land have remained answered. Is it true, for instance, that the land at such a prized location as Srinagar’s Idgah has been sold to the close relatives of National Conference leaders at a throwaway price? Finance Minister Muzaffar Baig has mentioned the names of buyers in this case. He has also given the details of money that has changed hands. One can’t lose sight of the fact that the NC leaders had by and large chosen to keep silent after having sought the details of the transactions in this case. The argument given by one of them that the land at Idgah was sold by the Muslim Auqaf Trust (MAT) during militancy, when the Hurriyat Conference controlled it, and not the NC does not sound very convincing in view of the disclosure of the identity of those who have bought it. It is true that, like everything else, the MAT has also been in the doldrums during militancy. That, however, does not explain why it should have a bank balance of just Rs 1 crore when it was taken over by the State Government recently. This amount is just a peanut considering that it is in control of numerous places of worship and a large property. If anything, it only serves to confirm that it has not been managed efficiently. In sharp contrast, the much-revered Shahdara Sharief shrine in the Jammu region, which has a separate management, alone has a deposit of Rs 21 crore. Both the NC and the Hurriyat would do well to put their record straight in this matter.

We need to admit that the establishment of the Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine Board and its remarkable performance has changed our perception about the management of the holy places. It has been conclusively proved that the donations at such shrines can be properly diverted for the welfare of not only the worshippers but society as a whole. The Muslim shrines should also be managed in a similarly efficient fashion. Their resources should be used for the benefit of the community at large. It is now for the new management of the MAT to prove that it would do what has not been done in the past.

India's non-military approach to terrorism

By B. Raman

India adopts a comprehensive approach to terrorism, which makes a clear distinction between domestic and international terrorism and between indigenous and foreign terrorists and believes that counter-terrorism can be effective only if there is a multi-pronged approach based on a national consensus.

Nearly 40,000 innocent civilians have been killed by terrorists in India. The first act of mass casualty terrorism on the ground (not on an aircraft) targeting economic nerve centres and innocent civilians took place in Mumbai in March, 1993, resulting in the death of 250 civilians. An average of 950 foreign terrorists, the majority of them Pakistani nationals, are killed by the Indian security forces every year since 1999. There have been 46 acts of suicide terrorism or fedayeen attacks since 1999, 44 of them carried out by Pakistani nationals.

India has consistently adopted the classical approach of treating terrorism as a part-political-part-criminal, law and order and internal security problem--- despite the external support received by it--- to be countered through a mix of the political, administrative and operational approaches, with the police as the main instrument and the Army only as the instrument of the last resort.

"Counter-terrorism" and not "combating terrorism" and "campaign against terrorism" and not "war against terrorism" are still the key phrases in the lexicon and thinking of India's internal security managers. India's avoidance of a military approach to terrorism is based on the following principles:

An Army is meant to be used against an external Army of an adversarial State and not against non-State insurgent and terrorist groups, except in exceptional circumstances where the police and the para-military forces are not able to deal with them. Where the use of the Army is considered unavoidable, it should be confined to infantry elements using light and medium-powered weapons and there should be no use of the Air Force and no use of weapons which could cause large casualties unacceptable under humanitarian laws.

In the past, the Army had played an important role in maintaining internal security in India's North-east. It even now plays an important role in J&K. However, its role is more as a counter-infiltration force to prevent the infiltration of terrorists and the smuggling of arms and ammunition from neighbouring countries such as Pakistan and Bangladesh and not as a counter-terrorism force, which role continues to be performed by the Police, with the assistance of the para-military forces.

India's comprehensive counter-terrorism policy has two strands---the counter-terrorist and the counter-terrorism. The counter-terrorist strand treats terrorism as a threat to national security and as a law and order problem and focusses on weakening the domestic terrorist organisations and their members till they realise that violence is not an option and become amenable to a compromise political solution through dialogue and on neutralising the foreign terrorist organisations operating in Indian territory through the use of effective and sustained force against them.

The counter-terrorist policy of weakening domestic terrorists provides for an ultimate solution through dialogue. That of neutralising foreign terrorists does not provide for a dialogue since they have no locus stand in India.

The counter-terrorism strand, which applies only to domestic and not to foreign terrorists, treats terrorism as a phenomenon with political, economic, social, perceptual, psychological, operational and diplomatic aspects, all of which need equal and simultaneous attention. It also holds that the responsibility for the prevention of the spread of terrorism is not that of the intelligence agencies and the police only. It is equally that of the political leadership and the civilian administration, which have to ensure that unnoticed pockets of anger do not arise and that unattended and unredressed grievances of a reasonable and negotiable nature do not build up resulting in resort to terrorism by the aggrieved.

The following are some illustrations of India's political approach to counter-terrorism:

Ensuring that the terrorists are not able to disrupt the democratic process. Terrorist violence has not been allowed to come in the way of elections in India's North-East, Punjab and J&K. Despite threats by Pakistan-based terrorists to kill the officials and voters who participated in the election process, elections were successfully held to the J&K Assembly last year.

Constantly improving the quality of internal security management and governance. In December, 2002, India's third non-governmental National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) made recommendations as to how to improve internal security management. The fourth NSAB is expected to recommend in February next as to how to improve the quality of governance. Amongst factors receiving attention are increasing efficiency, removing corruption, better monitoring of grievances, improving the machinery for grievances redressal, effective policing, better police-community relations and better co-ordination amongst agencies responsible for counter-terrorism.

The following are some illustrations of India's economic approach:

Ensuring that the terrorists are not able to disrupt the normal economic life of the affected areas and the country as a whole. During the 1980s, the terrorists in Punjab tried to disrupt the agricultural economy of the State through targeted killings of farm labourers from other states and other means. Through adequate security measures, the Government thwarted their efforts. As a result, even at the height of terrorism, Punjab maintained its reputation as the granary of India and produced record harvests year after year.

In J&K, the terrorists tried to disrupt the examinations. The Government had the students flown to Jammu at its cost to take the examinations so that their career did not suffer.

The terrorists also targeted traders and businessmen from other parts of India going to J&K to buy the local produce. The Government organised Kashmiri Trade Fairs in New Delhi and other parts of India and had the Kashmiri producers, along with their products, flown to those fairs so that they could sell them. The terrorists disrupted the tourist economy in J&K by targeting foreign tourists in 1992 and 1995. To compensate for the loss of revenue due to the consequent decline in tourist arrivals from abroad, the Government took special measures to encourage domestic tourism. During the summer of this year, 300,000 tourists from other parts of India visited J&K.

Ensuring that preoccupation with counter-terrorism does not result in a neglect of the economic development of the affected area. The Government of India prepares special economic packages for the terrorism-affected areas in order to ensure that their economic development keeps pace with that in the rest of the country not affected by terrorism. Since tax revenues tend to fall down in the terrorism-affected areas.

The Government of India generously subsidises their economic development. Some counter-terrorism experts have argued that the implementation of such expensive economic packages even before terrorism has been controlled might result in some of the money earmarked for spending in the terrorism-affected areas leaking into the hands of the terrorists, thereby rendering counter-terrorism difficult. The Government has rejected such arguments.

Ensuring that the Government's preoccupation with terrorism in different parts of the country does not hamper the economic development of the country as a whole. Despite the intensification of Pakistan-sponsored terrorism in J&K since 1989 and the extension of it to other parts of the country, India's economy has continued to develop. During the period when India was confronted with the worst kind of externally-sponsored terrorism, its economy continued to grow, it emerged as a major information technology power of the world, its schools and universities produced some of the best IT experts in the world who are in great demand all over the world and its foreign exchange reserves increased from less than US $ five billion to US $ 92 billion plus. They are expected to cross US $ 100 billion within the next three months.

There are no quick-solutions to terrorism. It took India 19 years to bring the insurgency-cum-terrorism in Nagaland under control, 20 years to restore normalcy in Mizoram and 14 years to put an end to terrorism in Punjab. Firmness and determination in action tempered by a civilised, democratic and patient behaviour by the State have been the hallmark of India's counter-terrorism policy. It has already paid dividends in Nagaland, Mizoram and Punjab. There is no reason why it should not in J&K and other areas where terrorism is not yet totally under control. (adni)

Neglecting ex-servicemen

By Maj Gen V K Madhok (retired)

The reality which shocks a servicemen on retirement is, the economic disparites between the civil and military, no matter what he rank! He realises that his meagre pension is peanuts when compared to what those employed in the corporate sector, or others like actors and politicians or those working as supervisors , clerks and agents make. At this time he questions whether he was wise or foolish-with pride, to have served in the armed forces, after mortgaging his personal freedom, at great risk besides privation to his family.

Some 60,000 to 70,000 servicemen retire every year. They are young mostly in their mid 30s (leaving aside the top ranks), action oriented and highly motivated. More importantly, they are a political and trained to function in adverse circumstances. At any one time there are nearly 50 lakh ex- servicemen of various ranks and expertise on the pension rolls of the Indian Exchequer. Selected on merit from amongst lakhs of applicants, only those who qualified in the stringent selection tests were able to join the Services. Take the NDA, for every course of nearly 150-200 cadets, more then a lakh of candidates apply. In 1992, 42,000 women had applied for women officers Short service commission course in the Air Force, only 42 were selected. The situation in the Army or the Navy is no different.

Further, as many candidates are unable to make the grade during training or while serving, many have to leave for these or other reasons such as on becoming a casuality as a result of wounds before even they qualify for pension. Besides, it is a pity that the Society has yet to realise that amongst Ex-Servicemen, there are engineers, communication experts, mechanics, doctors, advocates, nuclear medicine experts, drivers, artificers, pilots, aircraft maintenance specialists, navigators, computor operators, weapon designers, teachers, management experts, thinkers and thousand other trades. Name it and you have it. Yet the Society and civil employers in general have to come associate an Ex-Servicemen's image with that of a mere sentry for security duties or for fire fighting as reflected in the media advertisements. No wonder, neither the people's representatives in the Parliament nor for that matter the industrialists and the Government have failed to make use of this vital national resource.

The Ministry of Defence (MoD) in turn has left the problem to the Resettlement Directorate functioning under it. Which at best, can be described as an outdated and obsolete employment registration agency, functioning in a groove. Its other representatives at the state and district levels in the shape of Rajya Sainik Boards and Zila Parishad Boards respectively, designed to resettle and help Ex-Servicemen haven't covered themselves with glory either. We must realize that Ex-Servicemen are the only trained and readily available manpower resource which the country has at its disposal. Retired at an early age, when their counter parts in the civil start picking up momentum, 80-85 percent of ex-servicemen land up in civil life waiting for call up notices for a job from the Resettlement Directorate or the Employment exchanges which do not materialise. The question to be answered is, why has the country failed to make use of their disciplined minds, leadership qualities and talents honed during their Service?

The services must of course share a major share of blame for this situation alongwith the bureaucracy and politicians. During his service, a soldier remains isolated because of rules and regulations mostly inherited from a colonial past. These restrictions prevent servicemen from stretching out to the media thus isolating them completely from what lies outside their environment. It is to bridge this chasm that the media, bureaucracy and the polity have to play an important role of which they seem to be completely oblivious. Further, a feeling of neglect has a psychological effect on tomorrow's Ex-Servicemen. Failure to addres the issue cannot but create a large number of frustrated Ex Servicemen. On the other hand, those in uniform, seeing the plight of their ex comrades cannot remain unconcerned. Because this will be their lot too sooner or later. They would thus be compelled to start spending an increasing number of hours in training themselves for a civil vocation on retirement while in service. This needs to be avoided as soldiering is a full time profession and not a nine to five affair.

In a country which has already become ungovernable due to ill discipline, poor administration, terrorism, over population and corruption, the contribution which can be made by a disciplined body of men hardly needs any emphasis. In the prevailing scenario of chaos and total mess in Kashmir for instance, where the civil administrators and Cabinet ministers dare not move freely or visit rural areas due to fear of reprisals from the militants a dedicated band of 8000 to 10,000 Ex-Servicemen, recruited solely to assist the government in administering the Valley of discontent would have done wonders. In addition, composite task forces of engineers, electronic specialists and other skilled personnel, if created in various states would ensure that the citizen is not held to ransom during electricity and water strikes or other natural or man made calamities which hit us periodically.

The existing mechanism to make use of Ex-Servicemen lacks coordination, accountability and long term perspectives. There is no visible or substantial achievements from organisations like the IESL (Indian Ex-Servicemen's League). Although some states like Maharashtra have assigned the task of looking after the Ex-Servicemen to one of the ministers but they have to show visible results. Besides, although the Society contributes liberally and willingly to the Flag Day fund, there is seldom an open announcement regarding the specific purposes for which these funds have been sub-allotted. The progress on the previous projects and as to how the newer ones are being financed from these donations need to be monitored. It is important that the Society and the Ex-Servicemen get a clear picture regarding expenditure from donations from those who are supposed to administer these.

Reverting back to the issue as to how and where Ex-Servicemen can be used most effectively needs to addressed with concern. Leaving aside the youth programmes such as sports. trekking, physical fitness and adventure training, there are a variety of environmental issues, relief work, construction work and administrative coordination tasks which await the involvement of Ex-Servicemen. Further, any soldier, whether serving or retired, is an excellent implementor of plans. It is a fact that in India, a majority of projects or plans get bogged down no sooner these take off from the black board after funds have been alloted. because we are poor implementors as our past records show. It is this vacuum which can be filled most effectively by the Ex-Servicemen whose chief asset is to see a mission through and they are trained for it. But somewhere on the line, efficient mechanism have been missing to avoid leaving this national resource in the lurch.

Finally, the MOD is not in a position to comprehend the psyche of an Ex-Serviceman. But the Service Chiefs can. Somehow they too-alongwith their personal staff officers have been keeping away from the Ex-Servicemen. In fact whenever they visit an important station they must address their former colleagues as a matter of moral responsibility. It would reinforce brotherhood and certainly not compromise security. It is time that the Service chiefs took upon themselves to look after and use Ex-Servicemen through a special branch instead of leaving them in the hands of disinterested bureaucracy or polity.

Information technology bridging the digital divide

By Arvinder Kaur

One of the key challenges of the internet age, Digital Divide, has been described by business analysts and IT gurus as the knowledge gap between the rich, who have access to internet and the poor who do not. The Digital Divide also exists between the educated and the uneducated, between economic classes, and, globally between the more and less industry developed nations. The divide, between the information haves and have nots, based on unequal access to technology and high-tech skills, is expected to further deepen and reinforce the divisions, that exist within the society.

''The new information and communication technologies are among the driving forces of gloablisation. They are bringing people together, and bringing decision makers unprecedented tools for development. At the same time, the gap between information 'haves' and 'have-nots is widening and there is a real danger that the world's poor will be excluded from the emerging knowledge-based global economy'', according to Kofi Annan, Secretary General United Nations.

Technology visionary and Director General of Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), Dr R A Mashelkar, is equally convinced about the dangers posed by the yawning Digital Divide and the debilitating impact of IT literacy on India. Calling upon the country's IT sector to bridge the digital divide to make India a land of opportunities, he said. ''India has a unique chance to convert the threat of a digital divide into a digital opportunity.''

According to industry estimates, India needs to spend 3.81 billion dollars in the next four years to bridge the growing technological divide, including the construction of an internet device accessible to illiterate villagers.

As of today, on the one hand, while professionals in the information technology sector continue to be the apples of the eye for most developed economies, things like internet blue chips, online shopping and nanosecond e-mail have failed to cure century-old malaises like illiteracy povert and unemployment in India.

What more, the digital divide is not restricted to less developed states like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Orissa with traditionally weak infrastructure but also the new ''IT states'' like Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh.

Information Technology experts say, for any revolution to take place, there are certain pre-requisites. The digital revolution too requires an enabling environment, which India has not put in place as yet. And the main woe is infrastructure. Access to technology is constrained by infrastructure parameters like electricity the number of personal computers and telephone lines. Per capita electricity consumption in India remains around 363 kw, far below the 4,959 kw in Hong Kong, 5421 kw in Britain and 11,922 kw in the US.

India has 22 telephone lines per 1000 people compared with 70 in neighbouring China and three PCs per 1000 compared with nine in China. The installed base of PC in the country is five million only five out of every 1000 people have a PC.

In several parts of the country, farmers and rural people are beginning to realise how real time information, made available either through state-sponsored or private initiatives can connect them to the new-age world. But experts feel lack of access to communications and IT tools-coupled with the high percentage of illiteracy in the rural areas act as roadblocks on the way to becoming a knowledge based society.

However, many still feel that Internet is very much a city phenomenon and confined to the elite classes who have internet access both at home and workplace. The digital divide can also be seen quite clearly in schools in India's big cities. Here, the children of rich and middleclass families go to English-language medium schools stacked with computers linked to the internet. On the other hand, the urban poor send their children to government schools that instruct in the venacular language with hardly any access to vernacular software or even computers.

The situation is worse in India's vast rural hinterland. In Uttar Pradesh, according to United Nations Development Programme estimates, it will take the whole of this century to make all of its 170 million people literate. And the eastern state of Bihar, with a population of 100 million, will not be able to do this till the next century.

Only a handful of South Asian nations can actually take advantage of the region's much-acclaimed IT achievements. With average annual income being very low, very few can afford both a telephone and a computer.

Though South Asia has emerged as the most promising nation for sourcing information technology expertise, this achievement is of use only to rich nations, experts say.

Infact, the so-called digital divide is being replicated within the region, widening the already big gulf between the majority poor and an English language-speaking internet savy elite, they say. The region's emerging prominence as an IT- superpower, best seen in the case of India, is said to be accentuating the sharp contrast between an educated white collar citizen and the rest. International economist Jeffrey Sachs has rated India on top of list of companies with potential for investment by foreign software companies. But he placed the country at the bottom when it came to infrastructure.

According to International Telecommunication Union (ITU), lack of data on access to information and communication technologies (ICTs) in poorer countries is maintaining the digital divide between the rich and poor. ITU, in its latest report finds that 60 per cent of all internet user surveys are conducted in the wealthiest countries, while not a single survey has been carried out in the 59 poorest economies.

The report notes that countries that best understand their population's access to ICTs have been able to formulate suitable policies, citing South Korea as an example.

The Indian government understands that digital divide is harsher than than any other divide in the country. Former minister for information technology, Pramod Mahajan had said that the divide did not emerge out of technology, but due to inequitable distribution of technology. By leveraging information technology, India could replace the word 'digital divide' to 'digital unite', he had said.

In order to bridge the digital divide in India, experts propose a four-point programme. Firstly, the government needed to put in more efforts on educating the masses. Although the literacy rate had touched 70 percent in the country it was of no avail unless IT awareness and digital literacy increased. The centre is already working with the states to introduce IT as a compulsory subject at school level, he said.

Increasing the tele-density in the country was the second important step to be taken to bridge the divide. Telecom being an important tool to facilitate IT development, telephones should be available at cheap cost.

The IT hardware industry also needs to explore ways to make available PCs at extensively reduced costs. PCs should be available in various gradation as per the choice and need of the consumer. Power was yet another sector that needed special attention.

The Ministry for Information Technology has taken up many initiatives recently- Community information centres have been set up in the North East. More than Rs 200 crore have already been spent on setting up these centres.

The government plans to set up 10,000 more such centres across the country to connect 600,000 villages in India.

PTI Feature

 
 



|
home | state | national | business | editorial | advertisement | sports |
|
international | weather | mailbag | suggestions | search |
subscribe | send mail |