Daily Excelsior... Editorial

EDITORIAL

Dogri finally gets its due
Cause for celebration

National police
modernisation:
Growing necessity

By Ajay Kaul

With the challenge to national security from terrorism, insurgency and extremism increasing rapidly, focus has shifted to modernisation of state police forces and para-militaries considering their importance in dealing with ......more

Tasleema's book
faces Bengal's wrath

By Allabaksh

A ban imposed by the State is the least expensive but perhaps the most effective way of publicity. Generally, guaranteed 'profitable' publicity. If it is a book or......more

J&K Panchayats pine
for 'healing touch'

By Ranbir Singh Pathania

The turbulent session of J&K Assembly has passed over but voices of dissent and dissatisfaction raised against......more

EDITORIAL

Dogri finally gets its due Cause for celebration

Although the sudden manner in which it has been done is a little surprising, it is, nevertheless, a cause of celebration for us in Jammu and Kashmir that a meaningful step has been taken for the inclusion of the Dogri language in the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. The Lok Sabha has unanimously passed a Constitutional amendment in this regard on Monday. That the Rajya Sabha would do the needful on Tuesday, the last day of the current session of Parliament, is certain in view of the unanimity of views expressed by the members across the political spectrum in the lower house. Once that is done, the passage for the amendment of the Eighth Schedule would be cleared and Dogri would get its rightful place. We in the Daily Excelsior are particularly happy for, we have been consistent in highlighting the damage being done to the Dogra psyche because of the delay in giving their language its due official status on a par with other modern Indian languages. In fact, during the latest visit of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee to Jammu in October, we had in a front-page editorial reminded him of his promise to the Dogri intellectuals that their language would, certainly, be included in the Eighth Schedule. We had also felt constrained to highlight in the same editorial --- by then the Union Government had already announced its decision to include the Bodo language in the Eighth Schedule ---- that it would be grossly unfair to the highly patriotic Dogras if their language of love and compassion was ignored and the preference given to the one whose practitioners were not averse to using violence as a means to achieve their ends. There was an overwhelming wave of resentment in this land. At it turns out to be, it was during a debate on the bill to amend the Constitution to include the Bodo language in the Eighth Schedule that many members, including Mr Priya Ranjan Dasmunshi (Congress) and Mr Basudev Acharya (CPI-M), had proposed an amendment to include the deserving languages like Dogri, Maithali and Santhali also in this Schedule. To the credit of Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani, who had piloted the original bill in his capacity as the Home Minister, he agreed to these amendments. Of course, as anybody in his position would have done, he tried to explain initially the urgency in the case of the Bodo language. It is to be mentioned that the lone Bodo member in the House had also behaved responsibly and lauded the fresh proposals. Does that not explain the beauty and greatness of India as a country in which every language has a rightful place to flourish?

It has been really a long struggle for the Dogri language to have got its due. Of course, one would be grateful to the Central leaders of all political parties to have eventually seen the reason and done the needful. That is all one can say in a moment of triumph, which should be a moment of humility. In fairness to the state leaders of the political outfits, they were unanimous in their view that the Dogri language should be accorded its deserving position. Governments after governments in the State, irrespective of their political affiliations, had approved proposals in this regard. Be it the People's Democratic Party, the Congress, Panthers Party or the CPI-M, which are the constituents of the present coalition government, or the National Conference or the Bharatiya Janata Party or the Jammu State Morcha, which are in the opposition, all deserve to be congratulated for having taken a consistent stand about such an important matter. The present State Government can feel happy that one of the most significant issues concerning J&K has been clinched during its tenure. It should be noted, nevertheless, that the previous governments have not been found wanting in this matter. It is just their bad luck that an important decision could not be taken when they were in the office.

In any case, the real heroes are the practitioners of the Dogri language. Not for nothing, the Sahitya Akademi, the foremost literary forum in the country, had recognised Dogri as a literary language about three decades ago. On that reckoning, it would appear strange that the political establishment at the Centre has woken up so late. It is to the credit of the Dogri writers that they have been working for the enrichment of the language without any monetary consideration. Not only that. They have, on their own meagre resources, introduced it to other languages by the medium of translation. One can count many of them as among the best literary personalities in the country. To those not familiar, it may look a little strange that the towns like Billawar, Akhnoor, Painthal and Ramnagar have made enormous contribution to the development and enrichment of the language. One is tempted to suggest that in recognition of the new development, Painthal should be named after the late Dinoobhai Pant, the legendary Dogri poet, whose works any day would stand out in the category of those considered the best in any language anywhere. This is not to say that the Dogri writers have been found wanting in the other spheres. Name any form of literature apart from poetry, which we have already mentioned, the Dogri language has a rich literature, be it plays, short stories or novels, or anything that has been done anywhere in the world. One would not mention their names at this moment for the fear of attracting the charge of discrimination. Their role has been too great to even give a feeling to any of them that he or she has been neglected in this hour of victory. If Dogri has achieved a big triumph, it is because of their collective efforts. They would, nevertheless, do well to pause for a while, as all triumphant and thinking generals ought to do in their victorious trip. In no way the role of the Dogri Sanstha and the Dogri Sangharsh Morcha, the premier institutions that have done a historic job in promoting and enriching the language, should be diluted. At the same time, both of them should ensure that their own houses are in tact. Only by doing so, they can live up to the faith that the country has finally reposed in them. It is also the time that they take the practitioners of the other dialects in the State, notably the Gojri, along with them to the pinnacle they have achieved.

National police modernisation: Growing necessity

By Ajay Kaul

While the Union Home Ministry has belatedly started the process of upgrading the police and paramilitary forces, efforts are also underway to arrange the support of industry in the endeavour of sophistication.

Besides provision of advance weaponary, upgraded training and sophisticated simulators, the thrust of modernisation rests on making communication and surveillance gadgets available along with high mobility and specialised vehicles.

Acquiring of other sophisticated items like night vision devices and bomb detection gadgets and lighter bullet-proof vests are also planned.

To give a fillip to modernisation of state police forces, the Centre has introduced a new scheme providing a much-enhanced amount of Rs 1000 crore per annum for ten years to the state governments with a matching share from them.

As a result, a total of Rs 2000 crore will be put into police modernisation annually.

However, poor utilisation of the fund by the states is a matter of concern. During the current year, Rs 626.29 crore has been released so far to 23 states and Rs 8.78 crore placed at the disposal of Directorate of Coordination (Police Wireless) for implementation of the POLNET project in various states.

This is despite the fact that only 71 per cent of the funds allocated for 2000-01 and 43 per cent for 2001-02 had been utilised by the state governments.

The states have been asked to give due priority for implementation of the scheme.

A lot of emphasis is being placed on police training under the modernisation scheme. It is a known fact that unless the quality of manpower was upgraded, modern equipment, which could be procured by the funds provided under the scheme by itself, woud not help.

'The states need to work closely with Bureau of Police Research and Development (BPR&D) for revising the training curriculum to address the modern day tasks and challenges and there is a need to select the best for the training.

Apart from the induction training, the entire police force needs to be trained through in-service and refresher courses.

Under the modernisation scheme, necessary funds have been provided to states for upgradation and modernisation of Forensic Science Laboratories. At present, 24 states have State Forensic Laboratories, whereas 12 states have set up facilities of regional forensic laboratories and only 11 have district mobile forensic units.

Many state laboratories have not been able to utilise the service of the modern equipment for want of availability of required scientific manpower. The state governments have not been recruiting the required manpower on the ground of austerity measures.

Strengthening of intelligence wings of police forces is another priority area under the modernisation plan. The Centre has been stressing on evolving of a mechanism for coordination between the state and central intelligency agencies. The issue was discussed in the Conference of Chief Ministers on Internal Security on August 5, last year.

In yet another aspect of modernisation of police the security network through close coordination between the law enforcing agency and common people.

To encourage citizens to approach police stations, emphasis has been put on building proper, secure and friendly police stations with all facilities, including those for women which are lacking in most of the stations.

Emphasis has been laid on computerisation of the police stations with an aim of enabling public to register their FIRs through. Internet, Sufficient funds have been provided to the states by the Centre in this regard.

The objective is to implement POLNET system which would speed up the flow of information to and for the police stations.

The Government is also working to modernise the central para-military forces and has made available over Rs 5000 crore for the purpose.

Besides equipping these forces with modern combat equipment and surveillance gadgets, thrust has been laid on strengthening their intelligence set-ups for a pro-active role.

The paramilitary forces are setting up intelligence units at battalion level which would make the forces more pervasive and penetrative. The additional manpower required for setting up of intelligence unit is being made available out of existing sanctioned strength by re-deployment and retraining.

The principal border guarding forces have been nominated as the Lead Intelligence Agencies for the respective borders which would be responsible for coordinating and collating intelligence gathered by all intelligence agencies operating in that segment with a view to synergise the operations of forces including state police against militants and organised criminals.

Guidelines have been issued for functioning of the Lead Intelligence Agency.

With regard to the paramilitary forces, 10 of their institutions have been declared as centres of excellence for 12 designated courses of which five belonged to BSF and one each to CRPF, ITBP, CISF, Assam Rifles and NSG.

The training needs analysis was prepared with the help of BPR&D and the concerned para-military forces have been asked to finalise their syllabus and necessary improvements in the infrastructure required to be implemented.

It has been decided to prescribe been chmarks of standardisation so that these centres could be compared with the international training institutions in their respective fields of specialisation.

The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs recently, while pointing out that state governments had a key role in modernising their police forces, suggested funding by the Centre in 75:25 ratio and not 50:50.

It based its observation on the financial position of the states but emphasised that the state governments would have to find ways and means to provide their share of the requisite funds.

The state governments just cannot afford to look up to the Union Government '', the committee said and also asked the Central Government to evolve a suitable mechanism to seek active participation of state governments in its efforts to modernise their police forces.

The committee suggested that the Centre may consider earmarking the states share for modernisation of police forces while providing annual central plan assistance to them so as to ensure effective participation of the states in implementation of the scheme for modernisation of police forces.

It asked the Central Government to stop release of funds earmarked under the plan in respect of states found wanting in implementation of the scheme for modernisation of state police forces.

There is a suggestion that under the modernisation scheme, only a part of the central share of funds be allotted to the states in cash to meet their requirements for improving physical infrastructure such as police stations and as regards waponary, gadgetry, equipment, vehicles etc. The central assistance should be in kind. PTI Feature

Tasleema's book faces Bengal's wrath

By Allabaksh

A ban imposed by the State is the least expensive but perhaps the most effective way of publicity. Generally, guaranteed 'profitable' publicity. If it is a book or a movie, a ban arouses curiosity of a level that equally pleases private publishers and contraband videocassette manufacturers. Opposition political parties keep up the facade of criticising the ban yet see it as a blessing, a handy tool to berate the ruling party and the Government. It is left to 'intellectuals' and their 'rational thinking' soul mates to protest against the ban —usually to no avail. It is another matter that the ban usually does not serve any great purpose.

Had it not coincided with the climax of the election campaign for the 'do or die' four State assemblies on December 1, the announcement that West Bengal's Left Front Government had decided to ban the sale and publishing of Tasleema Nasreen's latest Bangla offering, the autobiographical Dwikhandita (Split in Two), the political and media storm over it would have been far stronger than it was.

For the Bharatiya Janata Party the ban imposed by a Leftist Government was too good a piece of news to be ignored. Sure enough the party denounced it in no uncertain terms, though its censure of the Leftists Government did not attract sufficient attention in the media or among the public. The BJP dubbed the ban on the controversial but exiled Bangladeshi writer's book as an example of the 'double standards' of the Left Parties.

The BJP charge was of course politically motivated. The criticism itself was a shining example of its 'double standards' and intolerance. It is a party that routinely denounces anything that even remotely takes a critical look at some of the practices and beliefs of the majority religion. And if that critical look mentions a God or Goddess, the BJP step up its offence against the 'profanity', demanding not only a ban but punishment too for the author. Renowned painters and play wrights have been subjected to BJP's boorishness and Vandalism. The shooting of a film on the Ganga drew violent protests from the Parivar. Examples can be multiplied. The point is BJP's criticism of the ban on Tasleema Nasreen's book was nothing but a political stunt.

BJP may not be alone in disapproving the ban on Tasleem's book by the CPI (M) led Government in West Bengal, which professes to be full of 'progressive' and 'forward-looking' elements, who are secular to the core. A Government cannot be identified with 'progressive' elements if it bans literary works —of whatever merit. An author's unconventional views on religion can invite objections from religious bodies but do not merit a ban by the Government as it amounts to interference with the freedom of speech and expression.

More than the religious bodies, it is the political parties that rush to demand the ban on a book. More often than not, neither the religious nor the political leaders baying for the author's blood have read the book that they want banned. In recent years, this was most true in the case of Salman Rushdie' magnum opus Satanic Verses. It was a unique case of a book that was the least read yet generated a world-wide protest because the Muslims found it offensive to their religious sentiments. Salman Rushdie has ever since remained under the threat of death from the fundamentalists with his private life utterly ruined.

When Rushdie's book was banned in India the Government of the day was criticised by the BJP for being pusillanimous and yielding to the fundamentalists' pressure. Ironically, the Government at that time itself had criticised the previous Government for kowtowing to pressures from fundamentalists. Satanic Verses brought street violence in many Muslim countries — and a Fatwa of death against Rushdie. That was of no consequence to those who opposed the ban. In fact, there were some violent protests when an earlier book by Tasleema Nasreen, Lajja, was published resulting in its ban in 1993.

This time around there was no violent protest, though there were petitions before the court seeking stay on the sale and publication of Tasleema's new book. There was also a defamation suit against the author of the book. Certain Muslim intellectuals said the book as 'condemnable' as Rushdie's Satanic Verses. The court did grant the stay and that perhaps gave the West Bengal Government enough excuse to impose a ban.

Chief Minister, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, says he took the decision to ban the book after 20 to 25 'people who matter' had gone through the book and concurred that it could ignite trouble by inciting 'enmity between different groups on grounds of religion.' The Chief Minister said that proscribing the book had become necessary because it had all the potential of fomenting communal discord by certain 'vested interests.' As a result the Kolkata police swung into action as soon as the ban order (effective retrospectively) was announced and seized 3000 copies of the book. The publisher was sore; but there must have been jubilation in the underground publishing industry.

According to the Government the controversial or the 'explosive' material in the book was prominent on pages 49 and 50. There were passages in these two pages that could promote 'enmity' between two groups and were thus in breach of the Indian Penal Code. One may not like the Leftist Government of West Bengal, but few deny that the State has a more honourable record of communal harmony than many other states in the country. Obviously, the West Bengal Government is not willing to soil that record.

The legal case for banning the book was thus tight as far as the Government was concerned, as was the political compulsion behind the ban. The West Bengal Government would not willingly invite trouble and communal forces to do a Gujarat in the State, especially when the BJP-led Government at the Centre is ever itching to defame it. But the BJP is not alone in criticising the ban on the book by the Marxists.

West Bengal's own Sunil Gangopadhyay has expressed himself against banning the book. But he also clarifies that Tasleema Nasreen herself has been 'dishonest'. In the Bengladesh edition of the impugned book, there are no 'communal streaks', but in the Indian edition there are clear 'communal statements'. This throws an entirely different light on the ban controversy. Add to this the widely held view that a ban on books serves no purpose except to give free publicity to the book as well as its author and help those who sell the (unauthorised) editions of the book clandestinely.

When a correspondent of an Indian news agency contacted Tasleema in her New York pad, she expressed her disappointment over the ban on her latest book, but added that in her personal opinion 'Amar Meyehala' (My Girlhood) was 'far more anti-Islamic' that the book under question. So she wondered: 'Why didn't they ban it?" Only the West Bengal Government can answer that question, but it does look like

Tasleema Nasreen is straying off the course if she thinks that being 'anti-Islam' is a sine qua non for a work of literature that all Government should allow to be circulated freely.

..... Syndicate Features

J&K Panchayats pine for 'healing touch'

By Ranbir Singh Pathania

The turbulent session of J&K Assembly has passed over but voices of dissent and dissatisfaction raised against the J&K Panchayati Raj Act have not died out. Even prior to this assembly session people and leaders of every hue and shade have always been up in arms against it since the conduction of Panchayat polls some three years back. Mr M Y Tarigami, CPI (M) firebrand has taken to task the Mufti Muzaffar duo for keeping a provision in the Act which envisages a nominated Chairperson for District Development Board. The opposition benches are also skeptic about the voting powers of nominated women members.

The J&K Panchayati Raj Act, 1989 is a heartless legislative piece as compared to ones in force in other states. The elections to Panchayats in our state have already been conducted some three years back. But the rural people are still high n ' dry as the true benefits of Panchayati Raj have not pecolated upto the grassroots level. It is due to the fact that some provisions incorprated in the Act run counter to the democratic spirit of good local self-govt.

The Act envisages a nominated Chairman for Distt Development Board and thus, has come under greatest fire from political as well as non- political quarters. The panches and sarpanches of a Halqa Panchayat are to be directly elected by the people. Such elected panches and sarpanches shall further elect a Chairman of Block Development Council. And finally, the Chairman of BDCs shall elect a vice chairman of District Development & Planning Board. And after such a rigmarole of elections and re-elections, the Govt will nominate the Chairman of the District Development & Planning Board, apex man of the apex Panchayat body whosoever it loves or likes to. And such a nominated person shall be more or less a puppet in the hands of people who have catapulted him to power.

There is hardly any reason or rationale in thrusting a nominated person over the heads of elected people simply by means of a mischievous provision in the Act. One wonders what would be the independence and autonomy of Panchayats in a set up where a Govt nominee tightly holds the nose strings of elected panches and sarpanches. Put it in other words, the provision debases the dignity and decorum of grassroots level democracy.

The inordinate and inexplicable delay in conducting the second phase of Panchayat polls has raised many a skeptical eyebrow. Rule 103 of J&K Panchayat Rules 1996 expressly lays out that the second phase of Panchayat Polls has to be notified within thirty days of constitution of Panchayats at village level. Now that more han three years have slipped by quietly, the Govt has not even moved an inch in the desired direction. Such a delay is totally ultra vires, undemocratic and unconstitutional , in other way, part of a game plan to debar the Panchayats of their full-fledged rights.

Addedly, lack of adequate autonomy and self determination in financial affairs is there to defy the very intent and purpose of Panchayati Raj. Panchayati Adalats have been notified but no powers have been devolved upon them. The Panchayats have been rendered teethless as they do not have an effective say in administrative and developmental affairs. Plans and projects are chalked out without taking Panchayats into confidence. The panchs and sarpanchs are mostly ill-read or illiterate and thus could not fit into the present day matrix of official red-tape and other technicalities. And above all, unscientific allocation of functions and lack of political will are there to further spoil the broth.

Laws have to be just, fair and reasonable. They should be in perfect rhythm with the essentialities of law and logic. They are by the people, of the people and for the people. And, contrarily, they could not be twisted or turned according to the whims and fancies of the legislature. To put it the other way, laws are valid as long as they keep themselves within the Laxmana-are of justness and reasonableness. As soon as they transgress this limit, they become fanciful and oppressive.

In the same vein, the J&K Panchayati Raj Act needs to be looked into afresh on the canvass of the current situation so that it becomes a virtual asset to the rural people instead of being a mill around their neck. Our law makers should try to grasp the reality that our state could not be developed without developing its rural interiors. And the biggest 'healing touch' to the rural people could be given by means of an effective self-Govt.