EDITORIAL
CAGed by fear!
It was a real surprise
listening to Prime Minister Vajpayee asking the
nations accountants -AGs and CAG-to relax
their count so that the officers would not be assailed by
fear psychosis. Now one may ask who told him that Indian
officialdom, the steely fame, is afraid of anything. As
it is, those grandees are not afraid of anything or
anybody. Even the almighty God is troubled a bit over the
score as even that universal fear is not quite effective
with the frame. This frame is not afraid, for it knows a
priori that they have written all the laws in such a way
that none can break into their bastions, much less get at
the skeletons in their cupboards whether administrative
or of accounting. Of course, there is a stench now and
then but then everything around stinks so bad that none
minds this one from the official cloisters. So who told
the Prime Minister that this well appointed babudom is
afraid? That an accountant induces a fear psychosis
there!
All who have dealt with
the babus-and few escape it, in here-would agree that
there are many psychoses in the frame, but fear is not
the cause. There may have been fleeting fears about
Vajpayee and his team calling a count of all bits and
bites if they came to power. But that was long ago. Now,
all know that there is nothing to fear, here. Indeed,
that fearlessness shows all through the steel frame.
Then, there is the other surmise of Vajpayees that
this fear psychosis prevents the officialdom
from implementing schemes, releasing payments etc.
leading to the suffering of the people. Again who said,
the people suffer because of the non-implementation of
programs? Those programs, the people very well know, are
meant for the sir representatives themselves
and have little to do with people. So they would never
suffer from their non-implementation. In fact, if you
care to ask people they would want a thorough accounting
of everybody up in the echelons of power, politics and
administration.
Yet someone somewhere is
certainly afraid of the accountants to the nation whose
fears the Prime Minister voiced. Now Vajpayee is a poet
and poets are often afraid of the people listening to
their recitations. But he has not recited any poem of his
himself, for as many years as one can remember; others do
it and are left to face the thunder. Many a time, it is
the heads of Governments, Musharraf, Jiang and the like,
and they are sort of used to brickbats. Indeed, they have
grown thick skins with this constant barrage. A stone for
a poem like hum jung na hone dengey
would feel like a flower petal on that hide. Yes
poets, aware of the morals they keep, are mortally afraid
of mohtasib, the accountant! Of course, it is the
Urdu poets who are more troubled there, but then
whod hold that Vajpayee is a poet only of Hindi:
his 51-poems are in and of every language there is. But
the fear cant have anything to do with a party
called BJP. Why, didnt CAG use to be a fond boy of
BJP camp for his hard accounting and criticisms? Then,
every retiring CAG became a member. How times change; how
they change everything else!
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US
inching towards a UN mandate
By Dr
Bhabani Dikshit
Keeping in
tune with the fastchanging developments
in Iraq, the US is gradually coming to
terms in redesigning its strategy for
Iraqi reconstruction and stabilization
process. The rising cost of war hovering
around 4 billion dollars a month, the
ever-increasing guerilla war in largely
Sunni inhabited pockets close to Baghdad,
the refusal of countries, including
India, China, France, Germany and Russia
to send troops for the stabilization
force in Iraq and the daily killings of
American soldiers are the major factors
that have contributed towards forcing the
Bush Administration to bank upon the UN,
the organization it had spurned earlier
for seeking further legitimacy.
As the US
took the step, a few days ago, to form
the 25-member Iraqi Governing Council,
analysts felt that the path to freedom
had started rolling in Iraq after years
of turbulence whatever may be the
orientation.
The
Secretary General of the UN, Kofi Annan,
noted in paragraph 107 of his recent
report that for the first time in
decades, there is a national political
body that reflects the rich mosaic of
Iraqi society. He called on the US-led
forces in Iraq to set out a ''clear
timetable'' for a staged withdraw,
stating that numerous Iraqis having told
the UN officials that ''democracy should
not be imposed from the outside.''
Annan said
that there was a pressing need to set out
a clear and specific sequence of events
leading to the end of the military
occupation.
These
developments are taking place at a
critical juncture, when less than a week
after India decided not to provide
military troops to supplement US forces
in Iraq unless it was backed by UN
resolutions.
Recently
in New York, US Secretary of State, Colin
Powell said that he was discussing ways
to expand international support for the
Iraq occupation, including seeking a new
United Nations resolution. Powell said
that the Security Council resolution
1483, which was approved in May and
called on all members to assist in Iraq's
reconstruction, should be enough
''cover'' for countries seeking
endorsement from the UN.
But at the
same time, Powell acknowledged that the
nations that matter most were not buying
that theory. He said, ''There are some
nations who have expressed the desire for
more of a mandate from the UN, and I am
in conversation with some ministers about
this, as well as with the Secretary
General of the UN.''
As
mentioned earlier, Annan has emphasized
the growing relevance of role of the UN
in recent days. He said that with
expectation of a much bigger role for the
world body rising, the top priority of
the occupying powers should be restoring
security, creating an interim Government,
giving tangible powers to Iraqis quickly
and demanded they set ''clear and
specific'' sequence of events leading to
the liquidation of military rule.
In his
report, Annan set ambitious goals for the
world body, which include providing
humanitarian assistance, help in
rebuilding the country and planning for
the elections that would lead to
installation of a democratically elected
Government. Annan's advocacy of a swift
political transition marks as a first
major report in post-war Iraq.
US
Permanent Representative to the United
Nations, John D Negroponte, has also in
the meantime reminded of Security Council
resolution 1483 when he asked nations to
help with the security situations in
Iraq, citing the two-month-old resolution
on post-war Iraq as a basis for
international participation.
Negroponte's
portrayal of Iraqi scenario is a
reflection of present day Iraq that is
still reeling under pockets of
dissentions. He confesses, ''This
unfolding political process is opposed by
some and the undeniably fragile security
situation is a clear manifestation of the
minority of those who oppose political
freedom. They are enemies of freedom, and
are threatened by visible signs of
progress. But they will not prevail.''
Saying
that the security situation in Iraq is
unquestionably complex and that the
coalition's approach to establishing
security in Iraq is multi-faceted,
including enabling the Iraqis to
ultimately provide for their own
security, Negroponte outlined how the
coalition has moved quickly to establish
Iraqi police forces and shortly would
begin recruiting, vetting and training
the first members of the new Iraqi army.
The
picturization of present day Iraq by Paul
Bremer, the administrator for the
Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq
is rather more vivid.
In an
interview on Meet the Press programme,
Bremer said recently that the
reconstruction of Iraq would be a
long-term process as ''the problem that
we face is difficult, and that is
reconstructing a country that really for
35 years was very badly managed,
particularly on an economic basis, which
suffered from political tyranny... We
have the support of the vast majority of
Iraqis for what we have done by freeing
them from this tyranny and we will find
in months ahead and in the years ahead
that this has been the right thing to
do.''
If all
goes well, Bremer felt, Iraq could go for
elections as early as next year. Bremer
says, ''It depends on how long it takes
the Iraqis to write a constitution.
Really, the timing of the coalition's
stay is now in Iraqi hands''.
But in any
case, Iraq will require significant
outside support, broadening the financial
coalition to inlcude a wider range of
international actors. And the
complexities involved in the task is not
so simple as it seems. The entire effort
has to be ''turbo-charged'' by making it
more agile and flexible, and has to be
provided with greater funding and
personnel.
Around 37
nations have already pledged almost $ 3
billion for the reconstruction of Iraq.
The US has already garnered support of 19
countries that are already contributing
troops on the ground in Iraq. In a way it
is already a substantial, international
operation.
But the
question arises with regard to
disproportionate ratio of troops engaged
in Iraq. In Iraq, there are 147,000
Americans, and the other 19 countries
combined represent about 13,000 troops.
The 17,000 Indian troops, which were to
be sent to Iraq, did not join due to lack
of UN approval.
Earlier,
the US just did not pay any heed to
warnings of analysts with regard to the
duration of the operation and the
casualties. The US Army chief General
Shinseki made a projection that the
process may take two years and his need
for 2,00,000 troops was laughed at. Now
General Abiziad, commander of Central
Command, has conceded for plans to
''rotate American troops'', besides
welcoming additional international
forces.
The
present diplomacy that the US
policymakers are resorting to is
centralized at the UN headquarters. A new
UN resolution to engage more countries in
Iraq's stabilization programme and
deployment of troops should be the prime
US objective and that if adopted can
rescue the US from troubled waters.--CNF
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Stop
politicking over Kashmir!
TALES OF TRAVESTY
By Dr.
Jitendra Singh
That the
politicians of this country ---
irrespective of their party affiliations
or ideology if any --- will never cease
to settle scores in the name of Kashmir
was once again evident from the reactions
and responses emanating from different
political parties and their leaders in
the wake of tragic killing of Vaishno
Devi pilgrims at Katra last week.
While
the Congress leaders chose to use the
incident to make an insinuating attack on
the BJP-led NDA Government at the Centre,
the over-enthusiastic President of the
National Conference sought to place the
blame on Chief Minister Mufti Mohd Sayeed
thus impliedly conveying the impression
that all these "Fidayeen"
attacks could be immediately brought to
an end if only Omar replaces Mufti in the
Chief Ministerial chair. According to the
young NC President, the Congress Party
also could not absolve itself of the
responsibility because it supported a PDP
Government in J&K ---- but, this
statement again served no constructive
purpose besides conveying the NC's
displeasure over Sonia Gandhi's refusal
to prop up Omar against Mufti.
The most
"quotable" statement in the
aftermath of twin blasts at Katra and the
Army camp came from none less than the
Defence Minister of India Mr George
Fernandes who categorically asserted
before the Press that there was
absolutely no lapse on the part of
security agencies. George, however, did
not explain the wisdom behind the
country's top Generals undertaking an
inspection round of the attacked army
premises without having ensured adequate
combing or security precautions and thus
nonchalantly exposing themselves to an
attack from a hidden
"Fidayeen". Instead of
introspecting on recurrent Intelligence
failures in the recent past, Mr Fernandes
is cautious enough not to make any
reference which might offer a handy issue
to the Opposition to embarrass the NDA
Governmnt particularly when the Lok Sabha
elections are drawing closer. Equally
unfortunate is the Deputy Prime Minister
L K Advani's tendency to brush aside
Opposition charges with the bogey of
"Pakistan hand".
Interestingly,
even the likes of Bhim Singh donot
hesitate to seek a mileage from a blast
or a "Fidayeen" attack. The
maverick Panthers chief, for example,
found a good excuse to hold a press
conference a day after the Katra blast in
which he offered off-hand suggestions for
changes in the Unified Headquarters and
accused Chief Minister Mufti Mohd Sayeed
of not acting seriously. What the
chronically opportunistic Bhim Singh left
unsaid was that he was looking for his
pound of flesh and if Mufti refused to
oblige, he could join hands with the NC.
The
Hurriyat Conference and other separatist
groups too donot lag behind in exploiting
every incident of violence by issuing a
statement that appeases their
constituents at home and pleases their
masters across.
This is no
way of solving Kashmir. Much of the
confusion is a consequence of vested
polity and self-righteous intelligentsia.
It is high time the leaders, the socalled
intellectuals and media commentators
stopped adding to this mess by
articulating convenient truths, by
sweeping under the carpet inconvenient
realities and by suggesting double-faced
impracticable remedies.
The
message from masses is loud and clear.
Stop politicking over Kashmir! Kashmir
today is a victim of wicked opportunism.
Those who outwardly bemoan the plight of
Kashmir are precisely the people
responsible for all its miseries. Those
who shed tears for common man are
precisely the people who thrive by
holding him to ransom. The poet laments
on Umapathy's behalf "Qatl
Ho To Mera Sa Maut Ho To Meri Si, Mere
Sog-vaaron Mein Aaj Mera Qatil Hai".
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A
race abandoned
By Samir Sen
The people of
Indian origin did not find even a passing mention
in Alan Patons first Authors Note to
his bestseller, Cry, The Beloved Country. The
novel, published in 1948, awoke the world to the
life of non-whites in South Africa.
"I did not
mention the Indians largely because I did not
want to confuse readers unnecessarily,"
South Africas best-known writer explained
in his note to the 1959 edition. "The
existence of this minority is now much better
known throughout the world because their position
has become so desperate under apartheid
legislation."
Four decades down
the line, Indians in post-apartheid South Africa
feel desperate as ever. "The mindset of
Indians is partly responsible for this,"
said retired school principal Gouden Gopalsamy, a
community leader in Verulam. "They do not
want to integrate with the natives."
Verulam, the third oldest township in the eastern
province of KwaZulu Natal, was the first
settlement of Indians who arrived here as
indentured labourers in the second half of the
19th century.
The Indian
community in Verulam consists of two types
the descendants of indentured labourers from
North and South India and the better-off traders,
mainly Muslims, from western India. Over 80 per
cent of Indians have settled in KwaZulu Natal, 15
per cent in Transvaal and the remainder in Cape
Province. "Over the last four generations we
have been enjoying a harmonious relationship
between ourselves," said Amichand Rajbansi,
leader of the Minority Front (MF), the only
political party representing the Indians.
The problem arises
when it comes to identifying with the black
Africans, the people of mixed descent called
coloureds, and the whites. Charoes (a
slang for people from Indian and Pakistan) make
up 3 per cent of South Africas 43.4 million
people.
The coloureds,
referred to as Lighties, are 10 per
cent, whites or Vetoes 18 per cent
and the blacks or Darkies 68 per
cent.
"We were
better off during the white regime," is the
refrain of most Charoes, who appear to despise
the ruling African National Congress (ANC)
policies like Affirmative Action and
Land Restitution. Bartender Jeffry
Chetty complained that young Indians were largely
unemployed were bleaker than those of the blacks
and whites.
The whites still
control the financial institutions, and the
ANCs Affirmative Action policy promotes
blacks in both government and private jobs.
"Our children are left in the lurch,"
said Jeffry. The Indian business community has
its own grouse. Shanti Fakeera, who runs a
laundry business on Todd Street, Verulam, said
the ANC was imposing heavy taxes on them to make
up for South Africas financial mess under
the new regime. "Our businesses are
crumbling," said Shanti.
Not all agree.
"We have no communal or caste clashes
here," said Bindhoo Rajcoomar, a secretary
at the law firm Rindell and Company. "We are
generally happy. It is only when we go overseas
that we realize how spoilt we are here!"
Bindhoo, a mother of three, has visited India and
the United States.
But the repulsive
feeling the relatively prosperous and better
educated Indians generate among the natives is
too obvious to ignore. "We may have to drive
out your people from our country," a black
youth told The Week. "Within five years
South Africa would witness a Zimbabwe like
situation (where whites are being driven out by
the natives)."
Even a subdued
Petros Zikalala complained that Indians did not
want to be equals with blacks. Ironically Petros
serves as a security guard at an abandoned prison
in Verulam, which stands witness to the
Indians solidarity with blacks in their
passive struggle against the infamous Ghetto Act.
Thousands of Indians, treated as criminals and
not political prisoners, served hard labour here
in 1946.
It is not as if
South Africans do not acknowledge the
contribution of Indians.
Mahatma Gandhi is
widely respected by all for teaching the world,
South Africa in particular, the power of peaceful
resistance. Gandhis bust stands in the
middle of a Verulam park, 40 miles North of
Durban," dedicated to the memory of all
indentured labourers for their sacrifice and
contribution in enriching the lives of all South
Africans".
Prominent Indians
like Rajbansi, whose party shares power with the
ANC in KwaZulu Natal provincial government, were
surprised to learn that caste-based
discrimination continued in the Mahatmas
homeland. "It is a rude shock that a country
that stands for values and high principles calls
it an internal problem," he said.
"South Africa, on the other hand, dared to
look racism in the eye. We do not tolerate
discrimination on any grounds, though
socio-economic freedom has not been attained. It
will take time for a broad mass of people to be
freed."
According to
Rajbansi, the abolition of apartheid in 1994 was
a miracle of Africa and credit should go to the
vision of ANC leaders Nelson Mandela and Govan
Mbeki, father of President Thabo Mbeki, who
ensured a peaceful transition.
"We need to
be considerate ad patient when it comes to the
blacks who were previously disadvantaged,"
he said. The blacks are also competing with
Indian businesses today, freely operating street
stands and occupying places in the flea market,
hitherto a monopoly of Indians. "We need to
empower the blacks," said Rajbansi.
The people of
Indian origin are under pressure to identify
themselves as equal South Africans. They are
advised to stop speaking in terms of ethnicity,
majority or minority. The Minority Front, though,
is lobbying hard for the establishment of a
minority desk in the government to
look after the interests of the Indians,
coloureds and other minorities. Rajbansi recalled
Mandela as stating that ethnicity could not be
ignored.
"But for that
to happen, Indians should come out of the
influence of the former white political
parties," said Rajbansi. "In the 1994
elections 65 per cent of the Indian electorate
chose to go with the whites. We are very
disturbed with this trend and my party is
committed to ensuring that the trend is
reversed."
Easier said than
done. With growing unemployment the younger
generation is turning to crime. The
countrys racial history complicates
enforcement of law. The whites and Indians
complained that the police refuse to crack down
on black offenders.
An Indian trader,
who alleged several shop breaking attempts at his
premises, termed them as hate crimes.
Former United
Democratic Movement MP S. Manna Naidoo, the first
Indian to represent Verulam constituency during
the white rule, said the Indians in South Africa
are soft targets. "We are not militant as
the other minority groups and remain law-abiding
citizens," he said.
A large section of
Indian subsistence farmers have chosen to abandon
their lands and migrate to urban locations thanks
to rise in racist murders of farmers, mostly
whites. Finances are hard to come by and fresh
agriculture taxes are being imposed. The
Cottonlands, where a majority of the Indian
farming community was concentrated, has been
taken over by blacks. The Indians fled because of
the bloody rivalry between the ANC and Inkatha
Freedom Party during 1984-94.
The Land
Restitution policy hardly benefits the Indians.
In Waterloo, the biggest confirmed settlement in
KwaZulu Natal, there are hardly any Indians
though the government claims it is multi-racial.
Brothers Phillip and Simon Appanna are among the
few Indians who dared to make
Waterloo their home. "We moved here a month
ago," said Philip, who participates in the
community policing effort. "So far there has
been no problem, though stealing is a fact of
life here.
But we try and
make conscious efforts to associate with the
majority."
Though they were
born and brought up in a black-dominated
locality, the brothers are wary about sending
heir children to schools dominated by blacks.
"It will affect their upbringing," they
said.According to Rajbansi, Indians are going
through a transition period. "You cannot be
fence-sitters even in your own country," he
said. Majorities of the Charoes, who cannot even
faintly recall which part of India their
ancestors came from, know their destiny lies in
South Africa. Said grocer Moonera Sheikh:
"We still think of India as the land of our
origin. But in reality it is a distant
land." INAV
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Peace
should be given a chance
By V Mohan Narayan
With India and
Pakistan restoring full diplomatic status to its
missions in Islamabad and Delhi, a positive
beginning has been made in the long and arduous
path towards normalisation of bilateral ties.
A career diplomat,
Aziz Ahmed Khan, who was the face and the voice
of the Pakistan Foreign Office, arrived in New
Delhi on June 30 and within days presented his
credentials to President A P J Abdul Kalam,
enabling him to discharge his official functions
as Pakistans new High Commissioner without
any protocol hitch.
In first public
comments, Khan spoke of the urgency Pakistan
attached to moving ahead in the relationship with
India and renewed Islamabads call for
resumption of the composite dialogue process.
Under this mechanism, the two sides have
identified eight issues which include peace and
security, Jammu and Kashmir, Siachen, Tulbul
navigation project and the Sir Creek maritime
boundary issue. The two sides have already held
several rounds on these issues but not much
headway has been made.
Soon after his
arrival, Khan also underpinned the importance for
India to get on with the task of early
implementation of the confidence-building
measures suggested by it.
Shiv Shanker
Menon, also a career diplomat and till recently
Indias Ambassador to China, crossed the
Wagah check post to Lahore on July 15 to take up
his key posting as High Commissioner in
Islamabad. Menon fills the shot vacated 19 months
back by V K Nambiar who was recalled by India on
December 26, 2001 in the wake of the December 13
terror attack on Parliament.
Without mincing
words on the task before him, Menon said he was
looking forward to working for promotion of good,
constructive and peaceful relations between the
two countries. Menon takes charge at a time of
heightened expectations and improved relations
even though a number of contentious issues still
remain unresolved.
Since the peace
initiative of Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee
in April when he extended a hand of friendship to
Pakistan, the two sides have taken calibrated
steps towards normalising ties. Besides quickly
putting in place new High Commissioners, the
Delhi-Lahore bus service was resumed on July 11
amid much fanfare, bringing relief to the people
of the two countries wishing to meet their near
and dear ones across the borders through
affordable travel.
The two sides are
also moving in the direction of resuming civil
aviation links. The issue of overflight
facilities still needs to be sorted out amicably
by the two sides. Since the snapping of air
links, Indian and Pakistani aircraft have to take
long detours to fly to even neighbouring
countries.
Pakistan has
sought guarantees from India before giving its
nod for extending overflight facilities. It wants
an assurance from New Delhi that in the event of
severing of air links in the future, overflights
would not be affected in any manner. India has
held that any precondition or guarantee sought
from it would be unacceptable. Dates are being
worked by the two sides for technical-level talks
to sort this issue out.
The Indian envoy,
who is expected to present his credentials to
Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf later this
month, has to take quick steps to reorganise the
Indian Mission.
With hopes of
enhanced people-to-people contact, the pressure
to raise the staff strength of the Indian mission
is bound to increase. After the Parliament
attack, the strength of the missions was halved
from 110. It was further cut twice bringing the
number down to 45 on both sides. Vacancies, that
arose during the period of tension, have not been
filled.
As a step in this
direction, Pakistan Prime Minister Mir Zafarullah
Khan Jamali has proposed that the staff strength
of the missions be restored to the pre-December
13 level. New Delhi is understandably approaching
the issue with due caution and deliberation.
Even as he settles
down, Menon who handled a Prime Ministerial visit
in China before moving out, will have to start
preparatory work for Vajpayeels visit to
Islamabad for the SAARC Summit in January. India
has agreed to the Summit dates of January 4-6 at
the SAARC Standing Committee meeting of Foreign
Secretaries in Kathmandu early July.
The SAARC Summit
is slated to be held in Islamabad in January this
year but was called after India failed to confirm
its participation. New Delhi has contended that
without substantive progress over a preferential
trading arrangement and a free trade treaty among
the members of the regional grouping, any such
meeting would not be meaningful.
It is regretable
that while, on the one hand there is some forward
movement to boost confidence on either side to
improve ties, on the other mutual recriminations
are on the increase. Analysts say there has to be
a change of mindset at the political level and
bold, imaginative steps taken to shift the
relations on the upward trajectory track.
Fresh initiatives
have been taken in the past but hopes have soon
been belied with both sides reverting to the
politics of confrontation due to compulsions of
the domestic lobby and other factors.
For building
trust, the two sides have to come to an
understanding to mellow down their rhetoric. The
fallout of this compulsive hostility is on people
wishing to visit their relatives in each
others country but are unable to do so.
Hardliners on both sides of the borders have made
things more difficult for their respective
Governments.
For removing
shackles of the past, the two sides have to show
political will and maturity to break new grounds.
If peace has to be given another chance, a lot
more needs to be done by both India and Pakistan.
PTI Feature
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Tonga
in Hindi films
By A C Tuli
There was a time
when life even in big cities moved at a leisurely
pace. There were very few vehicles on roads; to
own a car was status symbol that only a handful
of rich people could afford. Scooters and autos
had not yet made their appearance on roads. It
was the horse-driven 'tonga' that was the king,
and sometimes the only mode of transport
available to the common man. In small towns and
villages, one used the 'ikka', a crude country
cousin of tonga, to reach any place.
A journey by tonga
had its own charm. It was a rewarding experience
for those who had an observant nature and a
reflective bent of mind. A bus moves at a speed
that does not allow you to contemplate your
surroundings leisurely. But a tonga, neither as
slow as a bullock-cart nor as fast as a bus, was
an ideal ride. As the horse trotted along, one
could observe all that one passed by the
azure of the open sky, the trees along the road,
the green fields, the birds twittering overhead,
and so on.
Our film-makers,
of course, were fascinated by the popularity of
the tonga. So in many films, a tonga ride by the
hero or the heroine or by both was skillfully
woven into the storyline. Thus, there are
hundreds of Hindi films in which we find the hero
and the heroine singing their romantic songs as
they canter along in a tonga. In quite a few
films, however, a tonga-ride was also a sad and
gloomy experience for the love-lorn hero or the
heroine.
As early as 1940,
a film titled Doctor was made by New
Theatres. Great singer-composer Pankaj Mullick
was its hero. The film had a few thrilling scenes
of tonga-ride by the hero. Although in those days
cinematography was not very sophisticated, the
tonga scenes in Doctor were really
good.
Sometimes the
romance between the leading pair also centered
around a tonga. In Rattan (1944), the
hero (Karan Dewan) comes along in his tonga and
the heroine (Swarnlata) intercepts him, pleading
that he should not go away leaving her behind in
the village. So she sings, Akhiyan mila ke jiya
bharma ke, chale nahin jana...'. The hero agrees
and soon the duo go together for a joy ride in
the tonga.
In Bawre
Nain (1950), the heroine (Geeta Bali) lives
in a small village with her widow mother. They
are so poor that the heroine has to ply the tonga
to make ends meet. It is in her tonga that she
goes to the station to receive the hero (Raj
Kapoor). And while they are on their way back to
the village, their eyes meet and they start
falling in love with each other. The open
countryside, the rhythmic movement of the tonga,
and the seductive charm of the chirpy heroine
all these combine to make the tonga scenes
in Bawre Nain a delightful visual
feast for the viewers. Then, there is a lilting
song, Ghir ghir ke aasman par chhane lagi
ghattain, keh do koi piya se pardeswa na jayen
... ', that the heroine sings as the tonga rolls
along.
It is, however,
not only the hero or the heroine who can enjoy a
tonga journey. A films funsters too can go
for a ride in a tonga and sing a jovial song. In
the Dev Anand-Madhubala starrer Nirala
(1950), three comedians Yakub, Mumtaz Ali
and Radhakishen go to the countryside in a
tonga Yakub sings. "Mera dil hai nikhatoo,
jaise tonga ka tattoo ... ".
"Aah"
(1953) was a tragic film with Raj Kapoor and
Nargis in the lead. The hero, suffering from
tuberculosis, is approaching his tragic end. He
is in a hurry to reach the heroines house
before breathing his last. No other mode of
transport except tonga is available to him for
completing the last lap of the journey.
The
tonga-drivers role in the film was
performed by singer Mukesh. As the tonga trundles
along, Mukesh sings, Chhoti si yeh zindgani re
chardin ki jawani teri..' The tonga scenes in
Aah very effectively build up the
tragic climax.
Mark Twain said
cauliflower is nothing but cabbage with a college
education. On the same analogy, one can say a
buggy is tonga very well educated. In
Aan (1952), the heroine (Nadira) is a
princess. She goes for a buggy ride, little
knowing that its 'kochvan', is none else but her
lover, Dilip Kumar.
So when Dilip
Kumar removes his false beard and reveals his
identity to Nadira, he sings, Dil mein
chhupa ke pyar ka toofan le chale, hum aaj apni
maut ka samaan le chale..'.
In B. R. Chopra's
Naya Daur (1957), the hero Dilip
Kumar is a tonga driver, ferrying passengers from
a small, wayside railway station to his village a
few kilometres away. One day he sights a charming
young girl along with her mother emerging from
the station. Before any other tongawala could
persuasively push them into his tonga, Dilip
Kumar grabs their bedding and suitcase to dump
them in his own tonga. From there starts a tender
relationship between the two a
relationship that soon ripens into love. One day
both of them-go to a temple sitting in the tonga.
Vijayanthimala, the heroine of the film, sings,
"Maang ke saath tumhara maine maang liya
sansar.."
In the climatic
scenes of Naya Daur', there is a race
between Dilip Kumar, the tongawala, and Jeevan,
the lorry driver. Of course, it is Dilip
Kumars tonga that wins the race. In the
1950s, a film titled Tongawali, was released,
starring Balraj Sahni, Nirupa Roy and Shammi
Kapoor. Balraj Sahni earns his living by
plying a tonga. One day he is killed by some
goondas. To bring up her little son, his widow,
Nirupa Roy, starts plying the tonga herself.
Hence the title of the film 'tongawali'.
Till the 1970s,
tongas were seen often in Hindi films. ln the
early 1970s, a film titled tongewala with
Rajendra Kumar and Mumtaz in the lead was made.
In Prichay, Jeetendra was seen riding
a tonga. Quite a number of other films also had
tonga scenes in them. But rapid economic progress
and technological advancement has pushed tonga
into oblivion.
In todays
life, tonga appears to be an anachronism. It is
now vanishing even from small towns. Buses, autos
and scooters are now more popular than tongas on
rural roads. Perhaps the day is not far when the
tonga shall become a curio in museums.
PTI Feature
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