EDITORIAL
Is
it unpreventable ?
The Deputy Prime
Minister who is also the Home Minister of the
country has not held out a promising prospect for
the country he Ministers by saying that the
terrorist strikes are unpreventable. That a
terrorist cannot be halted in his designs is true
only to an extent. He cannot be held by the
normal measures, which depend on the calculation
that the criminal would not like to get caught or
killed. The terrorist, especially the one who is
ready to die as the so-called Fidayeen and
committed jihadis are, is not restrained by the
normal law and order preventives. So the States
get themselves extra equipments, in the form of
laws and trained personal to deal with them. If
they prove inadequate, the State has other
options, which it can and must invoke. But it is
duty bound to prevent every infringement of the
national sovereignty and writ. Terrorism
infringes on the authority of the nations and
subverts the people's right to live normal
peaceful lives. The State is in its rights to
take whatever steps it deems fit, to guarantee
that its covenant is not trashed. If the State
still fails, it is raging incompetence.
Government, a
sovereign Government cannot get away with
branding things unpreventable and still claim to
be ruling. One is sure that the Home Minister did
not imply an abdication of the responsibility of
the State towards defending the nation and the
people, but his declaration carries an unsavory
ring, which can assure none. Saying that the
marauders cannot be held back implies that the
State is helpless and the people have to live
with in open uncertainty. This, in the context of
the recent heightened attacks by the terrorists
in this State, is a very dark prospect. If the
Home Minister wanted to exonerate the State
Government for its policy of releasing the
terrorists, there were better ways of doing it.
Holding the sword of an uncertainty coupled with
an implied abdication of the State is something
the people of this State least expected to hear
from the foremost executive of the law and order
in the country. It is a moot point whether the
soft attitude of the New Government is or is not
responsible for this spurt in terrorism. This
terrorism has cross-border founts and is
determined by the calculations and plans there.
But within the country it is the writ of the
Indian Government that runs. Or, does that writ
too depend on the sweet goodwill of the Pak
agencies?
And, that is the
crux of the whole thing. The terrorist, as such,
may not be held back once he is set on a
particular task. But, the option of foreclosing
the founts whence that terrorist and terrorism
comes is ever open. By now it is clear that mere
talks and warnings would not do. The dalliance of
the Government over the last one-year on this
important point of getting Pakistan to listen has
only convinced that nation that it can get away
with anything in India. Saying that Pakistan is
bent on disturbing the communal harmony in India
and Jammu and Kashmir means practically nothing.
That is the plan they have been acting on. But
what plans does the Government of this State and
nation have to deal with that design, is not
clear at all. It appears that effectively ending
this flagrant violation of the nation's
sovereignty is not considered a prime task by the
Governments here. That is what makes terrorism
unpreventable. That attitude must change if a
motley crowd of terrorists is not to overrun it.
Terrorism is very much preventable. But it needs
nononsense dealing. The point is not whether we
are ready for that, but when'll this nation get
ready to deal with it.
'Blind
and lame'
The
characterization of the nexus of Hurriyat and
Pakistan as that of the blind and the lame, by
London-based Gilani, is an apt description of how
the two are colluding to further the Pakistani
agenda of grabbing Kashmir. In keeping with that
assessment he has also put the leadership on this
side of the LoC in the dock for having a vested
interest in the turmoil remaining aboil. There
are no doubts on the fact that Pakistan wants
Kashmir. "Why' and 'what for' and things,
the official sources never tell and the
unofficial ones never tire of telling. That
Hurriyat should also want the same thing is
something very few people want to go very deep
into. This reluctance in, intriguingly, only on
this side of the LoC. Across there, they know
perfectly why Hurriyat is one with them, why it
is not talking of the occupied Kashmir, why it
has never thought over the problems of the
so-called northern territories which the people
residing there say are virtual colonies of
Pakistan. But why nobody here, especially the
clique that it overly anxious to garner some
legitimacy for the Hurriyat, it asking those
questions of Hurriyat is a baffling thing, if not
widely suspect.
Or, it is a case
of helpless innocence masquerading as wisdom?
People, wellmeaning, aware people have shown a
solidarity of sorts with agenda of the new
Government to ignore the menace of terrorism and
focus on the inconveniences like frisking and
searches by the security in their hunt for
terrorists. Some people called it a new approach
while others felt that it deserved a trail. But
there cannot be any hit and trial where the lives
of innocent people are involved. Analysts are
unable to come to grips with the apparent double
standards adopted by the politicians here
especially those politicking in the Valley. Thus
the almost universal condemnation of the Ikhwan
cadres was un-understandable when all should have
known that they were the only legitimate force to
counter the Pak trained terrorists. Nor, is the
tendency to blame the security and overlook the
terrorists restricted to this party or that. All
the them did it; all the them do it. And there,
all of them are undermining the safety and
security of the people of this State.
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A
View Point
Legislative
imbalance in J&K
By Col D
S Jamwal
There
seems to be a misconception in the minds
of the Valley leaders, and also with
so-called secular experts in Delhi, that
Kashmiris of the Valley specifically are
a special people, need extra special
treatment and therefore must be
molly-coddied. It is indeed a travesty
that this false impression has been
created over the years. Does it imply
that Valley Kashmiri's face different
problems of economic, social,
educational, financial and administrative
nature which are different from the
citizens of the other two regions of the
State and the rest of the State of the
Union?
Local
political parties of other States of the
Union as well as all-India level
political groups are individually and
collectively concerned about improving
the lives of their countrymen, and in the
process, promise better governance,
administration and other benefit and
facilities. Yet, rather than work to this
end, with malafide intent, Valley-based
leaders continue to mislead their
followers with trans-national thinking,
encouraging political activity of a
nefarious variety, and concocting
hare-brained schemes.
The
Accords of 1952, 1975 and 1986 with
Congress-run Central Governments were
obviously blackmailing tactics for more
'concessions'despite Article 370. As a
matter of fact, the administrative set-up
progressively became more inefficient and
politically, the situation worsened.
These armtwisting tactis of the Valley
leadership now need to be finally stopped
once for all.
The
question that begs an honest answer
therefore is that how does autonomy, more
political concessions, pre- 1953 status,
etc. give them an edge on overall
improvement. Surely that all-India
yardsticks for a better life, applicable
to all communities in India, should also
apply to them. Article 370 has already
granted them extensive funds,
multifarious loans and unfettered
advances, much above all-India averages.
If anything, this magnanimous licence to
Central largesse, practically unaudited
and totally misused, needs to be curbed
and sensibly re-distributed within the
State. Particularly, that it does not
reach anti-India groups in the Valley, as
has been the case so far.
The
elections that were held in Oct 2002
elected representatives to the
Legislative Assembly, must be equally
adjudged against the present legislative
layout of the three provinces of the
State, Ladakh, Jammu and the Valley, and
whether after the past 50 years with so
many elections having been held earlier,
the aspirations of the three areas have
been fufilled. If not, the reasons behind
this lack of performance.
Legislative
Index, Impact & Fallout
As per the
Indian Constitution, seat allotments in
legislative assemblies is on the basis of
geographical size, population, road
communications etc. The criteria laid
down specifies the number of seats that
must be allotted against these
yardsticks. This aspect is covered by the
Representation of J&K People Act as
per Article 370 of the Indian
Constitution.
In this
context, the ''Table of Population on
''Census & Area'' under ''Fact &
figures'', Kashmir valley has an area of
16000 Kms, and a population of 31.0 Lacs.
Jammu Province an area of 26,500 kms and
population of 27.0 Lacs and Ladakh an
area of 96,700 kms with a population of
around 14.0 Lacs. Population figures are
based on 1981 census.
Applicability
of the number of seats is therefore to be
based on the following facts. Firstly,
Jammu Region is one and a half times the
size of the Valley and comprises 45
percent of the States population;
Secondly, Ladakh Province is the largest
of the Regions with its population thinly
spread over a large area; Thirdly; The
Valley is much smaller in size and has a
comparatively denser population (only);
and lastly; The Ladakh & Jammu
regions combined overall comprise more
than half the States area and over 50
percent of the total population.
Despite
these basic parameters, the initial
De-Limitation Commission, obviously under
misadvised political pressure at that
point of time, made seat allotments to
the State Lagislative Assembly in an
inconsistent and unproportionate manner,
effects of which have had long reaching
consequences on the J&K scenario.
Before proceeding further, it would be
appropriate to study the seat allotments
as made by Sheikh Mohd Abdullah post-1947
after Accession of the State to the
Indian Union.
Jammu was
initially given 30 seats, (later raised
to 32 seats), while Ladakh was given a
paltry 2 seats. The Valley was given a
total of 43 seats. This was a patently
un-equitable allotment put across under a
stage-managed show of representation,
which unfortunately under Sheikh
Abdullah's influence on the then PM, went
unnoticed. Subsequently the last
De-Limitation Commission, unwilling to
raise a hornets nest, failed to correct
the biased and parochial representation
and proceeded to retain the imblance by
giving Jammu 37 seats but unncessarily
without valid reasons increased the
Valley representation to 46 seats. Ladakh
was not given any additional seats
despite several protestations.
After the
Praja Parishad agitation and
recommendations made under Governors
rule, the Wazir Commission was
subsequently set-up in 1983 to go into
these complaints of the Jammu and Ladakh
regions. The Commission came under severe
pressure from the State Govt of Dr Farooq
Abdullah to ensure that the overall
majority allotments to the Valley were
not damaged and that the status-quo in
the imbalance was maintained.
The Wazir
Commission, while staying quiet on the
assembly seat ratios, held that three
more districts be created in Jammu
Region, at Reasi, Kishtwar and Bhau, and
that there was no necessity for any
changes in the Valley and Ladakh. This
was over-ruled by the State Govt which
felt that adding another three districts
to Jammu would convey too much weightage
to the region and create complications
for them later. Instead, three new
districts of Badgam, Kupwara and
Baramulla in the Valley and a
Shia-dominated district specifically
created in Ladakh on the sensitive
Srinagar-Leh Road at Kargil.
The Ladakh
Buddhist Association vehemently protested
against this discriminatory and
potentially dangerous act of
unnecessarily carving out of a Shia
District in Ladakh. Dr Farooq Abdullah's
sop of granting two additional MLA seats
for Ladakh did not satisfy the Ladakhi
people, who fully supported by the Jammu
Region, commenced a determined agitation
with strikes, administrative logjams and
representations to the Central Govt. It
was indeed a fortunate circumstance that
immediately thereafter, President Rule
came into operation in J&K. The
Ladakh Region's Autonomous Hill Council
status was approved, something which
could never have happened under the
National Conference Government.
Additionally,
for reasons unknown, the Valley returns
representatives to the Lok Sabha as MP's,
at the rate of one per 10 lac people,
whereas Jammu and Ladakh regions have
reps respectively in the Lok Sabha at the
rate of one per 14 lac people. This is a
further political imbalance based on
incorrect norms. The Gajendragadkar
Commission in its 1986 Report made many
detailed comments on the discrimination
shown and its after effects.
Unfortunately matters were allowed to
drift. Even the Sarkaria Commission
failed to spot this weightage since it
was being fed with inputs from the State
Govt and given no special aspects to
consider.
In
the Future Context
From all
these observations, it can be seen how
legislative manipulation has ensured that
the Valley has dominated the entire
geographical territory of J&K State.
There can be no gainsaying the fact that
overtly and covertly, the Valley based
leadership, have aimed at, practiced
unhindered, and brazenly endorsed the
fact of Kashmir valley precedence in all
the three regions, despite geographic,
demographic, cultural factors dictating
otherwise. This has been by passing
legislation at will, and then claiming it
represented the people's wishes as
expressed in the State Lagislature.
Under the
present allocation of MLA seats, the
overwhelming legislative majority is with
the Valley. Already this excessive
majority element in the Assembly has
created problems through embarassing
resolutions time and again.
The Valley
only does not comprise J&K State.
What is suitable to the Valley, does not
necessarily endorse itself to being
suitable for the other two regions. The
existing dichtomy needs to be corrected
at the earliest by the creation of
equally balanced representation within
the State Legislative Assembly. Only this
can give the other two provinces of
J&K a chance to fulfill there
aspirations without being legislatively
overshadowed and dominated. The demand
for trifurcation is based on these
incontroversial facts and hence needs to
be addressed at this crucial stage. The
imbalance must be corrected so that
adjustments fit into our future plans for
the State.
''Devolution
talks'' should be to enforce better
governance and specifically
decentralisation of powers, presently
totally with the Valley; definitely not
to jeopardise our security, solidarity
and integrity. Devolution of powers must
also re-adjust the seat allotments
rationally and not pamper to or promote
secessionist ideas based on long term
plans of anti-India groups. Further
concessions of any kind whatsoever will
not change the ground situation as a
bench-mark has already been reached. Any
further erosion of the Valley's tenuous
relationship with the Indian Union must
not be allowed under any circumstances
whatsoever.
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Death
of the village commons
By:
Bharat Jhunjhunwala
The
village commons are disappearing! The
cliché that India lives in her villages,
of which Gandhi was so fond of, is fast
becoming outdated. Actually the Indian
civilization was never fond of its
villages. The interest of the city-based
government was to extract taxes from the
village, usually in the form of grains
and milk. The kings appointed the village
headmen though with nominal consent of
the villagers. One old villager in Alwar
in Rajasthan said that a meeting of all
the village folk was indeed called. The
King's representative would propose the
name of some Zamindar and ask those
present whether he would be acceptable to
them. All those present spontaneously
raised their hands in approval. After
all, none wanted to be found on the wrong
side of the authorities? It was democracy
of the kind that we see in Iraq today.
The task
of the headman was to collect taxes for
the city. Agriculture and animal
husbandry were the main occupation. The
two were dependent on each other really.
The bullocks provided the draught power
for ploughing and irrigation. Crops
provided the fodder for the bullocks.
Cows were required to produce the
bullocks. Milk was really a valuable
byproduct. The system was rather stable
in the irrigated areas. Enough fodder
could be produced for the cattle with two
or three irrigated crops of wheat and
paddy. But sufficient fodder was not
produced in one kharif crop that was
grown on the dry lands. This deficiency
was met by creating large community
pastures. The cows used to graze in the
pastures. Bullocks did the same when
there was no work to be done. The dung
that was produced from the grazing
provided manure for the croplands. The
village commons were at the heart of crop
cultivation. The croplands provided free
grazing, which led to the production of
manure. Dry land agriculture is
unsustainable without this supplement.
The byproduct of milk created more
wealth. This was the secret of Bikaner in
Western Rajasthan producing best of
sweets. The Bikaneri sweet shops of Delhi
owe their fame to the common pastures.
Small animals like goat and sheep grazed
the leftovers. This became the source of
wool and meat and, of course, manure as
well. Grazing land provided manure
directly as well. The wild shrubs are
cut, chopped and spread in the fields
during the summers. They decay and become
manure during the rains. This practice is
called jhoor in the villages around
Jodhpur. Grazing lands also provided some
fruit products like ber, kair, sangri and
kumatiya but these were incidental.
The
village commons were protected because
crop agriculture depended on these lands.
They provided grazing for the draught
animals, grazing for cows that produced
the draught animals, grazing for small
animals who provided wool and meat,
biomass that was directly shredded and
converted into manure, and minor food
products. Dry land agriculture was
dependent on the common lands. The
situation in irrigated areas was quite
different. Two- or three crops produced
sufficient fodder for the cows and
bullocks. The population of goats and
sheep was negligible in these areas. Thus
we see that the common grazing lands have
been almost totally encroached or
otherwise converted into croplands in the
irrigated areas. The common grazing
lands, cattle, small animals and crop
agriculture were all mutually dependent
upon each other. At the center, however,
was the need to provide draught power for
the crop agriculture. Grazing lands were
essential for the bullocks and the cows
that produced them. Large common pastures
led to long distances between the
villages. It became convenient for the
village to provide for its own potter,
cobbler, weaver and carpenter. This gave
rise to the 'self-sufficient' village.
The relationship of the city and the
village was limited to the village paying
taxes in the form of grains and milk
products.
The advent
of the tractor fuelled by petroleum has
changed this all. Draught animals are no
longer required. In a survey in Western
Rajasthan it was found that only about
ten percent of the farmers are still
using animals for ploughing and other
works. Even these few rely on the tractor
for deep ploughing once every three
years. Deep ploughing provides rest to
the topsoil. The bullock has become
redundant. That has led to the
devaluation of the cow. Cow provided two
products-milk and male progeny. The
latter is no longer required. Milk can
also be produced from buffaloes. Its meat
is also considered to be edible. The cow
had edge over the buffalo as long as
draught power was required. It has lost
that edge. The buffalo and cows of exotic
breed are sedentary animals. They like to
sit rather than graze. Buffalo milk has
higher fat content as well. Thus the
common grazing land is no longer
required. The manure that was provided by
dung produced from grazing is now
available in the form of chemical
fertilizers. The fertility of the soil
was previously maintained by
supplementing with the dung produced from
grazing. Now the supplement is provided
by chemical fertlisers. The buffalo can
be reared in the city as well. Thus the
village is no longer required for
providing milk products. The goat and
sheep have lost their relevance along
with the grazing lands. Their function
was to recycle the grazing leftover by
large animals. Their population has
started declining in same proportion as
the common grazing lands.
The
carpenter and the blacksmith have lost
their jobs because yoke for the bullocks
are no longer required. The ploughshare
has given way to the tractor driver. The
herdsman is no longer required because
the buffalo produces the meat in the
city. The loss of these various
occupations have made the rural people
heavily dependent on the city for wage
income as well. Previously the people
weaved and made earthen pots during the
lean periods. Now they flock to the
cities in the search of jobs. In a survey
it was found that seventy five percent of
the rural income came from wage labour of
which about one-half was in the city. The
wage labour that was available in the
village too was an outcome of the city
income. Expatriate citywallas sent home
money with which the families built
houses, which provided wage employment.
The
character of the village has changed
dramatically. The village has become
dependent on the city for the supply of
the tractors, petroleum, fertilisers and
wage income. The fodder can be sent to
the city and converted into milk, meat
and dung with the latter being resent to
the village for use as manure. The common
grazing lands are no longer required.
With them the carpenter, blacksmith and
the herdsman have gone. With them the
goldsmith and the mason have gone. It is
time to bid adieu to the village commons.
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Globalization:
How threatening of culture?
By
Mohinder Singh
Globalization
has emerged as one of the most powerful
and persuasive images of today's world.
There is talk of "the end of
geography", "the end of the
nation-state", and "the end of
culture". It evokes the vision of a
borderless world, dominated by
multinationals and financial markets, and
in the sweep of a homogenized culture
shaped by western values. There's the
image of the globe becoming
indistinguishable: people wearing the
same jeans and sneakers, driving the same
Toyotas, eating the same burgers and
pizzas, drinking the same Colas,
listening to the same pop music. Only one
culture to be left, the materialist
American culture.
Little
wonder, many people all over the world -
and that includes a sizeable chunk of
Indian public opinion - perceive
globalization more as a threat than
promise. One such manifestation has been
large anti-globalist rallies at the
annual meetings of WTO and the World
Bank, such as those at Seattle, Davos,
Washington, and Prague. Protestors
disappearance of indigenous cultures.
What's the
challenge of globalization to traditional
values? Does economic development bring
with it sweeping cultural change? Or, are
cultural values enduring, exerting more
influences than economic changes?
In this
context, the World Values Survey is
relevant, the largest investigation ever
conducted of attitudes, values and
beliefs around the world. This Survey --
a continuing two -decades - long
examination of the values of 65 societies
- is being coordinated by the University
of Michigan's Institute of Social
Research. Major goal of the Survey is to
study links between economic development
and changes in values.
The study
now represents some 80% of the world's
population. It encompasses societies
ranging from $300 per capita GNP to more
than $30,000. And includes societies
across a wide spectrum of social,
religious and political (from democracies
to dictatorships) beliefs.
Following
are some of the broad conclusions reached
in the Survey.
Economic
development is associated with pervasive
and to an extent predictable, cultural
changes. Industrialization --- the
central element of modernization process
--- promotes a shift from traditional
(agricultural) to secular - rational
(urban) values, while
post-industrialization promotes a shift,
towards more trust, tolerance, and
emphasis on well-being. Economic collapse
propels societies in the opposite
direction.
Economic
development tends to push societies in a
common direction, but rather than
converging they seem to move along paths
shaped by their cultural heritages. For
instance, all four of the confucian -
influenced societies (China, Japan,
Taiwan, South Korea) have relatively
secular values, regardless of the
proportion of their labour forces in the
industrial sector. It therefore seems
quite unlikely that the forces of
globalization and modernization will
produce a homogenized world culture in
the foreseeable future.
And it is
rather misleading to view cultural change
as "Americanization".
Industrialized societies are not becoming
like the United States. In fact, USA
seems to be a deviant case; its people
hold much more traditional values and
beliefs (attitudes towards abortion, one
prime example) than do those in any other
equally prosperous society. If any
societies examplify the cutting edge of
cultural change, it would be the Nordic
ones: Swedish, Norwegian, Danish,
Finnish.
McDonald's
restaurants are seen as a dominant symbol
of globalization and are often the target
of the wrath of globalization' many
opponents. But the impression that we are
moving towards a uniform "McWorld'
is partly an illusion. The seemingly
identical McDonald's restaurants actually
have different social meanings and
fulfill different social functions in
different culture zones. Eating in a
McDonald's restaurant in India is a
different social experience from eating
in one in USA, or in Europe, Japan, or
Hong Kong (the latter now boasting 160
outlets). As McDonald's reaches a global
market, it caters to local tastes and
customs. The French can order beer with
their meals, and in India it offers
beefless burgers. While the original
concept as it evolved in USA is to eat
your food rather quick in a McDonald's
and vacate your place for others waiting,
in China many of the elderly sit for long
over a coffee reading their paper. Local
differences in incomes and tastes still
matter a great deal in consumer behaviour
and preferences.
The heart
of a culture involves language, religion,
traditions, values and customs. Take the
Chinese and the Indians: they will remain
different people, howsoever strongly they
are exposed to the forces of
globalization.
Different
societies follow different trajectories
even when they are subjected to the same
forces of economic development, in part
because situation - specific factors,
such a as society's cultural heritage,
also shape how a particular society
develops. Samuel Huntington, author of
The Clash of Civilizations, has focussed
on the role of religion in shaping the
world's major civilizations: Western
Christianity, Islam, Confucian, Hindu.
These zones were shaped by religious
traditions that are still powerful today,
despite the forces of modernization and
globalization. Communism, with its
emphasis on secularism and rationality,
did loosen the hold of religion in
countries it ruled for decades. However
the collapse of Communism has given rise
to pervasive insecurity -- and a return
to religious beliefs.
Notwithstanding
globalization, the nation remains a key
unit of shared experience, and its
educational and cultural institutions
shape the values of almost everyone in
that society.
In short,
the survey concludes that economic
development will cause shifts in the
values of people in developing nations,
but it will not produce a uniform global
culture. The future may look similar, but
it won't feel like one.
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