Harsha Kakar
India has always reacted to challenges, rather than being prepared for them. This statement may appear broad based, but the reality is that response to challenges is initially tardy as concerned departments and ministries have always responded in independent silos. The ‘whole of Government’ approach does appear later almost as an afterthought, rather than as a matter of policy. This is basically because India lacked an organization, whose sole task would be continuous monitoring of the international landscape and developing a common national response.
The nearest which the Government did to create such a body was with the establishment of the Defence Planning Committee (DPC), headed by the National Security Advisor (NSA). Officially this was touted to be an organization with the power of pushing its weight when necessary in ensuring military preparedness for future threats. This was possible as the NSA is the principal advisor to the PM on matters of national security and can use this authority for release of funds. If correctly analysed, the DPCwas performing the task initially assigned to the HQ Integrated Defence Staff (IDS) under the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS).
The creation of the DPC has been objected to by many on multiple grounds, including nominating the NSA as the de-facto CDS. The Government, by announcing the formation of the DPC under the NSA, put to rest all thoughts of restructuring senior management of defence, including appointing a CDS or creating theatre commands.The DPC had clearly no role for a single point military advisor to the Government, as the NSA now holds this appointment. This was further enforced by tasking the IDS to provide secretarial support to the DPC. On the other side the DPC with senior bureaucrats representing all elements of power, could also be termed as the first body formed for evaluating a ‘whole of Government’ approach. It had as its members the service chiefs, defence, foreign and expenditure secretaries, representing ministries which are natural elements of power. While officially tasked to prepare a draft national security strategy, it was the first attempt at developing a national approach to future challenges.
The recently reconstituted Strategic Policy Group (SPG), which had existed since 1999, but was largely defunct and functioned under the Cabinet Secretary, an overburdened appointment, has now been moved under the NSA with a more elaborate constitution. Its reconstitution has possibly made it effective and a higher-level organization in evaluating a common approach to future challenges. This decision has also been criticized as it places senior bureaucrats of all agencies under the NSA, an officer of the IPS cadre.
The NSA,by virtue of his appointment, is equivalent to a Minister of State and hence any organization involving bureaucrats and military personnel under him breaks no protocol. The present NSC is perhaps the most powerful since the appointment came into being post the Kargil war in 1999. It has three deputy NSA’s, two from the IPS and one from the IFS. It also has a military advisor, the second since the NSC was formed. He is Lt Gen Khandare (retired) the ex- Director General, Defence Intelligence Agency.
The military advisor is tasked to monitor the armed forces of nations of interest and render advice on matters military to the NSA. This is essential as the armed forces are the only service in which there is neither any lateral intake nor does any member of any civil service have a deep understanding off. It would be a major benefit when military diplomacy is being considered.
In the past, the Government has on multiple occasions mixed military diplomacy with military soft power. The nearest example of military diplomacy was the recently concluded chief’s conclave of BIMSTEC nations. All joint exercises conducted by the armed forces are mere projections of military soft power rather than military diplomacy as stated by the Government on occasions.
The establishment of a China-specific think tank to be funded by the MEA has also been announced. It is expected to be created by drawing in serving members of multiple government organizations. To create a body involving the serving may not be an ideal solution, as most organizations remain short-staffed with limited specialists and would remain loyal to their parent organization rather than the NSC. A core organizationmay be created only to liaise with think tanks, who should be tasked for specific research, as also collationof their output.
This also projects the view that the Government considers China as a major threat in the long term and hence is seeking to develop a ‘whole of Government’ approach to prepare for future challenges emanating from it. The think-tank should also study possible areas and nature of Indo-China challenges well beyond Indian shores, as India grows and seeks markets in SE Asia and Africa, while enhancing its military collaborations in these regions.
The budget for the NSC has also been steadily on the rise, indicating the importance being given to the organization over the years. From 39.9 crores in 2016-17, it rose dramatically to 303.58 crores this financial year.This is an indicator of the role the NSC is expected to play in the future. The fact that it is responsible to the PM and the CCS gives it the power to draw in required resources.
Thus, the NSC is finally emerging as a body amalgamating and evolving a whole of government approach for the future. Realistically it has been created almost too late in the present government’s tenure. With elections round the bend, the focus would shift to internal politics. Even the members of the SPG would be aware of the shifting focus and hence would play along till the announcement of results post elections.
If the present Government returns to power, the role and scope of the NSC would expand, if not it may die a natural death as the next government may have different priorities and approaches to challenges facing the country. However, as a responsible organization, it must have ready options for any Government which assumes the mantle post May 2019. (The author is retd Major General in Indian Army)
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