Daily Excelsior... Editorial

In an eloquent exposition of 'Madrassas' in the valley, Chief Minister Dr Farooq Abdullah minces in words in describing these as 'mercenary schools' instead of being 'missionary schools'......more

Pakistan's Kashmir annexation wars

By Fazal Mehmood
The Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) once again planned.....more

The official way to
vicious debt trap

By Umashankar Phadnis
Ten years ago Walsing Barela spent Rs. 2,300 ...more

The one and half
strategic missile front
is not enough ?

By Avinash Shirodkar
Pakistan's new long-range 3,000 km missile....more

EDITORIAL

DIESEL HIKE

Thirty five percent increase in diesel oil prices can be viewed from various angles. It may look harsh and somewhat opportunistic in that increase is announced soonafter mid-term poll is over. This means electoral compulsions and the last year's experience of 'onion tears' that affected fortunes of the BJP-led alliance was the sole factor that delayed the announcement of steep hike in Diesel prices. To be precise, at least three increases became due during the last six months. The Government as per laid down policy of the predecessors of linking diesel prices to international crude/diesel price and reviewing it every month either way was well within limits to go for the hike. It however decided to put it on hold because of mid-term poll. To that extent consumers of all hues have indeed benefitted substantially to a minimum of Rs 4000 crore which would have otherwise accrued to the combined oil pool. It is worth recalling that ever since this linkage to international prices in 1997 diesel price in India has been reviewed both upward and downward nine times. At least on two occasions prices came down.

As regards justification for hike when new Government is going to be in place in another week's time, it is to be recorded that petroleum products price have invariable tryst with midnight announcement bypassing Parliament. This has been so all these five decades. During UF Government's spell under HD Devegowda, a steep hike of 30% was announced within five days of new Government taking over. Subsequently under persistent pressure from supporting parties it was rolled back by 15% only to be reimposed again four month's hence. This jugglery of midnight imposts and increases in relation to all petroleum products is therefore an old game and present Government cannot be faulted for hike which was infact overdue. To be precise, diesel prices have increased in international markets by 65% while hike announced by Government is only 35%. Second, there is an oil pool which has been going in the red over the last few months. The Government makes a profit of Rs 5000 crore from pegging up petrol prices. It does not subsidise diesel prices which are linked to international prices. But the real problem is kerosene oil which consumes a subsidy of as much as 10,000 crore annually besides the LPG which still has a subsidy of 2000 crore. It is this burden of 12000 crore that is sought to be partly made good from pegging up petrol prices and those of the lubricants and other byproducts. The latest hike in diesel would net Rs 6000 crore during the current fiscal which is left with only six months. To that extent oil pool deficit would go down substantially. Third, consumers should ready themselves for another hike in LPG cylinder which costs the country around Rs 210 but sold for Rs 160. As regards kerosene its cost works out around Rs 9 per litre but sold for only Rs 3 a litre. No Government has mustered enough of courage to decrease subsidy element on kerosene. That is why it remains the major adulterant as also thrives in black market. That explains its recurring shortage as regards availability to consumers.

One can as well delve into its impact on economy vis-a-vis inflation. There is absolutely no doubt that railway fares would be hiked because of near total dieselisation. Transporters would also increase charges. Same is true of other bulk and small consumers including hikes in matador fares. The total impact as regards inflation rate could be one percent cumulative i.e from 2% it would go up to 3% within weeks. This rate is quite tolerable and our economy can easily absorb it. There is the likelihood of hike in petrol but its percentage may not more than 5. With easy availability of all commodities at reasonable prices, an inflation rate of upto 5% is normal feature of any developing economy.

As regards opportunistic increase , one can mention 15% hike announced by Rajasthan Government in electricity tariff soonafter elections are over. Other States which have been with-holding hikes due to elections are going in for many hikes to plug the deficit. To that extent diesel price increase howsoever unsavoury is all the same inevitable because deficit financing is the greatest curse for any economy. With oil pool deficit substantially reduced, oil companies have better cushion for operating in world market. It may be mentioned that crude prices of oil per barrel have jumped up from $ 10 to above $ 20 during the last few months because oil producing countries have cut production jointly as per quota earmarked for each producer. There is no likelihood of crude prices sliding down in the near future unless oil exporting countries fall apart and increase their production which is artificially pegged down right now.

FUNDAMENTALIST SCHOOLS

In an eloquent exposition of 'Madrassas' in the valley, Chief Minister Dr Farooq Abdullah minces in words in describing these as 'mercenary schools' instead of being 'missionary schools'. He elaborates the theme by describing that these madrassas have bred hatred for others and intolerance which in turn provides enough of breeding ground for fundamentalism. Instead of imparting Islamic teachings, Madrassas mostly financed and sustained by foreign funds through fundamentalist organisations on the pay roll of Pakistan have been busy indoctrinating young minds and poisoning the brains with heavy dose of fundamentalism. Education is meant to improve quality of life and broadening of outlook so that the upcoming generation can compete their way out. Madrassas on the other hand continue to produce only terrorists and gun-wielders who do not fit into modern civilisation. They can never be an asset to any nation nor such a nation or State ever progress. No religion teaches hatred but here are these madrassas that openly preach not only hatred but turn out product that is liability unto itself. It is good that Chief Minister has raked up this topic and done some plain speaking on the ill-effects of such third-rate education being imparted in Islamic schools. In fact, he goes to the extent of attributing ongoing insurgency to such madrassas which have mushroomed in valley and all successive Governments have failed to check their nefarious acts against the State and the country.

The million dollar question is why even after being in the full know of such terrorist breeding centres which he aptly mentions as not missionary but mercenary schools any visible action remains elusive. Once the Government knows that they are not functioning as per laid down norms and spreading venom and disharmony thereby killing secularism and undermining constitution, still no action has been taken by the Government. Doctor has diagnosed the malaise correctly but refuses to prescribe proper medicines. One really does not know why such noble profession meant for the good of mankind is not being scrupulously followed. The tragedy gets compounded in that Government has all the inputs not only to take on those sustaining such madrassas but also those coming out of it and yet deciding to call it a day. It is no use crying over spilt milk. Either convert it into cheese or remove the ingredients that have polluted the pure milk. After all NC Government need not have any apprehensions in that it commands two-third majority in the assembly. What it lacks is the will to remove the sources of terrorism. Even now it is not too late to wind up these mercenary schools.

Pakistan's Kashmir annexation wars

By Fazal Mehmood

The Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) once again planned crossing the Line of Actual Control (LoC) on 4 October, and Pakistan government had decided to "keep quiet, and let the Indian Army "do the job". But in the face of a very stiff warning by India, Pakistan government took preventive measures and did not allow JKLF activists to cross the LoC. In 1992 the Pakistan Army had thwarted a similar move by the JKLF Chairman Amanullah Khan. It is well known that the JKLF is a Pakistan creation to foment trouble in the Kashmir valley, and Amanullah enjoys the patronage of the ISI, through he claims he represents the entire state of Jammu and Kashmir and pleads for an independent Kashmir.

The JKLF has had many avatars ever since this militant group came into existence. Not many people are aware that Amanullah Khan is not a Kashmiri, but a Mirpuri and his claims to speak for the Kashmiris is a ploy by Pakistan government. In fact, the JKLF is the progenitor of militancy in the state and later on other militant groups sprang up. With ISI actively supporting militants, both indigenous and mercenaries the situation over the decade has taken a turn for the worse.

In order to disturb the electoral process militant groups used poll boycott and death threats to voters and candidates who were contesting the parliamentry elections. And they chose VIP victims, making a mockery of their security cover. They eliminated BJP leader and nominee for the-southern constituency of Anantnag, Hyder Noorani; People Patriotic Front chairman Ghulam Nabbi Azad's chief election agent Manzoor Ahmad Malik and a prominent campaigner of former Union Home Minister Mufti Mohammad Syed. The Mufti who was seeking re-election from Anantnag, himself had a close shave around the time Dr. Kamal was targeted. Daughter Mahbooba Mufti, herself in the fray in Srinagar, was accompanying him at the time. Militants tried to blow up his car by detonating IED near Bijbehara. Former Minister of State for Home Maqbool Dar was no less lucky in cheating the gun.

A common belief is that militants are now fighting with more dedication and motivation. That is because there are more foreign elements than ever. They are highly trained and equipped with sophisticated weapons. These gunmen, who come from Pakistan, Afghanistan, Sudan and other Muslim countries are also indoctrinated. Says a police officer: "They have been told they were fighting jihad (holy war). He who dies in the course of this war would be blessed by Allah and would go to heaven."

The degree of commitment and determination can be gauged from reports that militants played a cricket match in full public view before storming a company headquarters of Rashtriya Rifles at Natnusa on 5 August. "Motivation levels of foreign militants are very high. They are more hardened and willing to take more risks," says Brig N. S. Rana, commander of Nowgam sector garrison, which killed six Lashkar-e-Toiba militants early last month. "Not even once did the wounded militants wince or cry in pain," he said. "Also their fire control during encounters is very good and they do not waste any ammunition," he adds. "They fight to the last bullet," corroborates another officer.

Police and intelligence agencies maintain that over 2,500 foreign militants have infiltrated into Kupwara, Rajouri and Poonch forests in the past two months. Residents have no reservations in admitting that the militants have a thick presence in Ramhal, Hafurda, Wayoosa, Lolab and Zachaldar forests. Over 1,000 militants are reported to be operating in Lolab valley alone. "These days they come down to villages to buy commodities more often," says a village in Refiabad. Security forces ambushed seven activists of Hizbul Mujahideen in the area on August 7 when they came down to the plains. But in the last week of September, just one militant came down from a hill and fired some 28 rounds to scare Minister of State for Home Mustaq Ahmed Lone from his hometown Sogam in Lolab.

The unprecedented militant activity threw a spanner in the poll business. No candidate or party leader ventured to undertake campaigning in the upper belt of Kupwara, which has almost two-third voters in the frontier district. There is speculation that another Kargil was being plotted in the Kupwara mountains. Some reports say militants had already taken over vast areas in the district. These were confirmed by no less a person than A. S. Mangar, Inspector General of BSF, who, till recently, commanded the force in most parts of North Kashmir. On August 7, he made a sensational disclosure that some 1,200 heavily armed militants were occupying positions on the high ridges along the LoC in Kupwara and Baramullah districts.

The Kargil episode has only rejuvenated militants notwithstanding that they had a pull back from the posts they had occupied on this side of the LoC. The militants not only got their case internationalised, but were also able to inflict heavy casualties on security forces. This has led them to believe that the more risks they take, the more attention they would attract, insists a senior political analyst. Moreover the Army, which had been deployed to take on militants in the valley, was removed to Kargil. This left a space for militants to spread their tentacles.

On 4 July, when Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif asked Kashmiri militants to pull back from Kargil, Hizbul Mujahideen supremo Syed Salahuddin openly accused him of betrayal and back-stabbing. With an outrageous frown of disapproval, Salahuddin, who also heads the Muzaffarabad-based 14 party militant alliance. United Jihad Council, declared that militants would not pull out but would instead, change their positions. He also threatened more Kargils if India continued with what he called its "intransigence and stubbornness" on the Kashmir issue.

The guns had hardly fallen silent in Kargil. But militants began to precisely execute their threats. In their first major offensive after Kargil on 13 July, militants raided the residential quarters of BSF sector headquarters at Bandipora and gunned down a DIG, a deputy commandant and a sub-inspector in the dead of the might. This was for the first time that militants had undertaken a suicide mission.

The incident set a new trend and almost all militant groups vowed to repeat Bandipora in every nook and corner of the state. Lashkar-e-Toiba, a Pakistan based pan-Islamic militant group which claimed responsibility for storming the BSF headquarters, said that it had formed "fidai groups" (suicide squads) to take the fight against security forces into their camps. It repeated Bandipora on 4 September, when three of its activists sneaked into a BSF camp at Handwara and held four personnel and two IB men hostage. Hizbul Mujahideen cadres followed Lashkar's suit on 5 August by storming the company camp of 4 RR at Natnusa in border district Kupwara. The nocturnal punch left five soldiers including the camp commander Captain Mandeep Singh dead and several others wounded. The very next day, they ambushed 4 RR's commanding officer (CO) Colonel Balbir Singh killing him along with his driver and two other jawans at Keegam, 2 km from Natnusa.

The same evening militants fired rockets and missiles on the Army's brigade headquarters at Trehgsan, killing one jawans and injuring four others. This was for the first time in the decade-long militancy that Trehgam brigade headquarters came under fire.

There has been a phenomenal change in militant tactics against security forces, admit senior police and civil authorities. The conventional guerrilla hit-and-run manoeuvring has been transposed with characteristically unusual mode of taking things head-on. "Earlier they used to fire from a distance," says Maj. Gen. R. K. Kaushal, General Commanding Officer (GOC) of Victor Force. "Now they fire from close positions."

The new surge in militancy has definitely spread panic in government ranks. No less a person than Abdullah has described the situation in Kupwara as terribly shocking. He warned people to be prepared for hard days. "I am deploying Army again," Abdullah told people in Handwara. "They (Army) will blast your houses if you don't keep off militancy," he warned. The Chief Minister assertions are surely beyond doubt. Kargil has been taken out of the Srinagar-based 15 Corps' jurisdiction. And it will be now looked after by a newly-raised Corps 14 headed by a separate commander. INAV

The official way to vicious debt trap

By Umashankar Phadnis

Ten years ago Walsing Barela spent Rs. 2,300 bribing various block-level officials and bank employees to get an Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) loan. The actual amount he received was Rs. 2,200 (Rs. 100 less than the amount he spent), though the amount sanctioned on paper was Rs. 3,500.

Since then, the tribal from Nimbi village in Pati block of Barwani district, Madhya Pradesh, has paid up Rs. 3,500 to clear his dues. Yet, in a befuddling bit of official mathematics, he still owes Rs. 3,000 to the bank.

The plight of Sujan Mana of Anjrara village (Pati block) is no better. The day he became a 'beneficiary' under the IRDP scheme, he organised a feast for his kinsmen. He thought his life would change. He was right. His life did change, but only for the worse.

In 1990, he received a cow and four goats worth Rs. 2,200 under the scheme (though the total amount sanctioned was higher, Rs. 3,500). Within a year the animals died and 65-year-old Sujan's world came crashing down. On the one hand, he did not get his insurance claims though he had paid premiums on these animals. On the other, he had to clear the dues, which by now had gone up to Rs. 6,500, an impossible amount for him. Repayment notices, which come from time to time, make him panicky. He is now forced to go underground to avoid being hounded mercilessly by officials.

Bharsing's encounter with the IRDP reduced him to a landless labourer. Ten years ago Bharsing, a tribal of the same village, was selected as a 'beneficiary' and was given two oxen worth Rs. 2,400 (Here, too, the paper shows Rs. 3,500 was sanctioned).

One of them died within a few months and the other lived for a year or so. Recalls Vahrya, sarpanch of the village, "That year there was a famine. Subsequently, four years went by and nobody asked for repayment of the loan. It was also rumoured that debts would be waived."

However, nothing of the sort happened. After four years, notices claiming loan repayment started pouring in and Bharsing became nervous. Eventually, he borrowed money from a local moneylender to clear off his dues to the bank. For that he mortgaged whatever land he had. Avers he, "There was pressure to pay up the instalments. I sold some of my household items, but I had few objects of value. Finally, I borrowed money from a sahukar (moneylender) against my land." He is yet to procure his land back.

The beneficiary-turned-defaulter story is common in this block and nearby areas. So is the growing incidence of pauperisation and resultant widening of the moneylender's web.

In fact, countless families of Pati block, one of the poorest tribal blocks in western Madhya Pradesh, are facing the same harsh reality. In village after village, the tribals have the same harrowing experiences to narrate in their attempts to procure IRDP loans _ of the many visits they made to distant towns, of bribes they have to pay to petty officials, of the unending certification process and of the huge expenses they have to incur.

There have been umpteen instances in which petty officials and bank employees have sliced off a substantial portion from the loan given to these 'beneficiaries'. The latter have to put their thumb impressions on documents saying they received an amount much more than what they actually receive. The rest, evidently, is siphoned off by bank officials and other go-betweens. The beneficiaries, however, have to pay interest on the sanctioned amount. They also have to repay the entire sum.

The IRDP, which started in 1978 to help families move above the poverty line through a loan-cum-subsidy scheme, seems to have achieved the opposite in most Pati village causing further pauperisation of the peasantry. For officials, it offers a new avenue for corruption. Most of them buy unhealthy cattle and livestock at dirt cheap prices and hand them over to the 'beneficiaries'. No one actually bothers to check whether the 'beneficiaries' can cope with the costs of feeding these animals. Very often, these poor villagers cannot afford to look after their animals properly, leading to their death. Then begins the tale of woe. A story that is repeated through the lives of Walsing, Sujan and Bharsing.

Even insurance claims are rarely settled despite that fact that premiums on the livestock are paid on time. In the entire block it is impossible to find a single IRDP beneficiary who has got insurance money after the death of his cattle or livestock. Usually, the repayment pressure drives the tribal here into the vice-like grip of moneylenders.

The tribals are well aware of the risks involved in the interaction with moneylenders. Yet, faced with repayment deadlines, they often have no choice but to opt for short-term reprieves which moneylenders provide.

The moneylenders' terms are bewildering. Take the case of Radya of Boiri Fartala village. About two years ago, Radya borrowed Rs. 1,100 from the local mahajan Jagdish Rathore and agreed to return the amount with 50 per cent interest on it after harvesting the crop. That year Radiya harvested a bumper groundnut crop. He gave four quintals (each quintal costing Rs. 1,300) to Jagdish, who, instead of returning the balance, is now demanding Rs. 5,000 more. Radya is baffled. The moneylender's paper shows that Radya had borrowed Rs. 8,000.

Langra, who once had five acres of land, is now a beggar. His fault? He had committed the mistake of taking Rs. 500 loan from a local moneylender against his land. Even as Langra, a tribal of Semli village, paid Rs. 1,500 to the moneylender he failed to wash off his sin. Currently, he is uprooted and homeless.

Says Khargone collector Bhupal Singh, "These tribals are very ignorant about time and money and can easily be cheated." Not much of a consolation, one would say, considering the fact that IRDP victims are very easy to come by even in Singh's district. (INAV)