.

EDITORIAL

HUMAN RIGHTS

The figures reeled out by Army speaks volumes about strict observance of human rights by armed forces even under highly provocative environs. True, some isolated incidents do take place but the fact that 96 per cent of the cases investigated thoroughly have proved to be false, say planted, shows that our armed......more

DEFENCE PREPAREDNESS

While addressing the Commanders Conference of all the three services, Prime Minister A B Vajpayee has made several aspects of defence preparedness amply clear. First, he rightly distrusts Pak military rulers and indications are that there would be spurt in proxy ...more

Kashmir Underground – III
When burqa was used
as a ‘weapon of war’

From B L Kak
It has now been established beyond doubt that ‘armed struggle’ was started...more

The difficult journey of
writers in exile

By Umashankar Joshi
In the beginning was the word", says John in the New Testament. What it does not say, ...more

Formulate a clear-cut
policy on Kashmir

By Colonel Digby Jamwal
As and when we decide to talk to Pakistan what should be our main thrust .....more

EDITORIAL

HUMAN RIGHTS

The figures reeled out by Army speaks volumes about strict observance of human rights by armed forces even under highly provocative environs. True, some isolated incidents do take place but the fact that 96 per cent of the cases investigated thoroughly have proved to be false, say planted, shows that our armed forces rank amongst the best in the world as regards observance of human rights. There is not only special cell monitoring such alleged violations but also regular curriculum stands introduced as part of the training. Our forces' ethos correspond to Indian civilisation that is ever merciful and benevolent since times immemorial. Our contingents have been sent under UN auspices to many countries as part of peace-keeping force but there has never been any complaint from any quarter whatsoever regarding any excesses. In fact, wherever our armed forces contingents have gone they have earned universal acclaim as not only the best fighting force but also the one that is much more peaceful and peace-loving than any other force the world over.

Most of the allegations of human rights abuses levelled against defence personnel are planted and based on non-events. After thorough enquiry the cases that were found genuine, proper action was taken against the guilty. The figures speak for themselves. When armed forces personnel found guilty are punished by their own government, it obviously affects the morale of the personnel so much so that they tend to prefer being on the receiving end. It has been the consistent wont of the terrorists to take shelter behind the civilians because they know so well that our armed forces would avoid any cross-fire or proper response if there is the slightest possibility of civilians getting killed. This obviously results in avoidable casualities amongst the defence personnel because they do not press the trigger. Sometime back, the then Army Chief Gen Roy Chowdhary had mentioned that Indian army is fighting a proxy war that has no parallel in military history the world over. Normally, army is trained and conditioned to shoot to kill. It must hit the bull. But here in J&K and perhaps in the North eastern States where insurgency is equally menacing, the soldiers invariably remain on the receiving end because of the orders to avoid civilian casualities at all cost. Major General C S Brar of the Delta Force says that invariably it is the most fighting and capable unit that faces human rights violation charge at the hands of self-styled Human Rights Organisations who obviously derive their inspiration from other countries because many of their reports are prepared without even visiting the impact point. This definitely results in downfall in the operational performance of the concerned personnel/unit. This also leads to many voids leaving the militants free to carry out massacres. In fact, and quite precisely, the armed forces fighting the proxy war are in Catch-22 situation. If they resort to substantial response in terms of firepower, it invariably leads to some casualities amongst the civilians. If they don't respond effectively, then there are definitely avoidable casualities amongst security forces. It is thus advantage terrorists either way. It explains why insurgency remains unabated.

A comparative study of the human rights violations by Pak Armed forces and that of even NATO forces led by America proves the point that Indian forces are not only observing human rights but also sacrifice their own lives while following the set rules. This is indeed anti-thesis of any fighting force but then that is the position in which Indian armed find themselves in. It is recent history how Pak Army brutalised six Indian soldiers captured by them during Kargil war. Their bodies were heavily mutilated with vital limbs severed and eyes punctured in gross violation of Geneva Convention Human Rights bodies maintained muteness. Armed forces have also been accused of other atrocities but most of them are based on falsehood with the objective of defaming Indian armed forces and hogging international media limelight. How American jets fired missiles to destroy Yugoslavia killing many innocent people is recent history. Comparatively Indian forces not only returned all POWs unconditionally and unharmed but also buried the bodies of Pak Army soldiers with full religious rites because Pak refused to accept their bodies. It thus follows that with NHRC as also J&K State Human Rights Commission are taking cognisance. Much more than that Army Human Rights Cell moves instantly on receipt of even planted violations. In this context not only role of self-styled human rights bodies is suspect but media has also been unkind to the soldiers fighting a very difficult proxy war, particularly local media. It is here that Armed Forces should grease their machinery to effectively counter such wild propaganda and baseless charges instantly rather than allowing the adversary to derive mileage. Likewise, its relations with media should be updated with regular interaction, briefing and appropriate counters. Army is aware of the excellent role played by media during Kargil war. It should percolate to the proxy war as well which is much more insidious and pernicious than even the regular war.

DEFENCE PREPAREDNESS

While addressing the Commanders Conference of all the three services, Prime Minister A B Vajpayee has made several aspects of defence preparedness amply clear. First, he rightly distrusts Pak military rulers and indications are that there would be spurt in proxy war under military rule in Pakistan. To that extent there is no room for relaxing vigil to meet the challenge effectively. Second, he emphasises that conventional weapon systems are as much relevant despite nuclear capabilities attained by India recently. There is huge variety of weapon systems in the conventional range that have proved to be the clinchers in recent wars like in Iraq, Kosovo and of course in Kargil. These were the conventional weapons that made the Pak army flee from the Kargil sector leaving behind not only large quantity of sophisticated weapons but also hundreds of dead bodies of their colleagues. To that extent Prime Minister is right on course to emphasise the punch of conventional weapon systems even as nuclear detterrent is fast taking shape. The latter is meant to face any blackmail by those who possess nuclear capabilities. India is forced to go nuclear because it was being increasingly flanked by Pakistan and China moving in tandem with mass nuclear weapon cooperation. Third point mentioned by Prime Minister is not only meaningful but shows the concern of present government as regards national security. He is quite forthright that all that is needed by our armed forces in terms of weapon systems would be provided and funds needed for the same would be readily forthcoming. His remarks are quite relevant in that in the post Kargil war period India has already tied up supply of highly sophisticated weapon-systems from South Africa, Israel and notably from Russia. Some systems like AWACs are being given on lease by Russia and Aircraft carrier is being fitted as per Indian requirements. To be precise defence forces never had it so good during all these 52 years of independence.

Kashmir Underground – III
When burqa was used as a ‘weapon of war’

From B L Kak

It has now been established beyond doubt that ‘armed struggle’ was started in Kashmir from Srinagar in July 1989". This conclusion is contained in the book titled ‘Kashmir Underground’. Mohammed Abdullah Bangroo went across to Pakistan in 1987. And another conclusion drawn by Mr Sati Sahni in the book: In Pakistan, Bangroo was introduced to Afghan Mujahideen leadership. He was put in touch with their leaders, Gulbudin Hykmatyar and Dr Masood.

Mohammed Abdullah Bangroo was the first Kashmiri youngman to have joined the Afghan Mujahideen ranks and to have taken part in some raids and action in Afghanistan. In the meantime, more Kashmiri youngmen, Mr Sahni has recorded, had gone across the border and there they joined the Mujahideen ranks and received training in arms and "baptism of fire". They were informed of happenings in Kashmir in middle of 1989 and they were sent back by Pakistan authorities. Members of this group then masterminded the militant activities in Kashmir Valley.

Mr Sahni’s conclusion number three: Soon after the Islamic revolution in Iran, its influence and impact on underground activity in Kashmir was felt. The students wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami, the Jamaat-e-Tulba, had become active in 1979-80 when a firebrand youth worker Sheikh Tajamul Islkam was made its chief. In March 1980, he publicly described the Indian Army as "Army of Occupation".

Conclusion number four: By the time Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah alleged in 1980 that the Jamaat-e-Islami and its front organisations were receiving large amounts of money from oil-rich West Asian countries for subversion and anti-national activities, the underground in Kashmir received encouragement from Pakistan which had already launched itself on process of Islamisation under Gen. Zia-ul-Haq. And after the death of the Sheikh on September 8, 1982, the secessionists in Kashmir made new plans with assistance from Pakistan, devised new strategies and decicded upon increased activity in Kashmir.

The book has recalled: "First major manifestation showed up on the Independence Day celebrations at the Bakshi Stadium at Srinagar on August 15, 1983. There were three bomb explosions in the public stands but fortunately there was no death". Then came the one-day international cricket match at Srinagar on October 13, 1983. This fixture was played between Indian XI led by Kapil Dev and the West Indies XI. Large size posters of Pakistan cricketer Imran Khan were displayed in the jampacked public stand of the Amar Singh Club Stadium. Anti-Indian slogans were raised frequently from different stands as if by plan. Indian players were booted and abused.

Mr Sati Sahni’s conclusion number five: The onset of militancy did not find the Muslim women in Kashmir lagging behind their menfolk or lacking in courage, anger and fire or in coolness, patience and deliberation. The early months of 1990 saw them participating in demonstrations , big and small, taking part in massive processions to express anger against India or its rulers, while others kept the house fires burning. Because of the popular sentiment and circulating tales of courage and valour about the "boys with the guns", the housewives used to open doors to them, welcome them, even hug them, give them the best of food. They gave them refuge sometimes even against the better judgement of their menfolk, who knew better.

The Muslim women, the book narrates, put up a brave face because there is not a house in Kashmir which has not list a member in last 8-9 years of militancy. "Losing your breadwinner or your child, under tragic circumstances, shatters one completely but Kashmir women have borne it bravely", Mr Sahni says and adds: "History has recorded that over the centuries Kashmiri women have been liberal in outlook and attitude in life. They have hidden neither their beauty nor their talents. But when the wave of fundamentalism with its diktats swept Kashmir, many in urban areas accepted and owned them but a vast majority all over Kashmir preferred to lie low and let the tornado pass".

Conclusion number six: A few hundred Muslim youngwomen came forward to share the excitement and tribulations with the youngmen who had decided to pick up a gun for a cause they were prepared to die for. They left their homes, agreed to cross the Line of Control (LoC) and get trained in handling of arms, acting as couriers and manning static jobs for the mujahids. The first batch was of 25 educated girls who volunteered to go over to Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK) in April 1990. Most of them returned to Kashmir in due course and rendered ‘service’. But a small number never came back. A few got married there and settled.

The book has made a pointed reference to Dukhtaran-e-Millat (daughters of the nation), which in the very first year of militancy became known because its activists threw black paint over some film posters showing nude forms. It also started its campaign to force women to use burqa (an overall covering with a veil). Soon after it became affiliated to Jamaat-e-Islami. In 1994, Dukhataran-e-Millat claimed to have over 9,000 members.

Conclusion number seven: Burqa was used by militants as a "weapon of war". In 1990-93 period, one out of every three burqa-clad persons was a militant. It also conveniently provided cover for transporting weapons and ammunitions. Almost overnight a thriving business of burqa making sprang up all over Kashmir Valley. By the spring of 1992 the enthusiasm for use of burqa was on the wane. (To be continued)

The difficult journey of writers in exile

By Umashankar Joshi

In the beginning was the word", says John in the New Testament. What it does not say, however, is that before the word, was exile _ a rootless feeling, an experience of homelessness.

Today, an artist/writer in exile is hot property in the literary marketplace and it is considered to be infra-dig for a 'creative individual' if he fails to make an overt statement about his status as an exile. However, little thought is spared on the intimate kinship between homelessness and literature per se. In fact, writing as a cultural experience _ better known as literature _ owes its origins to perpetual nomadism.

Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasreen, who had to abandon her native land for Europe, the second time recently, because of the mortal threat posed to her by Islamic fundamentalists, perhaps has an acute personal understanding of the linkages between exile and literature.

However, individual contexts apart, the two phenomena share a larger historical and political space. Documentation through writing, which subsequently got transformed into literature (a completely western exercise), began as a religious act. The first five books of Moses in the Old Testament or Tohra _ Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy _ are supposed to be the word of God revealed through Moses, his messenger on earth, to his people, the Israelites.

The Pentateuchp, as a matter of fact, the whole Bible, is, however, much more than the word of God. It is the history of a people without a nation, their code of law, their lives with all the travails and tribulations. Tales and fascinating stories sandwiched between layers and layers of interpretation. The impulse to document all this and more by a special class of people called scribes was necessitated by the loss of home and a never-ending quest for the Promised Land. Writing, for the Jews, was a matter of life and death. It amounted to self-preservation.

It is always easy for people with a fixed geographical location to preserve their tradition and history without making much effort. But for the worshippers of Yahaweh, writing was the only way out. They were a community in diaspora, fighting for their lost land. Some would lose contact with the rest and scatter all over the world, picking up alien and foreign ways and customs as their own. Writing, therefore, was the only way of remembering and thus securing their original identity.

Things loosened up a little when the Judeo-Christian tradition was secularised. Renaissance, that enveloped Europe between 13th and 17th centuries, was a midwife in the birth of modern literature from the womb of theology. And exile's relationship with literary creativity also underwent a transformation. It became a form of self-imposed adventure, a way to explore unknown territories and this in turn led to the evolution of the genre of travel writing. In fact, literature of the West, as a whole, came to be imbued with wanderlust during that time.

Writer Benjamin Disraeli, better known as a vocal Liberal in the 18-19th century England, had once written. "The East is a career." For the creative minds, belonging to the great colonising powers of the earlier centuries, venturing into lands where no Man (read White) had never been before, was the ultimate trigger of their creativity. And Disraeli's statement was indeed true for those who contributed to the creation of new literature of virility, adventure and courage. It also led to the creation of a new artistic sensibility.

Rudyard Kipling, for instance, in his books such as Kim and The Jungle Book and in his poem, The Ballad of East and West, presented his readers with an anglophonic (the coloniser's) view and perception of India (the colonised). A new language also developed to describe a reality that had very little, if anything, to do with the sensibilities of English language. Words such as Bandarlog, Colonel Hathi, Dewanee and so on were Kipling's contribution to Hobson Jobson _ the Anglo Indian lexicon. This perhaps, was also the nascent stage of what is today accepted and appreciated as Indo-Anglian literature the world over. Kippling's creativity blossomed when he looked at a foreign land through the prism of his 'superior' English sensibilities.

Exile borne on the wings of colonial sense of adventure was, however, not monolithic. There was a polyphony of spirits. Joseph Conrad was a born-again exile _ a Pole who had migrated to Britain and subsequently travelled to Africa and the Malaya peninsula. His experiences in the two masses of 'dark land' found their way out through The Heart of Darkness and Lord Jim respectively. Conrad's case is interesting because inspite of being a Pole immigrant in England, his literary creations bore the typical stamp of the coloniser English, with all its prejudices, biases and peculiar perceptions, vis-a-vis the colonised.

The tide, however, was destined to turn as colonisation triggered inevitable resistance with its concomitant ideologies. Dissenting, not just from a colonial western regime, but also from its world-view became the calling of the wretched of the earth. This impulse translated into revolutionary politics and ideology, in Russia and eastern Europe, in the face of Fascist, Nazi, authoritarian Tsarist, and ironically, Stalinist oppression.

The last and the latest in line resulted in the exile of Alexander Solzhenistyn, Milan Kundera and the likes. Kundera, a Czech dissident writer now living in Paris, dissented, not merely from Soviet satellite statism but also from the cultural perspective of orthodox socialist realism imposed by the regime. Same was true for Solzhenitsyn, who was forced to settle down in the US and could only return to his homeland Russia after the collapse of Soviet Union. However, there are obvious difference. While Solzhenitsyn's dissent was naively spiritual, very close to the medieval Orthodox Russian impulse, Kundera's is akin to the profane and sceptical irony found in the writings of Cervantes, Rabelais and Balzac.

Though political tyrannies of the West, and third world theocracies and dictatorships have compelled writers into exile over the past six decades _ in contrast to their predecessors, who sought adventure _ their art has been richer, nevertheless.

In fact, what this exile in space has accentuated is a general loss that almost all of humanity suffers from _ an exile in time Physical exile is a condition that helps a writer confront his existential problem of lost past, actually lost home, much more acutely. No modern-day writer can escape the Proustian endeavour _ the search for lost time. And exile only helps him in doing that with a lot of creative finesse and sensitivity.

Salman Rushdie _ who was born and brought up as a minority Muslim in majority Hindu India, became a Mohajir in created Pakistan and is now a wog in Britain _ is perhaps one of the very few among modern writers who has felt the prick of being an alien in both familiar and hostile territories. That is precisely why Rushdie writes: "It may be argued that the past is a country from which we have all emigrated, that its loss is part of our common humanity. Which seems to me self-evidently true; but I suggest that the writer who is out-of-country and even out-of-language may experience this loss in an intensified form. It is made more concrete for him by the physical fact of discontinuity, of his present being in a different place from his past, of his being 'elsewhere'."

However, it often happens that a long exile in a foreign land obscures the perceptions of a writer regarding the realities of his original home and it is reflected in his writing. Doesn't literature then run the risk of presenting false-hoods as true? Rushdie has an answer. According to him, when 'the truth' is manufactured by the authoritarian state to serve its repressive regime, the need to invent creative lies to subvert that truth is the duty of a politically conscious writer. And the distant view which his exile affords him helps him accomplish this political mission with great efficiency. For example, Rushdie's acclaimed novel Midnight's Children errs quite few times when discussing Indian tradition and history. Saleem Sinai, the protagonist, talks about Ganesha taking dictation from Valmiki while the latter composed the Ramyana. The actual story, however, is that the Elephant God sat at the feet of sage Vyasa and took down Mahabharata. Similarly, among many other errors, the book mentions Lata Mangeshkar singing on All India Radio as early as 1946.

Kundera, in fact, sums up this problem in a brilliant line in his The Book of Laughter and Forgetting. He writes: "The struggle of man against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting." And Rushdie adds, "Writers and politicians are natural rivals. Both groups try to make the world in their own images; they fight for the same territory. And the novel is one way of denying the official, politician's version of truth."

And many have suffered exile to belie the politician's truth. Nasreen is a case in point. She first tasted exile when she was hounded away to Europe after her novel Lajja was published. She had recently came back to her native Bangladesh but after spending some time there in constant fear of being eliminated by the Islamic fundamentalists, who are baying for her blood, again quietly slipped back to Europe. So the return to homeland in her case, as in many others, actually failed to restore the promised land of lost time.

French existentialist Albert Camus had realised this. Born of Spanish and French parents, brought up in Algeria and finally settling down and dying in France, he could feel the absurdity of nostalgia. For him exile was as meaningless as finding one's home. He wrote, "... in a universe suddenly divested of illusions and lights, man feels an alien, a stranger. His exile is without remedy since he is deprived of the memory of a lost home or the hope of a promised land. This divorce between man and his life, the actor and his setting, is properly the feeling of absurdity."

Creativity, thus seems to have travelled from Moses to Camus; from sublime to the ridiculous! Exiled, literature has found its Promised Land. INAV

Formulate a clear-cut policy on Kashmir
By Colonel Digby Jamwal

As and when we decide to talk to Pakistan what should be our main thrust of our discussions and policy in the future is a matter for serious consideration. With a military dictator in Pakistan, who not only master minded the Kargil intrusion but has been fully involved over a long period in ISI's scheme of narco-religious-terrorism against us, as well as planning and conducting military operations in J&K, it would be prudent for us to sit up and be wary.

In this context an assessment of Pakistan's long term strategic aims coupled with its periodic short term tactical moves vis-a-vis India since 1947 if critically assessed and analysed make interesting study. The swiftness of the military take over and its total control of Pakistan has further exacerbated the overall scenario.

Given the current international uni-polar system of economic-cum-monetary pressure, western military manoeuvering and U.S, U.N, and Euro sponsored intervention under the garb of human rights, status of minorities, environment, democratic governance and similar applications, the interplay of such factors assumes key importance in the politics of the sub-continent.

Added to this, Islamic fundamentalism, backed by Taliban Pakistans ISI and active Army support, poses a most serious threat to India in particular, as well as to other regions in the Asian hemisphere and in various degrees to Russia, Europe and the USA, as well.

For our country, it is an unfortunate fact that because of lack of long term perspective planning and weak political will in the handling of relations with Pakistan right from Partition onwards, we have been facing a permanent semi-active war situation for the past 52 years on our borders with them, in addition to a tense internal security environment. No country in the world can claim to have such an un-enviable position of being placed in a hostile environment of this nature. Yet over the years we have failed to evolve an effective answer.

In all the wars that India has fought with Pakistan, starting with the 1947 operations in Kashmir, one major factor has guided their actions. That is, the passivity and docility of the Indian State, and as a consequence to that, the over-defensive posturing of the Indian armed forces. As a corollary to this assessment, Pakistan also views India as a ''Soft State'' with a peculiarly misplaced sense of security and dismissiveness, unwilling to take risks and lacking the confidence of a seasoned state.

Their study of the Indian national will and resolve, the quality and calibre of its leadership, and as a consequence our attitude and aptitude to re-act has been far more accurate than what we credit them with. It is this assessment of India, which has prompted them over and over again to undertake wars with us so often over the past five decades. A resume of the facts is indeed enlightening, if not self explanatory.

In 1947 itself, even before Independence, they were quite sure of our mindset. They took to the offensive and launched a treacherous assault on J&K. When we finally had, militarily, the operational upperhand, our then political leaders faltered. Being unable to grasp the value of opportunity, and lacking both grit and determination, without consulting the Army, shortsightedly accepted the UN sponsored January 1948 ceasefire, leaving two thirds of J&K to the aggressors.

The subsequent 1965 war again proved these aspects. At the outset, politically and tactically they had gauged our reactions in the J&K Zone of operations, better than we had assessed them. They had fully exploited over a period of many years our lackadaisical and casual approach to the doctrine of 'azadi'. being preached with brazen impunity in the Valley, aided by infiltration and insidiously inspired anti-India propaganda on self determination.

Therefore when the 1965 war began, initially the massive infiltration into the Valley and the Chhamb tank thrust in Jammu gave us a severe tactical jolt. None the less after heavy fighting at various points on the Line of Control, our Army made many vital gains in J&K capturing many key areas of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. Yet we slipped up politically once more and our Government gifted back the hard won vital features we had occupied to Pakistan, after the ceasefire. Again, for the second time, our political leadership failed in making a re-appraisal of our future relationship with a blatantly untrustworthy State.

In 1971, we may have split Pakistan into two parts, but the fact of the matter is, that we bungled overall in our long term strategic concepts and failed to concretize the benefits. Despite Pakistan having suffered humiliation by the establishment of Muslim-dominated Bangla Desh, loss of considerable portions of territory in West Pakistan and the capture of 93,000 prisoners, the Pakistani leadership showed its competence and deep study of the Indian psyche by outwitting us at the negotiating table in Simla. On fails to understand as to what leads our country repeatedly to take a benign forgiving view of their provocative actions.

In the recent Kargil operations, Pakistan started initially well and achieved tactical surprise but for once somehow got befuddled when they underestimated the Indian military riposte. But one flying swallow bird does not a summer make.

Each and everytime, Pakistan has played its cards with audacity in a manner where, if their military opportunism and tactics had paid off, it would have been a terrible blow to India. Yet, as it so happened, whenever they lost on the battle field and were at the receiving end, they managed to extricate themselves, stabilize their defeats politically without much of a demur, and militarily scraped through to a position of no loss, no gain. They have therefore been able to limit damge and recoup within a short period.

To reiterate, Pakistan's study and grasp of the Indian States' ethos, character and in-ability to exploit success and for that matter, take opportune offensive action in retaliation has been more than accurate.

In the methodical conduct of their long term aim ever since 1947, to balkanize India and achieve domination in the sub continent, Pakistans leadership has been clear-cut and efficient. They have used every and any means, clandestinely and by maximum use of covert and overt techniques, to undermine the solidarity of our country. Their assistance and abettment of terrorism in Punjab, active involvement in the secessionist movements in the North Eastern States, infiltration on the UP, Bihar borders with Nepal are clear indications of their purpose.

Having seen the political divisiveness of the Indian State in establishing the cementing its concept of an ideal secular brand of democracy, they have focussed their attention to a full fledged proxy war in J&K State and the Valley in particular, with its predominantly Muslim population, vis-a-vis the Buddhist Region of Ladakh and the Hindu Region of Jammu. Grabbing the Valley is only the first part of their grandiose plan which in the long run aims to reach out to other parts of the country.

Pakistan has, of course had the advantage of our politically misconceived policy charted by Pandit Nehru and granting exclusive status within the Indian Union. This further compounded his earlier error of referring J&K to the United Nations for irrational reasons which has cost the country dear.

If the bulwark of secularism was being shouted over roof tops all over the world, then as to why the Valley was being treated as a special guest defies logic, particularly when it was all done in the aftermath of the 1947 partition based on religious lines; and yet crores of Muslims opted to stay and prosper in India.

This divisiveness was allowed to foster and by the time Pt Nehru died in 1963, aided and abetted by Pakistan, the status had permeated many of the Kashmiris in the Valley. Exploitation of this sentiment in the Valley was utilized by Pakistan in building up a rabid anti-India political establishment and terrorist cells within the Valley which they carefully nurtured and surreptitously funded. Once they felt they were ready in J&K after the 1971 debacle, the ante was upped. First terrorism was enhanced around 1984 and this was followed by an active proxy war in 1989.

In our conduct of dealing with Pakistan we have often faltered and shown short sightedness of an unparallel degree. Somehow we have allowed the world to believe that J&K was, through a demographic distribution over the whole geographical area of the State, hundred percent Muslim populated, without giving a thought to the other two major regions, Buddhist and Hindu. Further, the Valley too had significant Kashmiri Pandit population, which by terrorism, murder and threats by Pakistans ISI agents and provocateurs over a period of the last twelve year or more, was forced to abandon their home and hearth's, and are unable to return.

Unfortunately, we have not been able to highlight this methodical ethnic cleansing and bring it to international notice, thereby accentuating the Pakistani assessment of our leadership and its political acumen.

Pakistan's attempts to concentrate on areas outside the Valley and move their infiltration into Jammu area, Chamba and Himachal Pradesh, poses a serious threat. It is obvious that Pakistan's assessment of Indian reaction to their proxy war in J&K and extended terrorist strikes is that of disdain. The attempt to expand the area of insurgency and infiltration is to reach out; and is in line with the long term plan to establish the rationale that Muslim majority pockets within the Indian Union cannot stay with India, and also encourage other minority group likewise in our multi-ethnic nation.

It is of no concern for them that by their un-relenting efforts in J&K, they have undermined the security and well being of the Indian Muslims by formenting extra-territorial loyalties. Instead of ensuring that undesirable conditions are not created for them, they have tried to create a situation where it makes their day-to-day life more difficult. Unfortunately it is a sad fact that our Indian Muslims have not in-toto condemned Pakistans moves in this direction and which has created a bad impact.

The Kargil war has fortunately brought out some major criteria for our political leadership to savour. That there is no substitute for resolute and clearheaded leadership and the ability to cope with the diplomatic fallout. We must not be deterred or dissuaded from taking determined and effective action in defending our territorial integrity. Hard-headed decisions, despite world pressures, in national interest are paramount.

Against this background, shedding our passivity both in our political thinking and our defence posture is the need of the our. A clear and realistic strategic concept, far sighted politico-military measures, backed by a deterrent mechanism capable of a hard hitting and befitting salutory response is the only answer to Pakistans belligerence. It is to be hoped that our leadership can take this stance in national interest and prove worthy of the mandate received.
 
 



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