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EDITORIAL The seventh round of expert level talks on resolving the sensitive border issue between China and India has commenced. The outcome of these deliberations and recommendations are to be presented to the 11th round of Joint Working Group. There is much more to these talks than meets the eye. First, borders stand frozen both in Ladakh and the North eastern regions. Armed forces of both the countries have......more It is heartening to learn that Chopper service to Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine is starting next month. Though belated, it should become the harbinger of introducing similar services to many remote and inaccessible areas which remain cut off for several months in a year. The much hyped Chopper service from Srinagar to Kargil...more |
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In memory of Mirpur Carnage Kashmir Underground
– II Gen Musharraf faces FM's priorities for
quickfix solutions |
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EDITORIAL The seventh round of expert level talks on resolving the sensitive border issue between China and India has commenced. The outcome of these deliberations and recommendations are to be presented to the 11th round of Joint Working Group. There is much more to these talks than meets the eye. First, borders stand frozen both in Ladakh and the North eastern regions. Armed forces of both the countries have moved back to their peace time positions. There has been no clash for the last so many years ever since borders were frozen. It will be quite relevant to mention that China has large claims on the NEFA area as also it continues to be in occupation of Aksai Chin area in Ladakh. Further, China till date has not recognised Sikkim as one of the States of India. According to Chinese perceptions Macmohan Line which is the de facto boundry is not acceptable to China because they tend to treat it as British legacy which formalised this line with self-aggrandised monarchies then ruling China. There has also been a regular war in 1962 but Chinese forces withdrew beyond the Macmohan Line after they had almost reached plains of Assam. All this is history and to that extent acute bitterness and acrimony did not permit cordial relations between two countries until Sino-Indian accord that resulted in freezing of borders, begin confidence building measures through regular talks and interaction and resolve ticklish border issue. In this context patience of both India and China has worked wonders in that though the talks spill over to 11th round, there is no sign of any hostility. And all this goes on without prejudice to respective boundry claims. This is a very good example of ensuring peace and stability not only between the two countries but also in Asia as a whole. The second noteworthy feature is that as talks on resolving boundry issue go on rapid progress has been made in cooperation in economic spheres. The quantum of both ways trade has increased manifold. Some joint ventures have come up in either country. The overall stress is on ensuring stability of the region. An additional factor is to check the hegemony of America which tends to fish in troubled waters in Taiwan as regards China and in Pakistan as regards India. There is growing realisation between these two Asian giants which together have nearly half of world's population to hasten pace of development, increase military power and become formidable checks on any type of hegemonic designs. In other words the entire attention is cocentrated to become strong economically, militarily and politically which means stability in the Asia Pacific region as also world peace. In contrast Indo-Pak relations remain at very low ebb. Even though Shimla Accord did imply freezing of borders after creating LoC (as discernible from ceasefire line), Pakistan continues to disturb borders recklessly. In the process it has been exposed to virtual isolation worldwide even as its economy is in shambles. A good beginning was indeed made when Kashmir issue was sought to be tackled along with seven more contentious issues without according any priority to Kashmir which remains highly emotive in either country. That is why Shimla accord tacitly supported low key diplomacy to prepare respective people of India and Pakistan to accept the reality that borders cannot be altered with the use of force or aggression. The next best thing is to freeze them for an indefinite period and get going on resolving other issues, closer economic cooperation and increasing respective military might. This is of course without prejudice to respective claims or perceptions. True, Pakistan is deeply committed on Kashmir's annexation because of its Muslim majority population as per her theocratic dispensation. India too is likewise committed by the unanimous resolution of Parliament which declared entire J&K (including PoK) as irrevocable part of India as per instrument of accession signed by the then Maharaja. No government worth its salt can dare violate letter and spirit of this Resolution. Pakistan has already fought three regular wars and has been busy trying its luck fourth time through proxy war which is now in its eleventh year. But the result is loss of East Pakistan, destruction of Pak economy and terrorism now troubling Pakistan more than what it has done to India. Persistence with such belligerent attitude can indeed prove disastrous for Pakistan due to lack of depth as duly conveyed by Union Home Minister who has warned Pakistan to desist from sponsoring terrorism or face the consequences that would be more punishing and humiliating than even the Kargil fiasco. It is not too late for Pakistan to realise the futility of annexing Kashmir by force. Pakistan is now nuclear capable. So is India which is slated to enter the next millennium very confidently economically and militarily. Many Senators in USA have already stated that India is all set to become super power during the next few years and will be reckonable stabiliser for world peace. Pakistan should read the writing on the walls. It should learn proper lessons from the last five decades hostility towards India. Instead it should emulate the Chinese example and accept freezing of borders not only the IB but LoC. This is of course without any prejudice to respective claims. With peace assured on borders, Pakistan will be better off to embark on improving its military capabilities, conventional and nuclear, besides giving fresh impetus to economy. Only strong Pakistan is the greatest guarantee to avoid hegemonic designs of others and maintain self respect and be recognised in the comity of nations like India. Therein lies the good of both the countries. As long as Pakistan remains protege and subservient to other countries, be it China or USA, it shall never progress or prosper. Freezing entire Indo-Pak borders, LoC included, is the surest and safest route to lasting peace and resultant progress. It is heartening to learn that Chopper service to Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine is starting next month. Though belated, it should become the harbinger of introducing similar services to many remote and inaccessible areas which remain cut off for several months in a year. The much hyped Chopper service from Srinagar to Kargil should also be taken up on top priority. In the same vein, there is the imperative need of similar hops between Kishtwar and Jammu because Batote-Doda road remains cut off due to recurring landslides summer through winter. This area is as important strategically and otherwise as Kargil. The benefits of modern means of reducing distances must reach such far flung areas. True, such services shall have to be subsidised initially but that is the price nation must pay for exposing these areas to gross neglect all these 52 years. It would be as well worthwhile to start service to Rajouri/Poonch belt. There is also Zanskar and other areas in valley. The best thing to achieve such ambitious services is to start separate Corporation for J&K State only because it is this State which has remained the major victim of Central apathy in terms of laying rail tracks and road communication. Until that happens, Chopper services would be of great help to the hapless citizens in various regions of the State. Motivation should not be profit but badly needed service to the people. |
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In memory
of Mirpur Carnage Come November 25, the time to take down a trip down memory lane. The wounds become fresh and the heart rendering scenes of brutal killings, separation and subsequent exodus fill the eyes with tears. Cries of pain, death and despair start ringing the ears and the heart become heavy. How can one forget that saddest and the most traumatic day (25th November, 1947) that shattered the Mirpuris. August 15, 1947 divided the great nation Hindustan into two and led to large scale massacre of Hindus and Muslims on both sides of the border. Nevertheless, Mirpuris presented a citadel of resistance for almost three months against numerically strong and well equipped Pak Forces. November 25, 1947 (10 Maghar 2004) - can be literally described as a Black Day in the history of J&K State, when more than 18,000 innocent citizens of Mirpur City now in Pakistan Occupied Territory (PoK) were brutally massacred by the Pakistani and Pathan marauders who did not spare even the minors, in their frenzy. Pakistan forces had laid seize to the city of Mirpur and had choked the city by denying access to all essential commodities. November 4, 1947 witnessed a large scale re-inforcement of Pak forces indulging in an incessant firing and heavy guns operation which forced the small and ill equipped State Forces to retreat into the city - repercussion being the brute force gained an ingress up to the city gates. The Garrison repulsed the enemy attacks with heavy losses on 6,10 and 11 November when the Indian Air Force strafed the enemy position around Mirpur city. This provided fillip and morale booster to State Forces. The para replenishment of ammunition (though most of it lost in dropping) provided the impetuous to the resolve of the Mirpuris that come what may the beautiful serene yet vibrant Mirpur would not fall. But alas! the continued large scale onslaught of Pakistan Contingent plus the disruption of radio link with India strangled the city. At the midnight on November 24, under a thick cover of artillery shelling Pakistan Army launched a major attack on the Western part of Mirpur city which was resisted by the depleting garrison forces for six hours. This was the heaviest attack witnessed so far. The post put up the most spirited resistance but the enemy came in wave after wave and after six hours of ceaseless fighting this portion of the defence was run over by some soldiers of Pakistan Army and entered the town at midnight. Alarmed by the most critical situation the internal flying death squads engaged themselves madly in hand to hand fight with the infiltrators and kept them on their toes at the cost of their own life till the morning of November 25. This virtually led close quarters battle between Pakistani soldiers and mostly unarmed Mirpuris when in the wee hours, the State Forces clandestinely decided to retreat to Jammu, leaving behind the hapless Mirpuris to the wrath of the marauders who like hungry wolves unlaced their dress of savagery, killing about 18,000 unarmed civilians. It led to a large scale exodus of Mirpuris and Mirpur that existed for 650 years of harmonious and peaceful life. Old and beautiful city turned into a living hell. The terrified men, women and children in utter chaos and confusion in the midst of heavy firing from all the fours sides, marched in a Caravan to the unknown land. What an irony! The people who had flourishing business and led a life of bountry and plenty all suddenly became a dream. Out of the total population of about 25,000 about 18,000 were killed and about 3500 wounded and half-dead were made prisoners. The remaining few about 3500 unclutched, had to flee, to escape the wrath of the Pak forces and Pathan mercenaries who were given the green signal that if they succeed when Zan & Zanana (wealth and women) were for them to enjoy and Zamin (land of Mirpur) would be annexed to Pakistan. We pay homage to those 18000 martyrs this day the 25th November, 1999 (Maghar 10, 2056). Those who escaped the barbaric onslaught had to undergo misery, hardship and pains and yet with sheer grit, determination and preservance have carved a niche into their new home land-Jammu. |
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Gen Musharraf faces
tough task In the midst of serious economic and political crisis, Pakistan has witnessed another army coup. Gen. Pervez Musharraf has proclaimed emergency and held the constitution in abeyance. He has also made it clear that he is in no hurry to restore democracy in the Islamic Republic. Musharraf has in effect proclaimed martial law in the country, although the term 'martial law' has not been used in the proclamation of emergency in deference to the stated concern of the international community. Like all previous martial law administrators, Gen. Musharraf has also promised to revive the economy, promote national integration and good governance. The General has also promised to improve his country's relations with India and stated that he would welcome ''unconditional, equitable and result- oriented dialogue with India''. Further, he has declared ''unilateral military de-escalation'' with India. Musharraf has also promised to check Islamic militancy. National security, economic growth, peace with India and check on Islamic militancy are the most serious problems confronting the nation today. Successive civil as well as military governments have failed to address these problems. Pakistan has a history of new government making promises to solve these problems. But, by the time they complete their terms or are dismissed by the President of overthrown by the army, the country is left with much bigger problems. Gen. Musharraf is in no different position than his predecessors. Pakistan is facing enormous problems and at this point there is no credible leader or political party in the country. Economy is in shamble and urgently needs international lending because of foreign exchange crunch. The Central Bank had to order the suspension of all foreign exchange transactions. The situation is so bad that foreign investors are not prepared to invest and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has also held back a tranche from a 1.65 billion dollar lending programme since July. It will take time for the military government to convince the international community to resume its lending. Another problem is corruption, which is so deep-rooted that a large portion of revenue earned by the state or financial assistance received from abroad, is mostly siphoned off by corrupt politicians, bureaucrats and even army officers. The growing Islamic militancy and its nexus with the security agencies and political parties is giving rise to sectarian conflict not only between militant Sunni and Shia organisations but also violent intra-Sunni feuds. The rise in militancy in the country also poses serious threat to neighbouring India, China, Afghanistan and the Central Asian Republics. Over a period, militancy was encouraged by successive governments in Pakistan to serve its own ambitions as well as western interests in the region. Pakistan never thought that a section of militants would strike at western interests in the region. The new military ruler has also promised that his army would rebuild national confidence and morale, strengthen the federation and depoliticise state institutions. It is a Herculean task that requires efficient administration, impartial judiciary and freedom of speech and expression. The army rulers may have succeeded temporarily in maintaining law and order but may not solve the wide-ranging problems of the people. This army rule has come at a time when the country is facing not only economic and political crisis but also increasing isolation in the international community and is almost dependent on the United States for its survival. Gen. Musharraf is trying to convince the Americans that the army can deliver what Nawaz Sharif failed to do. After an initial reluctance, the Clinton administration is now willing to deal with the new military rulers. The United States has its vested interest in the region and it believes that a 'moderate Islamic government' in Pakistan can safeguard its interests in South Asia, Central Asia and parts of Persian Gulf. The US administration has also discovered that Gen. Musharraf is showing signs of favouring the 'moderate path'. Therefore, despite opposition to army role, the United States has decided to pursue policy of 'engagement' with Islamabad rather than isolate it. It also acknowledges that Pakistan 'historically has been a friend of the US'. No matter how the United States justifies its dealings with the army rulers in Pakistan, the reality is Washington does not have much option but to deal with Gen. Musharraf, because Pakistan has developed nuclear and missile programme. Besides this, there are large numbers of anti-American Islamic militants spread throughout the region posing a grave threat to Western interests. The new administration in Pakistan understands very well that it can neither survive without taking US into confidence nor maintain its hostility with India. Therefore, it has no bargaining capacity and is willing to make peace with India. Gen. Musharraf is trying to sell to both, Washington as well as New Delhi that the army is the most powerful and credible institution in Pakistan and has the capacity to deliver whatever it promises and more importantly has the support of the people. Gen. Musharraf is a shrewd strategist. He sensed change in American mood but did not allow Nawaz Sharif to make peace with India at that time because that would have completely altered the situation. This would have only weakened the institution of the army, making it subservient to the civil administration-- a situation which was not acceptable to the army. Instead, he created Kargil, although he was well aware that Pakistan's army would not be able to maintain its hold over the strategic heights forever because of India's mounting pressure. He trapped Nawaz Sharif in his own game and despite US opposition, the army staged a coup. But soon after coming to power, Gen. Musharraf offered exactly what Nawaz Sharif had offered India and the United States. Gen. Musharraf may have succeeded in staging a coup and convincing the US administration to continue relations with his country, but so far, he has not been able to win over the leadership in India which is cautious towards the new set up in Pakistan and has not committed itself to the resumption of peace process. India had a lot of expectations from the Lahore Declaration but that was marred by Pakistan's military misadventure in Kargil. There is a deep skepticism here about the prospects of any meaningful dialogue with Islamabad. India would rather wait and watch how Gen. Musharraf deals with the militants in Pakistan. India believes that it is necessary for Islamabad to create a proper environment by stopping aid and training to Kashmiri militants. India is also not satisfied with Gen. Musharraf's decision to withdraw troops from the frontline positions along the international border. India has dismissed this as a 'meaningless' gimmick. Pakistan's economic conditions do not allow it to continue its military adventure in Kashmir and Afghanistan. The army rule is likely to further worsen the country's economy. The European Union and international donor agencies have imposed a freeze on lending to the military government. President Clinton may be willing to deal with the military regime but he cannot grant liberal economic assistance because of the US sanctions on Pakistan. Islamabad's allies in the Gulf are also facing economic problems and moreover they are no longer prepared to finance Islamabad's proxy war in Kashmir and Afghanistan. They have started doubting Pakistan's capability to deal with the situation in these places. Besides, they do not want to annoy their Western allies who are demanding that Pakistan stop cross border terrorism and Islamic militancy in the region. Therefore, Gen. Musharraf's top priority would be to make peace with India. Gen. Musharraf has succeeded in plotting a coup but it will not be easy for him to govern because of the failure of the system. The government institutions, politicised by successive governments, have almost lost their credibility. The Army on its own or with the help of select individuals cannot solve the problems of the country. The real problem is dealing with militants. It is another Afghanistan in the making- a fact Musharraf understands clearly, that is why he is focusing on strengthening the federation and getting rid of inter-provincial disharmony to restore national cohesion. PTI Feature |
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FM's priorities for
quickfix solutions The second generation of re forms is the talking point these days. The Government is very keen to push ahead with the reform agenda. Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha is naturally the toast of corporate India. He is not disappointing them with his "educative, business like discourses" - to quote Sudhir Jalan, the outgoing FICCI president. With his ears to the ground Sinha is better placed than some of his immediate predecessors to handle the task ahead. As he himself confessed before a who's who of the corporate world in the Capital the other day, his voters do not know what is a fiscal deficit. They want results "not tomorrow, today. They (people) are unwilling to wait for five years, ten years." Admittedly, Sinha's concern for the voters' interests is no sweet music to his audience in the airconditioned conference halls of the metros. They are looking for quickfix solutions, lower interest rate regime, lower tax regime, incentives for investments in the infrastructure sector and above all, flow of Government money into infrastructure to propel the economy to a higher trajectory. For this wish list to materialise, the Government has to slash the subsidies and cut down its own borrowings, which are carrying market determined interest rates for the past seven-eight years. Wasteful or unproductive expenditure that a Government often finds itself saddled with also needs to be pruned. Expenditure on administrative side is a wasteful item and it has gone up courtesy the United Front Government's willingness to accept the Pandian Commission recommendation on wage revision for Central employees only in part. The Commission, while calling for a steep hike in pay scales and increase in retirement age (to 60 years), spoke of the need to prune the bureaucracy. Both these steps should go hand in hand if one goes by the letter and spirit of the pay commission report. While the UF accepted the new pay scales and hiked them further to please various lobbies at work, the BJP-led NDA increased the retirement age to 60 years. Neither the present nor the previous Government attempted downsizing of the bureaucracy. In fact, the NDA regime has just created new ministries and new posts. That may be due to exigencies of coalition politics. There is nothing wrong per se in having a big ministry. More so since the overall size is within the ten per cent norm fixed by the Morarjibhai-led Administrative Reforms Commission more than three decades ago. The problem is that the Government's expenditure plans are bound to go haywire to the dismay of economists who prefer to remain true to the text-book they read and teach from. Be that as it may, what is really interesting in so far as the present Government goes is while it is conscious of the lack of its parliamentary majority to clear any controversial legislation, it has not given up the effort. The plethora of announcements about the impending "progressive legislation gives the impression that all is going to be hunky dory. Whether the impression is justified will be known when the IRA Bill, the FEMA Bill and Bank Denationalisation Bill survive in Parliament. From reports in the media and from the mood in the trade Union offices as also the camps known for their penchant to champion the status quo, this much is clear as of now: The country is entering a long winter of discontent unless statemanship is displayed in full measure to rise above the considerations of econometrics. Because the very purpose of reforms, in the words of the architect of first generation reforms, is to transform the society. P V Narasimha Rao did not get the credit due to him for that he had done in opening up the economy. For which the politics of the day is as much responsible as the emergence of passenger cars, televisions and refrigerators as the symbols of reform. From what he had said at the second Tata Memorial Lecture organised by the Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry (ASSOCHAM) the former Prime Minister appears to be duly conscious of the flip side to reforms in the public perception. Said Rao, "In my own assessment as a consequence of first generation of reforms, instead of a solid infrastructure, phenomenal multiplication has occurred in the manufacture of passenger cars, TVs and many other consumer items. While this may be good, it is not the basic philosophy of the Government behind the reforms". Admittedly, he was at his introspective best when he observed, "I want liberalisation to grow as a sturdy child; I look upon it almost with parental affection." Naturally, therefore, his strong plea that there should be an intensive lookback on the overall results and the benefits that had accrued to the people class-wise and section-wise, deserves attention not only from his successors on the Raisina Hills, but also from all students of economic reforms. Also worth paying heed to is his warning about the liberalisation and globalisation process benefitting only one kind of economy - the mainstream one-at the expense of the other, hitherto independent and insulated, minibarter village economy. From the public pronouncements so far, Yashwant Sinha appears to be too mindful of the danger zones ahead. He has not spelt out how he would try to skirt the potential minefield for his own survival and that of the ruling alliance, while ensuring sizeable and simultaneous benefits to the lower strata of people who wait for the trickle down. The just concluded national executive meeting of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has not thrown much light on how the party expects the Government to chart the new road map. What all one heard from the new leadership was the usual rhetoric about the need for hard decisions and to carry the masses along with the establishment in implementing the decisions. The quote P V Narasimha Rao once again, the package of economic reforms was conceived as a means to transform the society purely as a socio-political process than as a business policy or ploy. Sad part of the story at the end of eight long years of tryst with reforms is that the reform process is being considered as anything but socio-political process. At least as of now. At least, that is the general perception and impression! CNF |
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